Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2013
http://archive.org/details/northcarolinahis1950nort
THE
North Carolina
Historical Review
Issued Quarterly
Volume XXVII Numbers 1-4
JANUARY- OCTOBER
1950
Published by
STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY
Corner of Eden ton and Salisbury streets
Raleigh, N. C.
—4
THE NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL REVIEW
Published by the State Department of Archives and History
Raleigh, N. C.
Christopher Crittenden, Editor
David Leroy Corbitt, Managing Editor
ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD
Walter Clinton Jackson Albert Ray Newsome
Frontis Withers Johnston Douglas LeTell Rights
George Myers Stephens
STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY
Benjamin Franklin Brown, Chairman
Gertrude Sprague Carraway McDaniel Lewis
James Allan Dunn Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton
William Thomas Laprade Mrs. Callie Pridgen Williams
Christopher Crittenden, Director
This review was established in January, 1924, as a medium of publication
and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions
by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. The regular
price is $2.00 per year. To members of the State Literary and Historical
Association there is a special price of $1.00 per year. Back numbers may be
procured at the regular price of $2.00 per volume, or $.50 per number.
[ii]
The North Carolina
Historical Review
VOLUME XXVII
NUMBER 1, JANUARY, 1950
ONE HUNDRED YEARS OF TEXTILES IN SALEM. ... 1
Adelaide L. Fries
RALEIGH'S ACCOUNT OF GRENVILLE'S FIGHT
AT THE AZORES IN 1591 20
John H. Stibbs
THE SALEM BOARDING SCHOOL BETWEEN
1802 and 1822 32
Lucy Leinback Wenhold
THE PRODUCE LOANS : A MEANS OF FINANCING
THE CONFEDERACY 46
Richard C. Todd
BOOK REVIEWS 75
Henderson's The Campus of the First State University —
By Gilbert L. Lycan; Russell's The Woman Who
Rang the Bell: The Story of Cornelia Phillips Spencer —
By Frontis W. Johnston; Harden's The Devil's
Tramping Ground and Other North Carolina Mystery
Stories — By Paul Murray ; Davidson's Cloud Over Ca-
tawba — By Peirson Ricks; Osterweis's Romanticism
and Nationalism in the Old South — By Clement
Eaton ; Craven's The Southern Colonies in the Seven-
teenth Century, 1607-1689 — By Robert E. Moody;
Stroup's Humanistic Scholarship in the South. A Sur-
vey of Work in Progress — By Frontis W. Johnston;
Lively's The South in Action: A Sectional Crusade
Against Freight Rate Discrimination — By H. M. Nich-
olson; Gordon's Aesculapius Comes to the Colonies:
The Story of the Early Days of Medicine in the Thirteen
Original Colonies — By Hubert A. Royster; Billing-
ton's Westward Expansion: A History of the American
Frontier — By Sarah McCulloch Lemmon; Carter's
[mi
iv Contents
The Territory of Illinois, 1809-1814 — By J. MONAGHAN ;
Clark's Captain Dauntless — By Bennett H. Wall;
Gosnell's Guns on the Western Waters — By R. M.
Langdon; Fourteenth Annual Report of the Archivist
of the United States for the Year Ending June 30, 19 U8
and Ninth Annual Report of the Archivist of the United
States on the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park,
N. Y., for the Year Ending June 30, 19 U8 — By Preston
W. Edsall; Cuthbert's Lincoln and the Baltimore
Plot — By Henry T. Shanks ; Klingberg's Codrington
Chronicle: An Experiment in Anglican Altruism on a
Barbados Plantation, 17 10-183 U — BY LEONARD W. LAB-
aree ; Yoshpe's and Brower's Preliminary Inventory of
the Land-Entry Papers of the General Land Office —
By W. F. Burton ; Moore's Record of Commissions of
Officers in the Tennessee Militia, 1796-1811, Volume
I — By W. F. Burton; Way's The History of Grace
Church, Charleston, South Carolina: The First Hundred
Years — By James W. Patton; Drury's Old Illinois
Houses — By Armin Rappaport ; Stampp's Indiana Poli-
tics During The Civil War — By Armin Rappaport.
HISTORICAL NEWS 105
NUMBER 2, APRIL, 1950
AN ECONOMIC INTERPRETATION OF THE
RATIFICATION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION
IN NORTH CAROLINA. PART I. THE HILLSBORO
CONVENTION 119
William C. Pool
CONTEMPORARY EVIDENCE— SALEM
BOARDING SCHOOL, 1834-1844 142
Marian H. Blair
PAPERS FROM THE FORTY-NINTH ANNUAL
SESSION OF THE STATE LITERARY AND
HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, Raleigh, December 2, 1949
INTRODUCTION 162
Christopher Crittenden
FORT MACON: ITS HISTORY 163
Richard Schriver Barry
Contents v
A MYTHICAL MAYFLOWER COMPETITION:
NORTH CAROLINA LITERATURE IN THE HALF-
CENTURY FOLLOWING THE REVOLUTION 178
Roger Powell Marshall
THE BICENTENNIAL OF PRINTING IN NORTH
CAROLINA 193
William S. Powell
REVIEW OF NORTH CAROLINA BOOKS
OF THE YEAR 200
William T. Polk
A REPORTER REVIEWS FIFTY YEARS OF
NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY 205
William Thomas Bost
THE RESTORING OF COLONIAL WILLIAMSBURG. . 218
Thomas Jefferson Wertenbaker
NORTH CAROLINA BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1948-1949 233
Mary Lindsay Thornton
BOOK REVIEWS 246
Schauinger's William Gaston, Carolinian — By Paul
Murray ; King's Selective Service in North Carolina in
World War II — By Robert H. Woody; Stick's Fabu-
lous Dare: The Story of Dare County, Past and Present
— By Hugh T. Lefler ; Callaway's The Early Settle-
ment of Georgia — By Alice B. Keith ; Coulter's and
Saye's A List of the Early Settlers of Georgia — By
Paul Murray ; Kecher's and Dearstyne's Colonial Wil-
liamsburg, Its Buildings and Grounds: A Study of Vir-
ginia's Restored Capital — By Hugh T. Lefler; Sum-
mersell's Mobile: History of a Seaport Town — By
Weymouth T. Jordan; Newton's The Vermont Story:
A History of the People of the Green Mountain State,
17U9-19U9 — By Wlliam S. Powell; Silver's Edmund
Pendleton Gaines, Frontier General — By Jefferson
Davis Bragg; Wellman's Giant in Gray: A Biography
of Wade Hampton of South Carolina — By Henry T.
Shanks; Marshall's Elbridge A. Stuart, Founder of
Carnation Company — By Stuart Noblin ; Hart's The
American Presidency in Action, 1789: A Study in Con-
stitutional History — By Preston W. Edsall; Adam's
vi Contents
Album of American History: Volume V, Index — By
Carlton P. West ; Hiatt's and Nerboso's Preliminary
Inventory of the Records of the Maritime Labor Board
—By James W. Patton ; Martin's List of Documents
Concerning the Negotiation of Ratified Indian Treaties,
1801-1868 — By James W. Patton.
HISTORICAL NEWS 267
NUMBER 3, JULY, 1950
SALEM IN THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 277
Douglas LeTell Rights
AN ECONOMIC INTERPRETATION OF THE RATIFI-
CATION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION IN
NORTH CAROLINA. PART II. THE HILLSBORO
CONVENTION— THE ECONOMIC INTERESTS OF
THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS 289
William C. Pool
VIRGINIA ANTE-BELLUM RAILROAD DISPUTES
AND PROBLEMS 314
Charles W. Turner
LETTERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA TO
ANDREW JOHNSON 336
Elizabeth Gregory McPherson
BOOK REVIEWS 364
Odum's A North Carolina Naturalist, H. H. Brimley:
Selections from his Writings — By John D. Findlay;
Schultz's Nationalism and Sectionalism in South Caro-
lina, 1852-1860: A Study of the Movement for Southern
Independence — By Lillian A. Kibler ; Holland's The
Direct Primary in Georgia — By Paul Murray ; Thur-
low's and Berkeley's The Jefferson Papers of the
University of Virginia, A Calendar — By Gilbert L.
Lycan ; Coulter's The Confederate States of America,
1861-1865 — By Clement Eaton; Green's Essays in
Southern History, Presented to Joseph Gregoire de
Roulhac Hamilton — By Weymouth T. Jordan; Ows-
Contents vii
ley's Plain Folk of the Old South — By Cornelius 0.
Cathey ; Botkin's A Treasury of Southern Folklore —
By Fannie Memory Farmer ; Carter's The Territorial
Papers of the United States, Vol. XIV, The Territory of
Louisiana-Missouri, 1806-1 81 U — By Edwin Adams
Davis; Roelker's Benjamin Franklin and Catherine
Ray Greene: Their Correspondence, 1755-1790 — BY
Phillips Russell ; Atherton's The Southern Country
Store, 1800-1860 — By Stuart Noblin; Craven's and
Cate's The American Air Forces in World War II,
Volume II, Eurove — Torch to Pointblank, August 19 %2
to December 19US — By James F. Pinkney; Disposition
of Federal Records: How to Develop an Effective Pro-
gram for the Preservation and Disposal of Federal
Records — By E. G. Roberts.
HISTORICAL NEWS 382
NUMBER 4, OCTOBER, 1950
THE FOUNDING OF THE PETTIGREW
PLANTATIONS 395
Bennett H. Wall
ACADEMIC REQUIREMENTS OF SALEM COLLEGE
1854-1909 419
Ivy May Hixson
NEW PLANS AGAINST AN OLD BACKGROUND,
SALEM COLLEGE, 1866-1884 430
Howard E. Rondthaler
AN ECONOMIC INTERPRETATION OF THE
RATIFICATION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION
IN NORTH CAROLINA. PART III. THE
FAYETTEVILLE CONVENTION, 1789 437
William C. Pool
LETTERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA TO
ANDREW JOHNSON 462
Elizabeth Gregory McPherson
viii Contents
BOOK REVIEWS 491
Brooks's and Lefler's The Papers of Walter Clark, Vol-
ume II, 1902-1924 — By Frontis W. Johnston ; Long's
High Time to Tell It — By Richard Walser ; Rogers's
Tar Heel Women — By Curtis Carroll Davis ; Noblin's
Leonidas Lafayette Polk, Agrarian Crusader — By
Avery Craven ; Folk's A Catalogue of the Library of
Charles Lee Smith — By R. B. Downs ; Schlegel's Vir-
ginia on Guard: Civilian Defense and the State Militia
in the Second World War — By Tinsley L. Spraggins ;
Heller's Virginia's State Government during the Sec-
ond World War: Its Constitutional, Legislative, and Ad-
ministrative Adaptations, 1943-1945 — By James W.
Patton; Harwell's Confederate Music — By Nell
Hines Harris ; Eaton's A History of the Old South —
By R. S. Cotterill ; Key's and Heard's Southern Poli-
tics in State and Nation — By Preston W. Edsall;
Koch's Jefferson and Madison, The Great Collabora-
tion — By D. H. Gilpatrick ; Boyd's, Butterfield's, and
Bryan's The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume I,
1760-1776 — By Gilbert L. Lycan; Dillistin's Bank
Note Reporters and Counterfeit Detectors, 1826-1866 —
By George P. Geoghegan, Jr.
HISTORICAL NEWS 515
CONTENTS OF THE LAST THREE NUMBERS
JANUARY, 1950
One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem Adelaide l. Fries
Raleigh's Account of Grenville's Fight at the Azores
IN 1591 John H. Stibbs
The Salem Boarding School Between 1802
AND 1822 Lucy Leinback Wenhold
The Produce Loans : A Means of Financing the
Confederacy Richard c. Todd
Book Reviews
Historical News
APRIL, 1950
An Economic Interpretation of the Ratification of
the Federal Constitution in North Carolina. Part
I. The Hillsboro Convention William c. Pool
Contemporary Evidence — Salem Boarding School,
1834-1844 Marian H. Blair
Papers from the Forty-ninth Annual Session of the
State Literary and Historical Association, Ral-
eigh, December 2, 1949
INTRODUCTION Christopher Crittenden
Fort Macon : Its History Richard SchHver Barry
A Mythical Mayflower Competition: North Caro-
lina Literature in the Half-century Following
THE REVOLUTION Roger Powell Marshall
The Bicentennial of Printing in North
Carolina wnnam s. Powell
Review of North Carolina Books of
THE YEAR William T. Polk
A Reporter Reviews Fifty Years of North Carolina
HISTORY William Thomas Bost
The Restoring of Colonial
WILLIAMSBURG Thomas Jefferson Wertenbaker
North Carolina Bibliography, 1948-1949 Mary Lindsay Thornton
Book Reviews
Historical News
x Contents
JULY, 1950
Salem in the War Between the States. . .Douglas LeTeii Rights
An Economic Interpretation of the Ratification of
the Federal Constitution in North Carolina.
Part II. The Hillsboro Convention — The Economic
Interests of the Anti-Federalists William c. Pool
Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes
AND PROBLEMS Charles W. Turner
Letters from North Carolina to Andrew
JOHNSON Elizabeth Gregory McPherson
Book Reviews
Historical News
The North Carolina
Historical Review
Volume XXVII JANUARY, 1950 Number 1
ONE HUNDRED YEARS OF TEXTILES IN SALEM
By Adelaide L. Fries*
On the sixth day of October, 1766, the first room was finished
in the first house on the main street of Salem, North Carolina,
and Gottfried Praezel moved into it and set up his loom. 1 Two
weeks later the boy Johannes Flex went to him as an appren-
tice, to learn to weave linen. 2
The site for the town of Salem, to be erected by members of
the Moravian Church in North Carolina, had been selected the
preceding year, 3 but building did not commence until the early
spring of 1766, 4 so the story of textiles in Salem actually begins
with the beginning of the town.
No claim is made that this was the first loom in piedmont
Carolina. The scattered settlers were dependent on themselves
for most of the necessary things of life, and here and there
some enterprising farmer set up a loom in his humble, frontier
home, weaving the yarn which was spun by wife or daughter
into the ever necessary cloth for clothing. That this is so is
proved by the fact that in the spring of 1758 one of the men
living at Bethabara (the first Moravian village in North
Carolina) spent a week roaming the country on horseback,
searching for linen cloth, a trip from which he returned tri-
umphantly with eighty yards. 5
Preparations for producing their own supply had been begun
in Bethabara three years earlier, for two crops of flax were
raised in 1755, 6 only a little more than a year after the first
arrival of the Brethren. The men planted the flaxseed; when
* Dr. Fries died Nov. 29, 1949.
1 Bethabara, N. C, diary, Oct. 10, 1766. Unless otherwise indicated, all items cited are in the
Archives of the Moravian Church South, Winston-Salem, N. C.
2 Bethabara diary, Oct. 20, 1766.
3 Bethabara diary, Feb. 14, 1765.
* Bethabara diary, Jan. 6, 1766.
5 Bethabara diary, May 6, 1758.
* Bethabara diary, June 26, September 19, 1755.
83438
2 The North Carolina Historical Review
the plants were ready the women pulled them up and retted
them. It is to be hoped that the men did the work of breaking
the flax, for the flax-brake in the Museum of the Wachovia
Historical Society is so heavy that no woman should have been
allowed to handle it, even with the strength for manual labor
which they then possessed. Anyone could have used the
zwingpe; but one can hardly imagine the long-skirted ladies
of the middle eighteenth century sitting astride the bench into
which the long iron teeth of the hackle were fixed. Spinning,
of course, was woman's work, but in the earlier years the Mo-
ravian men seem to have done the weaving.
The name of the first weaver in Bethabara does not appear
in the diary. Among the men who arrived in Bethabara in
November, 1753, there was one, John Lischer, who knew how
to weave linen, but his particular job was to go backward and
forward between Pennsylvania and North Carolina, carrying
messages and showing the road to newcomers, and he was
north on such a trip 7 when the first loom was set up in that
village on March 28, 1758, and he had not returned when
weaving was begun two months later. 8 Thread for the loom
was doubtless ready, for the women had been spinning indus-
triously; indeed it was nearly a year since they had treated
themselves to a gathering, half social and half religious, which
they called a spinners lovefeast. 9
Neither Gottfried Praezel nor his apprentice had taken part
in this early textile work in Bethabara, for both had come
to North Carolina only a short time before the first loom was
set up in Salem. 10 Praezel brought his handicraft with him,
which was entirely consistent with the custom in the Moravian
settlement (called Wachovia) , for they seldom imported things,
preferring to bring from overseas the men who could make
the things.
In 1769 Praezel was given another apprentice, Gottlieb Scho-
ber, 11 a lad of thirteen years, who had been at school in Naza-
reth, Pennsylvania, and came south to grow up with the new
settlement as did other boys, and girls also.
7 Bethabara diary, March 28 to July 21, 1758.
8 Bethabara diary, May 23, 1758.
Bethabara diary, March 3, 1757.
10 Praezel reached Bethabara, Jan. 30, 1766. Flex and seven other boys arrived Oct. 11,
1766.
"Memoir of Gottlieb Shober.
One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 3
The communal life of Bethabara, so well adapted to the
needs of the frontier, had ceased to be necessary, and was not
carried over into the new, central town of Salem. In Salem,
from the start, each man had his own business, under the gen-
eral supervision of church boards which functioned also as a
town committee, looking after all the matters now committed to
a board of aldermen and the officials appointed by them. 12
The Brothers House was a hive of industry after it was
finished and occupied in 1769. There lived the unmarried men
of the town, there each carried on his own handicraft, and
from there each married, set up his own home, and carried on
as citizen and master craftsman. A catalog of the Single Breth-
ren, that is the unmarried men of Salem, dated April, 1782, 13 lists
forty-nine names and shows twenty-two separate and distinct
crafts carried on by the owners of those names. The number
of men in each craft varied. There were four shoemakers,
three tailors, two carpenters, and one saddle-maker, for ex-
ample, but the linen weavers topped the list with six: Adam
Koffler, James Hurst, Johannes Flex, Christoph Reich, Johann
Michael Seitz, and John Lischer. Gottfried Praezel had aban-
doned his loom to enter the ministry, and had become the treas-
urer of Salem congregation. Gottlieb Schober had become a
maker of buckskin breeches, a school teacher, and by 1782 was
a tinsmith. (Incidentally it may be noted that in the course of
a long life Gottlieb Schober tried at least twenty-three trades
and professions, and did rather well with all of them!)
During the next twelve years things changed with these
men, and by the time that the catalog of 1794 14 was written
not one of them was weaving. Change of craft, change of
residence, old age, and even death 15 had come into their ranks,
and the only man listed as a weaver in Salem was Gottlieb
Byhan, who, however, was then employed as a baker. 16
But the women came to the rescue of the textile industry,
and about the time that the men were giving up weaving the
women developed it as a business.
When Salem was begun the Single Sisters, that is the un-
married women, had their quarters in the south part of the
12 Minute books in Salem Moravian Archives.
18 Filed in Salem Moravian Archives.
14 Filed in Salem Moravian Archives.
15 James Hurst died Dec. 15, 1794.
M Report to the Unity Vorsteher Collegium, Aug. 31, 1796.
4 The North Carolina Historical Review
Gemein Haus, 17 a temporary measure until a Sisters House
could be built. Brick and lumber were prepared for this, but
in January, 1784, the Salem tavern burned, and the Sisters
had to permit the use of their materials for the erection of a
new tavern. 18 Their turn finally came in the following year,
and a good brick house was built, with the necessary out-
buildings, among them a weave-shed. This was a fairly large,
one-story, frame house, standing in the yard behind the Sisters
House.
A set of books was opened for the Sisters House and its
various activities, 19 and at one time the bookkeeper was paid
a salary of £10 a year. 20 From the ledger, and especially from
the journal, information can be drawn which is entirely lacking
in regard to the weaving done by the Salem men; and in the
Salem catalog of 1794 the names appear of five women employed
in that handicraft: Mary Ellrod, Mary Ann Peddycoard, Anna
Elisabeth Hauser, Johanna Dorothea Broesing, and Catharine
Elisabeth Vogler.
The books begin with April 30, 1786, and one of the first
items in the journal records the purchase of four pounds of
flax, at lsh. 6d. a pound. 21 There is nothing to indicate who
raised the flax which was spun and woven in the Sisters House.
In Bethabara flax did well 22 in the low land along the Grosse
Johanna, 23 as they called the little stream flowing between the
village and the graveyard hill, but there is nothing to indicate
that the meadows along the Wach (Salem Creek) were used in
that way. Probably the soil did not suit flax, for the Salem
meadows furnished the clay used by the potter and the brick-
makers. Yet a good deal of flax must have been raised locally,
for flaxseed accumulated and linseed oil was made in the
neighborhood 24 and was sometimes exported.
In the Sisters House ledger a separate account was opened-
for the Weberey (the weaving business), and this was supple-
mented in the journal entries, which gave more details.
17 Marshall's report to the Unity Elders Conference, Aug. 31, 1769.
18 Salem diary, Jan. 31, 1784.
19 On file in Salem Moravian Archives.
20 Journal, 309.
21 Journal, 2.
22 Reuter's "Remarks on Herbs and Flowers," Adelaide L. Fries, ed., Records of the Mo-
ravians in North Carolina, II (Raleigh, 1925), 573.
23 See contemporary maps.
24 Aufseher Collegium minutes, Feb. 12, 1784.
One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 5
Immediately a loom already in place was cleaned and its
harness repaired, the cost being 5sh. 4d. for work on both. 25
Brushes and harness were bought on the 1st of June, 26 and
£1 :12 :6 was paid for 5 lbs. of twisted linen yarn. 27
In the Sisters House there were women who supported them-
selves in full or in part by spinning, so that craft was separate
from the weaving. The Weberey, however, bought 10*4 lbs. of
"sheep wool," paying 2sh. a pound for it, 28 and then paid for
having it spun. 29
From the House kitchen 9 lbs. of flour was bought, at lsh.
6d. per pound, 30 presumably for use in making sizing for the
warp. There are frequent entries of the purchase from the
kitchen of candles, at lsh. per pound, 31 so evidently the indus-
trious women wove by candlelight.
Another item shows the receipt of £1 :6 :8 for the weaving of
32 yds. of linen. 32
By the end of the first fiscal year the Weberey had made a
profit of £2:13:2, 33 no large sum, but it must be remembered
that the purchasing power of money in 1786 was many times
as great as it is today. In 1788 and 1789 there were deficits of a
few shillings, but otherwise the balance was always on the right
side even when it was small. The largest profit recorded was
£14 in 1791. 34
In June, 1787, a loom was bought for £3:2:8, 35 and another
was added in November of the same year. 36 Two years later
an additional loom "and everything that went with it" was
bought for £9:12:9, 37 and two months later shuttles, a "spool-
wheel," and slays were bought, 38 doubtless the better to equip
the other looms.
Various entries in the journal show the relative prices of
materials used in the Weberey. Flax was bought for lsh. 6d.
25 Journal, 2.
26 Journal, 3.
27 Journal, 4.
28 Journal, 4.
29 Journal, 6.
80 Journal, 5.
81 Journal, 8.
82 Journal, 6.
33 Journal, 15.
34 Ledger, 48.
85 Journal, 17,
88 Journal, 21.
87 Ledger, 48.
88 Ledger, 48,
6 The North Carolina Historical Review
per pound, 39 wool for 2sh., 40 and cotton for 2sh. 6d. 41 The
higher cost of cotton is natural, for before the invention of
the cotton gin cotton was a garden crop, raised along with the
beans and cucumbers. 42 Some cotton was brought to Salem by
neighbors to be used in barter ; 43 and in 1789, when Mrs. Chris-
tian Lewis Benzien sent two pairs of knitted gloves to friends
in Pennsylvania, she said in the accompanying letter that the
cotton had grown in her garden and that she herself had knitted
the gloves. 44 Hand-knitted gloves are not exactly textiles and
neither are stockings, but it may be noted in passing that, in
1787, 7sh. was paid in the Sisters House for the knitting of a
pair of common stockings, 45 which were sold soon after for
12sh. 46
Another entry, characteristic of the period, records the
spinning of candle-wick yarn. 47
The weaving done was not limited to one variety of cloth.
Some of the woven linen was bleached 48 to improve its ap-
pearance. In 1787 one and a half yards of striped cloth was
sold for 6sh. 9d. 49 The stripes were probably blue. In earlier
years Salem sent yarn to Pennsylvania to have it dyed with
indigo, 50 but this was expensive and took much time, so in 1780
Johannes Schaub, Jr., of Bethabara, went to Bethelem, Penn-
sylvania, to learn indigo dyeing. On his return he set up a
dye vat in Bethabara. 51 In 1784 Schaub was asked if he
could not charge less for dyeing. He replied that as he had to pay
14sh. for indigo a reduction was not possible. 52 In 1788 Abra-
ham Loesch, of Salem, went north to learn how to dye and full
cloth; 53 and by 1791 he had so much work that he could not
attend to it all, so the Single Brethren began to dye what
they needed for their own weaving. 54 The Single Sisters seem
39 Ledger, 20.
40 Journal, 4.
41 Ledger, 32.
42 Bethabara diary, May 11, 1781.
48 Salem Aeltesten Conferenz minutes, Jan. 6, 1789.
"Letter dated Salem, March 15, 1798.
48 Journal, 24.
*• Ledger, 32.
47 Ledger, 20.
"Ledger. 32.
4 » Ledger, 20.
"Letter, Graff to Seidel, dated Salem, June 28, 1780.
61 Memorabilia of Wachovia, 1780.
62 Bethabara diary, May 24, 1784.
58 Aeltesten Conferenz minutes, Jan. 9, 1788.
54 Aufseher Collegium minutes, July 19, 1791.
One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 7
to have taken that step earlier, for in December, 1787, there is
record of the purchase of indigo and a dye-pot. 55
Other entries in 1787 show a charge for weaving "half -linen,"
and the sale of IOV2 yards of half -linen for £2:10:9. 56 There
is no statement as to what was used with the flax, but there
may be a clue in an item of cash paid "for cotton and flax spin-
ning and twisting." 57 In the same year bedticking was woven 58
and £1 :9 :6 was paid for weaving 29 % yards of diaper cloth, 59
of which 12 yds. were sold for £1 :16. 60
The reference to bedticking is repeated at intervals, and
there is also mention of a tablecloth for the kitchen, 61 necker-
chiefs, 62 fustian, 63 muslin, 64 lining material, 65 and cloth with
striped edges. 66 Those edges may have been indigo blue, or
they may have been Turkey red, for late in 1789 the purchase
of "Turkish yarn" is reported, 67 perhaps brought from Charles-
ton, South Carolina, since madder was not raised in Wachovia.
But as with the Brethren so with the Sisters the passing
years brought changes, and at the beginning of 1805 68 the
minutes of the Auseher Collegium wail that "the Single Sisters
will have to give up their Weberey for lack of willing and
skilful weavers. It is much to be wished that a way may be
found to continue this industry."
In this same year of 1805 a man came to Salem asking that
he be given the job of equipping one of the looms with a "flying
shuttle," saying that "it would enable one person to do the work
of two, and with less strain on the health." 69 The boards and the
Sisters agreed, however, that the expense was too great for
what they would get out of it, and so the proffered improvement
was not undertaken.
One interesting custom of which glimpses appear in the ex-
pense account must not be omitted, and that is the Nachtessen, 70
the night lunch, for the Sisters in the weave-room. Expenditure
65 Ledger, 20.
58 Ledger, 20.
57 Journal, 28.
68 Ledger, 20.
C9 Ledger, 20.
w Ledger, 32.
81 Ledger, 61.
« 2 Ledger, 52.
63 Ledger, 51.
"Ledger, 52.
esLederer, 116.
69 Ledger, 187.
67 Ledger, 51.
68 Jan. 22, 1805.
69 Aeltesten Conferenz, Jan. 22, 1805; Aufseher Collegium, Sept. 8, 1805.
70 Ledger, 65.
8 The North Carolina Historical Review
for this night lunch appears repeatedly during the later years
of the Weberey, but unfortunately the viands furnished are not
specified.
On April 30, 1807, the Weberey account was closed into the
Arbeit (work) account; 71 and that in turn was closed into the
kitchen account, which took over two remaining looms and a
small amount of material.
That the kitchen account was used for the dumping ground
is not as ridiculous as it seems, for by 1807 the kitchen had
become the most important business carried on in the Sisters
House. In 1802 the church boards had decided to open a board-
ing department in connection with the girls' day school, which
had been in existence in Salem for thirty years. Many requests
had come from outsiders asking that their daughters be al-
lowed to share the educational advantages of the Salem girls,
and in 1802 it was decided to arrange for them. The first
outside pupils arrived in 1803 and were quartered in the Gemein
Haus until the schoolhouse was finished. When the school
moved into the new house in 1804 it was brought next door to
the Sisters House, and the women living there agreed to provide
the meals for the boarding pupils. At first this was a relatively
small matter, but the number of boarders steadily increased,
requiring more teachers, generally taken from residents in the
Sisters House, and also requiring more food and more service
in the way of laundry, sewing, and mending.
Weaving was not dropped entirely. There are entries show-
ing that from time to time weavers were secured, who were
paid for making bedticking. That is the only type of cloth
mentioned, although other varieties may be included in the re-
peated, laconic entry: "for weaving." There are few entries
of sales, so apparently the work was done for use in the Sisters
House. In 1811 another loom was bought, 72 and until about
1820 there are occasional entries of payment for weaving, but
nothing of importance or informative.
In 1812 Gottlieb Byhan at last set up his loom in the basement
of a small house adjoining his cottage ; 73 but before many years
had passed he was again called to other work. In 1822 a young
man, Michael Rank, came from Lititz, Pennsylvania, hoping to
71 Ledger, 135.
78 Journal, 292.
78 Aeltesten Conferenz, Nov. 25, 1812.
One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 9
be able to establish himself in Salem as a weaver of linen and da-
mask. 74 There was no weaver in Salem under whom he could work
as a journeyman, so temporary arrangements were made for him
in the Brothers House; 75 but after a short time he returned to
Lititz, where he became a physician after studying medicine
with the father of the girl he married. 76
It was in 1792 or 1793 that Eli Whitney invented the cotton
gin, but use of the new contrivance developed slowly. That it
gradually brought a demand for a larger supply of cotton may
be inferred from a statement in one of the Salem minute books 77
in April, 1806, which mentions that "some of our neighbors are
trying to raise cotton this year," and it was suggested that if
this attempt proved successful it might be well to make a cotton
plantation at the new sawmill east of Salem on a small stream
called the Brushy Fork. As nothing more is said about a Mora-
vian cotton plantation the results of the trial were apparently
not encouraging.
In 1808 one of the Salem boards 78 recorded the fact that "there
is a report that Mr. Eberhardt is building a machine for spin-
ning cotton," the machine to be used in his own family. Again
the absence of further comment indicates failure.
The first successful effort to use machinery in connection with
the textile industry came in 1815. Van Nieman Zevely was a
native of South Carolina, and he had come to Salem as a boy. 79
He was a cabinet maker by training, but when he married the
daughter of Gottlieb Schober he moved to the paper-mill which
Schober had built just west of Salem, and there for a while he
superintended the making of paper. From there he and his
family moved to land he had bought north of Salem. About
where the North Cherry Street Extension crosses Peters Creek
he built a dam and there installed a wool-carding machine, run
by water power. 80 There he continued custom carding for a
number of years, his business often interrupted by absence from
home, for he became interested in the neglected residents in the
mountains of southern Virginia. He visited them frequently,
giving them the Gospel message. At first he was spurned, and
7 *Aeltesten Conferenz, Oct. 16, 1822.
75 Aufseher Collegium, Oct. 28, 1822.
76 Lititz graveyard catalog.
77 Heifer Conferenz furs Ganze, April 14, 1806.
78 Aeltesten Conferenz, July 6, 1808.
79 Memoir on file in Salem Moravian Archives.
80 Salem Memorabilia, 1815.
10 The North Carolina Historical Review
then he was welcomed, and the account of one and another of his
trips 81 makes good reading — or would if the script were better!
Zevely finally sold his Peters Creek property to Edward Belo,
who turned the mill into a foundry.
In November, 1827, the eighteen-year-old Rudolph Christ re-
turned to Salem from Lititz, Pennsylvania, where he had been
trained as a weaver and dyer. As he was not of age and could
not be recognized as a master craftsman it was arranged that
he should work at his trade under the guardianship of his
father, 82 though Christ, Sr., was a master potter. In 1835, how-
ever, the young man went to Tennessee, where for a number of
years he was a clerk in a store. He finally returned to Salem,
and in a catalog of 1850 he is listed as a merchant.
Steam power for driving machinery came to Salem in 1837.
The preceding year some of the men of Salem organized the
Salem Cotton Manufacturing Company, lured thereto by the
reports that other cotton mills were getting as high as twenty
per cent on their investments. 83
At a preliminary meeting articles of association were drawn
up, the amount of stock to be issued was fixed at $50,000 with
the stock at $200 per share, and subscription books for the stock
were opened. 84
The stock was quickly subscribed, thirty stockholders taking
from one to fifty shares each. Dr. Frederic Schuman was the
largest individual subscriber, taking fifty shares. Church of-
ficials, in charge of church funds, saw in the movement a chance
for profitable investment and an opportunity to bring a new
industry to the town, and they also subscribed liberally. 85
The first meeting of the stockholders was held on July 9, 1836,
in the concert hall. 86 It was agreed that the site for the factory
should be in the western edge of Salem, south of the New Shal-
lowford Street; 87 and the church boards agreed to sell them the
land for a reasonable sum, and also agreed to give them a fee-
simple deed to the property, although all other land in that
neighborhood was still held under lease. 88 It was decided to
81 On file in Salem Moravian Archives.
^Aufseher Collegium, Nov. 12, 1827.
ssAufseher Collegium, July 6 and 18, 1836.
84 Salem Cotton Manufacturing Company, general meetings, 1.
85 General meetings, 4.
86 General meetings, 6.
87 Now Brookstown Avenue, at south end of Cherry Street.
w Aufseher Collegium, July 18, 1836.
One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 11
have a building committee of five men, and John Vogler and
Jacob Blum were elected and were told to choose the other three,
selecting men who would know most about such matters. They
chose Emanuel Schober, Henry Leinbach, and Francis Fries.
Under the supervision of this committee a substantial building
was erected with a foundation of rough stone laid in lime mortar
and brick walls above. Houses were built for the families
to be employed, and boarding houses for the single men and
women who would be needed, also two good brick houses on
lots across the street, in which the agent and chief machinist
were to live. A certain Danforth, "who brought the factory at
Greensboro into operation," gave them helpful advice. Water
was brought from the springs northwest of Salem which form-
erly had supplied the waterworks of the town. 89
In March, 1837, a charter was secured and was accepted by
the stockholders. Directors were to be elected annually, and
the members of the building committee were elected dirctors
for the first term. Jacob Blum was elected president, and
Francis Fries became agent and general superintendent. 90
In 1838 an engine was bought in Baltimore, 91 and after some
delay it reached Salem and was installed. It was estimated
that twelve cords of wood per week would be needed to fire the
engine, 92 so a large tract of woodland north of Salem was bought
from the church boards. Spindles were put into operation as
fast as the workers could be taught the art of machine spinning.
There was such a good market for yarn that it was some time
before enough could be spared to supply the thirty-six looms.
The minutes note that "the weaving room requires only grown
females." 93
In view of the character of the stockholders it is natural that
they had regard for the spiritual and moral welfare of the
people who worked for them. A Sunday school was established
for the children of the families on "Factory Hill," and in March,
1838, the company made a cash donation for the purchase of
Sunday school books. 94
88 S. C. M. Co., general meetings, 7, 17, 18, 22, 23; directors' meetings, March 6,
April 3, June 19, 1838.
90 General meetings, 8; directors' meeting, March 31, 1838.
91 General meetings, 17, 18, 19.
92 General meetings, 20.
93 General meetings, 22.
94 General meetings, 31; directors' meeting, May 8, 1838.
12 The North Carolina Historical Review
In 1839 an "apparent profit" of over $7,000 was turned into
a sinking fund, 95 and this action was repeated after each semi-
annual report was rendered. There is only one mention of a
dividend to the stockholders. In 1841 a three per cent dividend
was declared, over the protest of President Schuman, but the
resolution was rescinded at the next meeting of the board of
directors, since the reports then were not encouraging. 96
In February, 1840, all the directors resigned, although their
terms had not expired. Francis Fries also resigned and evi-
dently sold his stock, since he no longer attended meetings,
either in person or by proxy. No reason is given in the minutes
for the resignations. New directors were at once elected. 97
Thomas Siddall, chief machinist, was made superintendent of
the factory, 98 and a young man from Salem was employed as
clerk to keep the books. He was utterly inexperienced, and lasted
less than one year, leaving various problems behind him, 99 and
for the first time the semiannual report showed a deficit. 100
This loss was not all the fault of the young clerk. So many
cotton factories had been erected in North Carolina that the
local market was glutted with yarn, 101 and the Salem Company
began to ship to consignees in Philadelphia. 102 In 1841 the
"embarrassed situation" of the first consignee caused a draft
on him, in payment for new machinery, to come back pro-
tested. 103
To add to the perplexity of the directors the Bank in Salem
refused additional loans. 104 The company had started with too
small a capital, and most of the time had to borrow money to
buy cotton. 105 This meant continually increasing liabilities and
large interest charges. To meet the situation the larger stock-
holders guaranteed loans secured from private individuals. 106
Another element of loss was the barter system then in vogue.
Much of the yarn and "domesticks" sold locally was by barter,
not for cash. Feathers and wool and tow linen accumulated,
85 General meetings, 32.
96 Directors' meeting, March 30, 1841.
97 General meetings, 36.
98 General meetings, 33; directors', May 10, 1842.
09 Directors' meeting, March 13, 1840; Jan. 29, Feb. 1, Oct. 20, 1841.
100 Directors' meeting, Oct. 30, 1841.
M1 General meetings, 21.
i° 2 Directors' meeting, Nov. 2, 1838; Sept. 13, 1841.
103 Directors' meeting, June 21, 1841.
104 Directors' meeting, March 25, 1841.
i° B Directors' meeting, Feb. 8, May 8, Sept. 29, 1838; Jan. 21, 1839, etc.
106 Directors' meeting, Dec. 1, 1840.
One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 13
deteriorated when not sold promptly, and were usually disposed
of at a loss. Feathers, beeswax, and tallow were considered the
safest articles to be taken in barter. 107 A smokehouse was built
at the factory to take care of bacon received in the same way. 108
Factory hands were constantly changing and were inex-
perienced and unreliable. 109 The men employed as supervisors
or agents were changed several times and were evidently not
efficient. 110 Credit was given recklessly, and when the panic
came there were losses from accounts scattered widely over
Tennessee and Virginia. 111 Their best consignee in Philadelphia
went down in the "money panic," causing another large loss. 112
One incident of the period deserves notice. On October 26,
1841, the directors asked President Schuman to write to other
cotton factories and suggest a conference, hoping to secure
united action on prices of cotton and cotton products. The
suggestion was accepted, and a convention was called for June
2, 1842, at Lexington. 113 The company minutes do not show
any definite results gained, but the attempt is interesting.
The minutes of the following years make rather dismal
reading, but as a rule the accounts showed a small gain. In
October, 1845, for example, the profit was divided between the
interest account and the sinking fund ; but $12,000 was borrowed
for the purpose of buying cotton. By September, 1846, the
nominal value of the stock had fallen to $30 per share. 114
By April, 1847, "liabilities had been increased to an alarming
extent," and Constantine L. Banner, then the agent, was sent
to Philadelphia to see what he could collect from former con-
signees there. In the same month the directors recorded
their dissatisfaction because Banner was employing four adult
and three youthful slaves in the factory. They belonged to
him, and he was collecting rather large sums for their work. 115
The directors preferred white employees, and had planned "from
the first that blacks were to be employed only in the picking
room/' 116
*>t Directors' meeting, Feb. 13, 1841 ; April 7, 1843 ; Dec. 16, 1852.
108 Directors' meeting, Oct. 15, 1844.
i° 9 Directors' meeting, Feb. 7, July 21, 1838; Aug. 15, 1839; Sept. 22, 1846.
330 Directors' meeting, Feb. 23, Sept. 13, Nov. 3, 1841; May 18, Aug. 25, 1842; Oct. 2, 1844;
Jan. 31, 1849.
111 Directors' meeting, Sept. 22, 1846; Jan. 25, June 24, 1853; Jan. 9, March 4, 1854.
^Directors' meeting, May 11, 1842; May 26, Sept. 22, 1846; April 13, 1847.
118 Directors' meeting, Oct. 26, 1841; May 11, 1842.
u * Directors' meeting, Sept. 22, 1846.
115 Directors' meeting, April 22, 1847.
U6 Director's meeting, July 21, 1838; April 26, 1847.
14 The North Carolina Historical Review
The beginning of the end came in September, 1847. There
was too much yarn on hand; the mill was stopped for a while;
and Banner was sent out again to collect debts, in which he
was not very successful. 117
As each discouraging report came in the directors tried to
explain it to themselves. On January 31, 1849, they entered
in the minutes the statement: "Owing to erection of a number
of cotton factories in western part of the state the trade in
coarse yarn has been overstocked.' ' By July 3, 1849, the direc-
tors had become convinced "that the establishment must be
sold, and without much delay."
In April, 1850, a public sale of the land, houses, and "fixed ma-
chinery" was advertised, and the directors set the minimum
price they would accept as $20,000. Only $19,000 was bid at
the sale, and the offer was rejected. 118
On February 3, 1852, it was entered in the minutes that sale
of the property was difficult "because we are situated beyond
the limits of the cotton growing country, and because our factory
is propelled by steam."
By January, 1854, the situation had become so desperate 119
that the directors decided on a second public sale, the property
to be released at whatever it would bring. 120 The sale was held
on March 21, and the property was bid in by John Morehead,
of Greensboro, at less than half the amount that was refused
at the first sale. The cloth on hand was placed with one of the
Salem stores to be sold on commission. Francis Fries bought
the mill supplies that were not included in the sale to More-
head. 121
The position taken by the larger stockholders was most hon-
orable. 122 After it became known how far short the receipts
would be they put in enough more money to cover all claims
of non-stockholding creditors. One account extant is represen-
tative of all of them : 123
April, 1855. Stock investment 7,000.00
Money loaned and debts assumed . . . 9,006.92
Account current 207.12%
Total loss .$16,214.0414
117 Directors' meeting, Sept. 22, 1846.
us Directors* meeting, Dec. 8, 1849; April 2, April 23, 1850.
ii9 Directors' meeting, May 8, 1849; Aug. 15, 1850; Feb. S, 1852.
120 Directors* meeting, Jan. 9, 1854.
vn Directors' meeting, March 24, May 8, 1854.
122 Directors' meeting, Feb. 5, 1853; May 24, 1854.
128 Salem Congregation Journal, April, 1855.
One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 15
The story of the wool mill is quite different. Francis Fries
made his plans in the fall of 1839, before he resigned from the
cotton factory. Not much wool was raised locally, so he planned
only a small mill, run by steam, in which he would card and
spin the wool, the weaving to be done by the slaves on his
father's farm near Salem. He also planned to use slaves to
run the machines in the mill, and after much discussion the
church board agreed that employing a Negro to run a machine
was not teaching him a handicraft and that it was therefore
not against the rules of the town and would not establish a
precedent. The site selected was an ' 'out-lot" at the northwest
corner of New Shallowford and Salt streets, about half way
between Main Street and the cotton factory. It was believed
that this was sufficiently far from town to avoid annoyance
from the Negroes and from the smoke of the engine. 124
As soon as he left the cotton factory, Francis Fries began work
on his new project. For some years he kept a mill diary, 125 which
gives a most interesting picture of what went on. Here the owner
was also the superintendent, the foreman, and the best workman
among them. No work was too menial or too hard. "Father's
boys," that is the slave men, came and went from farm to mill
and back to the farm under his direction. He helped to lay the
rough stone for the foundation of the mill house, assisted by
younger brother Henry, father-in-law John Vogler, another man
who was a professional mason, and Al, a slave. A bit later "self
and hands raise inside and outside scaffolding to save brick-
layers time," the scaffolding being built with poles which had
been cut in the woods.
The brick walls were built, a tile roof was placed, the engine
was installed by "Mr. Vogler, Henry and self," the first machin-
ery was made ready, and on July 21, 1840, the energetic owner
"got to carding in good earnest, and toward evening carded the
first custom lot." On August 31 the entry is: "Several pretty
heavy lots of wool came in that are to be carded immediately.
Card all night, Henry, myself, and Allis [a Negro] taking it turn
about."
Spinning began on October 31, but custom carding continued
to be the chief business, especially directly after sheep-shearing
12 *Aufseher Collegium minutes, Oct. 25, Nov. 1, 21, 22, 1839.
125 On file in Salem Moravian Archives.
16 The North Carolina Historical Review
time. When demand for yarn was heavy the spinning wheel was
used as well as the spinning frame. On January 20, 1841, the
owner "gave all hands free in afternoon to take a rabbit hunt."
On June 28 two white girls came in and began to spin on the
hand frame. On July 6 Elic, a slave, was "spinning with ten spin-
dles on mule."
Although the mill was now in full operation, an addition and
more machinery having been added, Fries continued to work
himself harder than he did his slaves. The entry of August 3 is
typical: "Card all day and all night. Elic stays up till half past
one ; let Elic sleep till nine o'clock next morning. The Englishman,
Mr. Hinchliffe, spins slub work on mule. Girls yesterday and to-
day slubbing on small frame ; brother till twelve, myself till morn-
mg."
The first mention of a loom, a hand loom, comes on August
7, 1841. During that month also much stocking yarn, mixed white
and blue or black wool, was spun and twisted. One wonders how
the workers survived the constant "card all day and all night,"
but there is never an entry for Sunday, when everybody rested;
and on September 10 the entry reads : "Card till 1 P.M., then stop
mill and myself and boys go to the Circus."
The entry of September 24, "Elic packing away toll wool," is
significant, as it shows the usual way in which payment was
made for the custom carding of wool.
One characteristic work of that period was the carding of hat-
ter's wool — the making of hats was one of the early industries of
Salem.
On October 4 there is a note: "Rather cold in the morning;
turn steam through the mill," which was warmed in this modern
fashion. During that month fine white cotton yarn was twisted,
and coarse carpet yarn was spun.
In November "myself" spent some days weaving a carpet on
the hand loom. Two power-driven looms arrived on December 13
and were at once set up. After some days of "experimenting"
they "got the loom to work very well" on January 15, 1842. The
spinning and weaving by hand or by power as was more con-
venient then became another interesting feature of the diary.
On May 2, 1842, Francis Fries announced to the "liberal pub-
lic" that in his Woolen Establishment in Salem, N. C, he was
One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 17
"better prepared than I was last summer to attend to the con-
stantly increasing carding custom. In regard to the spinning (in
which, from want of experience, I confess that I was deficient last
season,) I flatter myself that I will be able to do ample justice to
my customers hereafter; having just returned from the North,
and there discovered where I erred in this as well as in some other
branches of the business." The advertisement says further that
in a short time he will be prepared to "full, colour, or finish any
blankets, flannels, lindseys, janes, or cloth," which may be
brought in. 126
In May, 1843, Fries issued another advertising sheet 127 in
which he announced that he had "an assortment of good heavy
Jeans, Lindseys, and Negro Cloths, at from 20 to 70 cents per
yard; as also of Rolls, Stocking Yarn and common Yarn of su-
perior quality."
On March 5, 1846, another advertisement announced that
Francis Fries had taken his brother Henry W. Fries into partner-
ship and that the business would continue under the firm name
of F. & H. Fries. 128
For a number of years the wool mill bought the needed cotton
warps from the Salem Cotton Manufacturing Company, 129 but in
the winter of 1848 the Fries firm built an addition to the wool
mill and installed the machinery for carding and spinning cot-
ton, 130 thereafter supplying the wool mill with warps of their
own making and ultimately weaving some cotton cloth.
Ten years later, that is in 1858, the Fries firm built a gas
plant, 131 so that gas light supplanted the oil lamps hitherto used
in the mill.
In 1860 the business of the wool mill had spread rather ex-
tensively. The index to the letter book of April to October, 1860,
shows a few more than three hundred names, the addresses scat-
tered from New York to various southern states. 132 Not all the
letters were on mill matters, but most of them were.
126 Handbill, on file in Salem Moravian Archives. "Lindsey" was linsey-woolsey, a coarse
wool filling on cotton warp. "Janes," or jeans, as made in the Fries mill, was a better
grade of wool filling on cotton warp.
^Another handbill.
^Another handbill.
129 S. C. M. Co., directors' meeting, May 16, 1843.
130 Wool mill account books.
i3i Wool mill account books.
132 On file in Salem Moravian Archives.
18 The North Carolina Historical Review
The accounts at the end of the year 133 show a good supply of
cotton on hand, much of it in the Fries warehouse at the station
in High Point, that being the nearest railroad station. From there
the cotton was hauled to Salem over the Fayetteville and Western
Plank Road, of which a spur ran by the wool mill in Salem. 134
The mill also had a good supply of wool 135 — Canada, Cordova
sorts, tub, fleece, southdown, Cape, Smyrna, South Carolina,
Santa Fe, East India, Spanish, and Hanoverian, among the rest.
Colored wool was listed as blue, black, brown, yellow, and red.
There were thirteen varieties of woolen cloth, listed by check
letters, and four types of cotton cloth — plain, twilled, and colored.
The dyestuffs on hand were soda ash, potash, alum, sumac,
hypernic, blue vitriol, copperas, cutch, chrome, cudbea, sugar of
lead, and extract of logwood.
A new Corliss engine was bought for the mill during this pros-
perous year. 136
Then came the Civil War. John Fries, the eldest son of Francis
Fries, a rather small, slender lad of fifteen years, postponed
thoughts of college and went into the mill to do the work of a
man. During the busy season the mill ran day and night, working
up the wool brought in by farmers while making cloth for Con-
federate uniforms.
Young John worked, not eight hours but eighteen out of the
twenty-four. Being the son of the elder partner he could choose
his hours, so he worked from midnight to six P.M. of the next
day; then after supper he returned to the mill and slept on a
wool sack until midnight brought his next turn of work. The mill
still did not run on Sunday, so he could and did sleep all that day
to catch up! 137
Francis Fries was in poor health when the war broke out, and
on August 1, 1863, 138 he died, leaving his brother Henry W. Fries
to carry on the business until his three sons should be old enough '
to become partners. 139
When 1865 brought the end of the war, and also brought dis-
aster to the South, the Fries mill lost heavily. 140 When a part of
133 Mill Appendix, no. 1.
^Aufseher Collegium, Jan. 16, 1854.
185 Mill Appendix, no. 1.
138 Mill Appendix, no. 1.
137 Personal reminiscences of John W. Fries as told to the writer.
138 Brief memoir in Salem Moravian Archives.
18 »Will of Francis Fries.
140 Mill Appendix, no. 1.
One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 19
Stoneman's raiding force came to Salem, under the leadership of
General Palmer, the request of the town and school officials was
granted and guards were stationed at the academy and at the
mill. Much food was requisitioned for the soldiers, but looting
was forbidden. Some people of the town, however, broke into the
wool mill and carried off a good deal. After the excitement died
down many of them brought back what they had taken, excusing
themselves by saying that they had merely been trying to save
it from the Yankees ! 141
The close of accounts for 1866 gives some idea of the very
large losses sustained by the mill. Both Confederate and state
currency and bonds had become worthless paper. Much cotton
had been lost when the High Point railroad station was burned,
and the Fries warehouse with it. All the main accounts showed
a loss. Fortunately the firm had built up a large contingent fund
during the good years, and that was able to absorb a goodly share
of the loss. The rest was shouldered by the partners. 142
The come-back after the war was rather remarkable. Just be-
fore Richmond was evacuated a messenger had taken a large
amount of currency to Richmond to be exchanged for gold, and
this gave the firm some stable cash on hand. 143 John Fries and S.
E. Butner, a mill foreman, went south to salvage as much cotton
as they could find, bought earlier by the firm but not delivered.
The railroads had been broken in many places, so not a great
deal of the cotton could be brought to Salem, but the rest was
taken to the nearest seaport and shipped north, and in that way
credit was re-established in the northern wool markets. 144 Barter
could still be used locally, and neighbors brought in a large
variety of things with which to pay for goods at the mill. The
day book of January, 1866, mentions twenty such barter com-
modities. 145
By the end of 1867 inventories were small, but entries in the
profit and loss account had returned to the right side. 146
141 Reminiscences of John W. Fries. Salem congregational diary. April 10-12, 1865. Hand-
bill in Museum of the Wachovia Historical Society.
142 Mill Appendix, no. 1.
143 Mill Appendix, no. 1.
144 Reminiscences of John W. Fries.
145 Bacon, brooms, butter, coat buttons, corn, cotton, eggs, envelops, flaxseed, flour,
hauling, making horse-collars, meal, mending shoes, potatoes, shingles, tallow, wheat, wood,
wood hauling.
146 Mill Appendix, no. 1.
RALEIGH'S ACCOUNT OF GRENVILLE'S FIGHT
AT THE AZORES IN 1591
By John H. Stibbs
At one time or another most of us have read with mixed feel-
ings of admiration and incredulity Tennyson's patriotic battle
chant, "The Revenge," about the dramatic naval action at the
Azores in which Sir Richard Grenville with one English man-of-
war dared to oppose an entire fleet of fifty-three Spanish fight-
ing ships. In stanza IX Tennyson writes,
And the sun went down, and the stars came
out far over the summer sea,
But never a moment ceased the fight of the
one and the fifty-three.
Ship after ship, the whole night long, their
high built galleons came,
Ship after ship, the whole night long, with
her battle-thunder and flame ;
Ship after ship, the whole night long, drew
back with her dead and her shame.
For some were sunk and many were shatter'd,
and so could fight us no more-
God of battles, was ever a battle like this
in the world before ?
In considering the question at the end of the stanza the reader
becomes interested in another, a more important question. Was
there ever such a battle as this in the world of fact ? The answer
is that this incredible event did actually happen. Tennyson's poem
is based, for the most part, on an informative prose account writ-
ten by Sir Walter Raleigh and published in the same year that
the battle occurred, 1591. Raleigh's was the first account of the
incident. His source of information, he tells us, was a Spanish
captain who participated in the fight and was later taken prisoner
by a small English ship and brought to London.
Since this engagement really did take place, still another ques-
tion arises. Why did the captain of the Revenge go into action
when the odds against him were so terrible? The answer lies in
an understanding of Grenville's motives. But how can we dis-
cover these? The standards of history writing in the period of
[20]
Grenville's Fight at the Azores in 1595 21
the Renaissance were not those of today. So rather than the
careful enumeration of tactical and strategic plans and results
which one expects in a modern battle report, in Raleigh's ac-
count we find that attention is centered on the personal heroism
of Grenville and the glamorous particulars about the battle.
Moreover, Raleigh was writing about the bravery of his own
cousin, and thus may have purposely avoided probing into details
of motivation unfavorable to his hero. That is to say, Raleigh's
is a thoroughly good narrative of what takes place in this sea
engagement, but it is not entirely satisfactory for the reason
that it does not fully explain why Grenville engaged the enemy
when escape with honor was apparently possible.
In the last decades of the sixteenth century the Azores were
the grand rendezvous for the Spanish fleets from the West Indies
and the Portuguese fleets from the East Indies. Hence the Azores
became a theater of maritime warfare which was carried on ordi-
narily by small raiding squadrons of English sea dogs against the
Spanish and Portuguese treasure fleets. The Spanish stronghold
on the island of Terceira gave protection to these fleets from the
Indies as they swaggered about among the channels of the rocky
isles waiting for powerful escorts which regularly came down
from the Spanish seaport towns of Ferrol and Cadiz, a distance
of about one thousand miles to the northeast. One may imagine
the scene: blue waters, steep rocky cliffs, and dozens of giant
carracks with their spider webs of rigging, straining under top-
gallant canvas. Except when anchored in order to take aboard
provisions, they would beat about the channels in a state of readi-
ness, signalling each other by shortening sail, firing cannon, and,
at night, showing lights. Officers, crews, and bright-armored
soldiers would be tense with apprehension over small but fast and
maneuverable English ships which might dash in upon them at
any time.
Because of uncertainty about the strength of the cruising
squadrons of the English in the Azores, Phillip II had advised
his annual fleet of 1590 from the West Indies to wait until the
next year. It was common knowledge that the combined flotas of
two years were to cross the Atlantic in 1591, and there was much
discussion about who should be sent to intercept the treasure
22 The North Carolina Historical Review
fleet and what form the force should take. 1 The first plan was to
have Sir Walter Raleigh and Lord Thomas Howard lead a joint
command of some twenty ships and pinnaces. 2 But Howard was
finally appointed to the command, with Sir Richard Grenville as
vice admiral. Nevertheless, Raleigh continued to participate in
the expedition, for he victualled the Revenge and the Crane. 3 And
later in the year, after the battle in the Azores had been fought,
Raleigh wrote and published his account of the battle, entitled:
"A Report of the Truth of the fight about the isles of the Azores,
this last Sommer Betwixt the Revenge, one of her Majesties
Shippes, And an Armada of the King of Spaine." 4
Besides Raleigh's account there are two other authoritative
contemporary versions of the battle. The first is that of van Lin-
schoten, a Hollander. This account was first published at Amster-
dam in 1594 after the author had returned from the Azores. At
the time of the battle he was on shore at Terceira. 5 The second is
a Spanish account which has only recently been made available
by A. L. Rowse in his biography of Grenville. And there are three
seventeenth-century accounts which scholars have valued: (1)
Bacon's Consideration Touching a Warre with Spaine, 1629 ; 6 (2)
a passage in the Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins . . . , 1622 ; 7
and (3) Monson's severe attack upon Grenville, entitled "Two
Fleets at Sea . . . ," published in Megalopsychy, 1682. 8
Briefly, Raleigh tells the following story. The English fleet
consisted of six "ships," six "victualers," the "barke Ralegh," and
two or three "Pinnases," riding at anchor near Flores in the
Azores. 9 This time it was the English who were surprised. Many
men were sick, and many were on shore when the Spanish fleet
came in sight. Waiting to recover the men on land, Grenville was
the last of the English captains to weigh anchor. Overtaken by
a Spanish fleet of fifty-three warships — not vessels of the treas-
1 A. L. Rowse, Sir Richard Grenville . . . (London, 1937), 292.
a M. Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts of Sir William Monson (London, printed for the Navy
Records Society, 1902), I, 257.
3 Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts, I, 256.
4 London, 1591. Huntington Library copy of the first edition.
5 The text of Linschoten's account of the fight is to be found in Arber's reprint of
Raleigh's account: E. Arber, ed., The Last Fight of the Revenge . . . (English Reprints,
London, 1871).
6 Huntington Library copy of the first edition.
7 Reprinted by the Hakluyt Society, 1878, in The Hawkins Voyages, under the editorship
of Sir Clements Markham.
8 Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts.
9 Sir Walter Raleigh, A Report of the Truth of the fight about the isles of the Azores,
this last Sommer Betwixt the Revenge, one of her Majesties Shippes, and an Armada of
the King of Spaine (London, 1591), 4-5.
Grenville's Fight at the Azores in 1595 23
ure fleets but an unexpected striking force sent from Spain —
Grenville refused to run and attempted to pass through their two
squadrons. The Spanish ships were filled with hundreds of sol-
diers, whereas the Revenge had "beside the Mariners but the ser-
vants of the commanders and some few voluntarie gentlemen." 10
Realizing the impossibility of successful participation, the body
of the small English fleet stayed away. The fight began at three
in the afternoon and lasted fifteen hours. Whereas the Revenge
began the fight with only one hundred men free from sickness,
the Spaniards had fifteen thousand, and they made fifteen at-
tempted boardings of the Revenge. Grenville was mortally wound-
ed an hour before midnight. When all the powder was exhausted
and all the pikes broken, Grenville commanded the master gunner
to sink the ship. But the other men who remained alive wished to
save themselves, and the Spanish Admiral agreed that the Eng-
lish survivors should be sent back to England. Thus over-
matched, Grenville was sent aboard the ship of the Spanish ad-
miral, and there he died the second or third day after.
There are many descriptions of the fleet that sailed out under
Howard in 1591. Linschoten tells of sixteen ships at the Azores. 11
Monson lists only the men-of-war and these he counts seven. 12
Using the Pipe Office Declared Accounts, Oppenheim, the Eng-
lish naval historian, has found that nine men-of-war were origin-
ally sent out, but that the Moon was sent home on the tenth of
July, the Nonpareil on the twenty-third of July, and that the
Charles was cruising in the channel in September. 13 This would
bring the total of men-of-war at the Azores to six, which is Ra-
leigh's count.
Fortunately for Howard, a Captain Middleton aboard the
Moonshine warned the English at the Azores of a newly assembled
armada, under command of Don Alonzo de Bazan, preparing for
some kind of action to divert the English from the Spanish treas-
ure fleet. 14 Middleton's information was a complete surprise to
Howard. Raleigh writes that "He had no sooner delivered the
news but the Fleet was in sight : manie of our shippes companies
were on shore in the Hand." 15
10 Raleigh, Report, 8.
11 Arber, The Last Fight of the Revenge, 90.
12 Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts, I, 253.
13 Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts, I, 256.
u Raleigh, Report, 5.
15 Raleigh, Report, 5.
24 The North Carolina Historical Review
There has been considerable controversy about the time of
Middleton's arrival at Flores. Raleigh, as we have seen, says
that he arrived just before the Spanish armada came into sight.
Monson, however, tells another story; he says that Middleton
"advertised my Lord Thomas thereof with all expedition the very
night before they arrived at Flores, where my Lord lay." 16 But
there were other elements of surprise besides that of time. Ra-
leigh writes that the "Spanish fleets . . . shrouded their approach
by reason of the Hand." 17 And further, it is reasonable to suppose
that Howard would be surprised by the strength of the new ar-
mada. And to press the defense of Raleigh's version still further,
we say that even though Monson tells that Middleton arrived
the night before, the implication is perfectly clear that he arrived
none too soon. With such a pestilence-ridden fleet as his seems to
have been, Howard might even have been surprised on two days'
advance notice.
According to the contemporary Spanish account, "there was a
good deal of firing on both sides as the first two Spanish squad-
rons under Aramburu advanced into the channel. Bazan followed
with the rest of the fleet, and the great galleons, San Phelipe and
San Barnabe, now coming level with Howard tried to board the
English flagship, and not being able to do so, gave her a broad-
side at close range. Then, passing on with the wind filling her
sails, the San Phelipe caught up with the Revenge. It was now
nightfall, and according to the Spaniards, the rest of the English
ships took to flight." 18
Raleigh tells us that Grenville stayed to recover the sick men
who were on shore and that this was the reason his ship was
overtaken by the Spaniards. Monson has an entirely different
explanation of Grenville's tardiness; he writes:
. . . Greynvile being a stern man, and imagining this fleet to
come from the Indies, and not to be with the Armada . . . would by
no means be persuaded ... to cut his cable to follow his Admiral
. . . nay, so headstrong, rash, and unadvised he was that he offer-
ed violence to all those that counselled him to the contrary. 19
More recently, Professor Callender has pointed out that the
16 Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts, I, 254.
17 Raleigh, Report, 6.
"Coleccion Sanz de Barutell (Madrid), Art. 4, no. 1121, as translated and used by Rowse,
Sir Richard Grenville, 307-308.
39 Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts, I, 254.
Grenville's Fight at the Azores in 1595 25
Bonaventure, with a sick list longer than that of the Revenge and
without her speed, was able to get away in good time. 20
But none of these arguments is strong. If Grenville thought the
approaching Spaniards to be the flota, he would, no doubt, have
been extremely anxious to get undersail. And no matter how
many sick she had aboard, the Bonaventure could get away faster
than the Revenge if the latter had the responsibility of waiting
for the men on shore. As Bushnell, one of Grenville's biographers,
concludes, "Grenville might have instantly followed and thus
obeyed that part of the order, but his duty as vice admiral was
not only to bring up the rear but to round up, as it were, the fleet,
and certainly included, if he judged it practicable, the bringing
off of the men on shore." 21
But Grenville's next move is not so easy to justify. Raleigh
tells us that Grenville "refused to turne from the enimie" and
attempted to "passe through the two Squadrons," and he sug-
gests that "the other course had beene the better in so great an
impossibilitie of prevailing." 22 Nevertheless, Raleigh apologizes
for Grenville's rash action in a sentence which is noteworthy more
for its exciting suggestion of heroics than for its clarity of mean-
ing: "Notwithstanding," he writes, "out of the greatnesse of his
minde, he could not bee perswaded." 23
Linschoten has something to say about Grenville's rashness ; he
states that
. . . the Lorde Thomas Howard commaunded his Fleete not to
fall upon them, nor any of them once to separate their shippes
from him . . . notwithstanding the Vice Admiral Sir Rychard
Greenfield, being in the ship called the Revenge went into the
Spanish fleete, and shot among them. 24
Linschoten attempts no apology, but he does offer an explana-
tion. Grenville was, says Linschoten
... of so hard a complection, that as he continued among the
Spanish Captaines while they were at dinner or supper with him,
he would carouse three or f oure glasses of wine, and in a braverie
take the glasses betweene his teeth and crash them in peeces and
swallow them downe, so that often times the blood ran out of his
mouth . . . 25
20 "The Battle of Flores," History, IV (July, 1919), 92, 93.
21 C. H. Bushnell, Sir Richard Grenville (London, 1936), 265.
22 Raleigh, Report, 7.
28 Raleigh, Report, 7.
24 Arber, The Last Fight of the Revenge, 90.
^Arber, The Last Fight of the Revenge, 92.
26 The North Carolina Historical Review
Monson makes a more direct accusation:
. . . the old saying, 'That a wilful man never wanteth woe/ or
is the cause of his own woe, could not be more truly verified
than in him . . . 26
Howard, too, has had his share of adverse criticism. In a letter
written in London on October 31, 1591, by Thomas Phelippes to
his friend Thomas Barnes, he says:
. . . they condemn the Lord Thomas for a coward, and some
say he is for the King of Spain. 27
Raleigh included in his "Report" a long defense of Howard;
he says:
If al the rest had entred, all had been lost. For the verie
hughnes of the Spanish fleet, if no other violence had been off red,
would have crusht them between them into shivers .... Not-
withstanding it is verie true, that the Lord Thomas would have
entred betweene the squadrons, but the rest wold not condescend
. . . Which also in my opinion had il sorted or answered the
discretion and trust of a Generall, to commit himselfe and his
charge to an assured destruction. . . , 28
One serious consideration which certainly does not flatter
Howard, no matter how it be interpreted, is that one of his ships
which at first fled with him apparently disobeyed his order and
turned back to participate in the fight. This action is recorded
both by Raleigh and by Sir Richard Hawkins. Raleigh tells us
that,
The Foresight . . . commanded by M. Th. Vavisor, performed
a verie great fight, and stayd two houres as neere the Revenge as
the wether wold permit him. . . , 29
Moreover, Raleigh tells us that two of the victuallers, the
George Noble and the Pilgrim, "hovered" about ; the first, at one
time falling to lee of the Revenge, "asked Syr Richard what he
would command." 30 In view of these incidents, we are forced to
conclude that there was weakness somewhere in Howard's leader-
ship, either in the justice of his command or in the power of his
enforcement.
26 Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts, I, 254.
27 Calendar of State Papers, Elizabeth, as cited by Arber, The Last Fipht of the Revenge, 6.
28 Raleigh, Report, 15-16.
29 Raleigh, Report, 16.
80 Raleigh, Report, 8, 10.
Grenville's Fight at the Azores in 1595 27
Both Raleigh and the other contemporary English commenta-
tors on the battle are vague about the approach of the Revenge
toward the Spanish fleet and the initial contact. Raleigh merely
tells us that the Revenge tried to pass between their two squad-
rons. The Spanish report, however, says that there was firing
on both sides as the two Spanish squadrons advanced, that both
the San Phelipe and the San Barnabe tried to board Howard's
flagship and failing to do so gave her a broadside at close range,
and that the San Phelipe then caught up with the Revenge.
Speculation yields a number of possible reasons why the Span-
ish galleons did not stand off and fire upon the smaller English
ship from a distance. It may be that the Spanish could not soon
enough effect a change of course so as to bring their guns to
bear on the Revenge before she was among them. It may be that
the Spanish were temporarily paralyzed with astonishment at
Grenville's maneuver. It could be that the coming on of night
had something to do with it. But the most acceptable reason is
that the Spanish deliberately elected to employ other tactics. If
possible, the Spaniards regularly chose to board.
The naval combat methods of the Spanish were quite different
from those of the English. 31 On the one hand, the Spanish sea
discipline was of a military kind. The Spanish ship was organized
like a fortress and manned with soldiers. There were, of course,
seamen and gunners, but the soldiers were thought to be of great-
er importance. On the other hand, the English had developed a
more modern method of fighting at sea. The ship itself, rather
than the soldier in it, was the fighting unit. In accordance with
this conception, a new class of combat ships came into being dur-
ing the reign of Elizabeth. Such ships as the Swiftsure, the
Dreadnought, and the Revenge were constructed for speed and
maneuverability. They were smaller than the earlier English
great-ships, low in the water, and could move in rapidly to wind-
ward of a high-charged ship and fire into her at point blank
range without the enemy being able to return the fire. In the
hands of expert English seamen these vessels could turn this
way and that, pouring in broadsides at close range.
Nor was improvement confined to the form of ships. In his
"Invention of Ships," Raleigh names several new devices which
81 The chief source of my information about the different methods of naval combat is
J. S. Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy, 2 vols. (London, 1898).
28 The North Carolina Historical Review
had recently been introduced, such as the capstan and moveable
topmasts. 32 Also, English ordnance was conceded even by the
Spanish to be very superior. The Revenge, for instance, in ad-
dition to her heavy guns, was equipped with secondary batteries
which were especially effective against personnel on higher-built
ships attempting to board.
The Revenge was the crack ship of her class, the new middle-
sized fighting galleon, and was regarded by Drake as the perfect
warship of her time; she had been his flagship in the fight
against the Armada in 1588. Tactically, therefore, it is clearly
understandable why the Spaniards closed the range, or allowed
the range to be closed. To be sure, they stood in danger of re-
ceiving damage from the guns of the Revenge as the ships ap-
proached each other and made contact at close range. But the
Spaniards knew where their strength lay and planned to box her
in and overwhelm her with their well-trained soldiers.
Raleigh states that the San Phelipe was the first of the Span-
ish ships to becalm and attempt to board the Revenge, and that
four other Spanish ships followed suit. The Spanish account,
according to Rowse, relates that the San Phelipe boarded the
Revenge, "and at the first encounter threw nine or ten soldiers
into her ; but not having grappled with grappling irons, but with
a rope," the ships parted when the rope broke. 33 As compared to
Raleigh's four, the Spanish account names but three ships that
attempted to board after the San Phelipe.
As for the number of hours that the fight lasted, Hawkins
and Bacon agree with Raleigh that fifteen hours were con-
sumed. 34 Concerning the number of Spanish ships, Raleigh says
there were fifty-three. According to Labores y March, the Span-
ish naval historian, there were fifty galleons, four galleasses,
and six galleys. 35 Hence, we conclude that there were certainly
no less than the number Raleigh names.
None of the other accounts of the battle are in disagreement
with Raleigh's "Report" about the gallantry of the English, or
Grenville's resolve to sink his ship, or the agreement with the
Spanish Admiral that the English prisoners should be sent back
83 "A Discourse of the Invention of Ships, Anchors, Compass . . . ," etc., Works (Oxford
University Press, 1829), VIII.
33 Rowse, Sir Richard Grenville, 307.
34 Hawkins, in Markham, The Hawkins Voyages, 102, says fourteen or sixteen hours.
Bacon, Consideration Touching a Warre with Spaine, 33.
35 Historia de la Marina Espanola, as cited by Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts, I, 261.
Grenville's Fight at the Azores in 1595 29
to England, or that Grenville was taken aboard the Spanish flag-
ship.
Of the number of Spaniards killed, Raleigh tells of two thous-
and "slaine and drowned." 36 In republishing the "Report" in
Hakluyt's Voyages, either Raleigh or Hakluyt changed this figure
to one thousand. 37 It may be that this second figure, too, is mere-
ly another wild guess, for Linschoten says that four hundred
were drowned; the Spanish account admits that one hundred
were lost.
As for the number of Spanish ships that were sunk, Raleigh
says three were sunk and one ran ashore. Linschoten says that
the Spanish lost only two ships. Other accounts fail to contribute
a figure on this most interesting point.
Linschoten tells us, just as Raleigh does, that Grenville was
taken aboard the Spanish flagship, the San Paule, where his
wounds were dressed. According to Linschoten, at the hour of
death Grenville said,
'Here die I Richard Greenfield, with a joyfull and quiet mind,
for that I have ended my life as a true soldier ought to do, that
hath fought for his countrey, Queene, religion, and honor, where-
by my soule most joyfull departeth out of this bodie, and shall
alwaies leave behinde it an everlasting fame of a valiant and true
soldier, that hath done his dutie, as he was bound to doe/ 38
Raleigh tells us that shortly after the battle a storm destroyed
the Revenge together with twenty-nine or thirty of the Spanish
ships. Linschoten confirms this observation. But instead of St.
Michael's, Linschoten would have the Revenge wrecked upon
Terceira.
In summary we may say that Raleigh is guilty of some patrio-
tic inaccuracies — an exaggerated estimate of the number of
Spaniards and Englishmen killed at the battle and an exaggera-
tion of the number of Spanish ships that were sunk. But except
for these patriotic numerical miscalculations and the report of
Grenville's behavior aboard the Spanish flagship, found in Lin-
schoten, Raleigh's observations agree fairly well with analogous
observations in other accounts of the battle. Of all these accounts,
Raleigh's is certainly the most complete.
36 Raleigh, Report, 14.
87 R. Hakluyt, . . . Voyages . . . (ed. Glasgow, 1904), VII, 47.
38 Arber, The Last Fight of the Revenge, 91.
30 The North Carolina Historical Review
Nevertheless, all the details which Raleigh gives about the
battle are in interest subordinate to Grenville's decision to en-
gage in combat with the enemy and Howard's conflicting decision
to flee from the enemy. We wish that Raleigh had more carefully
weighed the responsibility of each man. But he dismisses the
problem of Grenville's responsibility to follow Howard's orders
with the mere statement that "the other course had beene the
better," and he confuses the problem of Howard's responsibility
by inconsistently commending both his flight and the partial
participation of one of his ships. Raleigh has not clearly answer-
ed these vital questions: first, did Grenville, for the purpose of
exhibiting his personal bravery at the expense of losing both
his ships and his men, disobey Howard's order to follow him in
flight, or did he feel that he was fighting a necessary rear-guard
action and as vice admiral had the right to neglect Howard's
orders in the best interest of the entire fleet? Second, should not
Howard have firmly resisted the entreaties of his subordinates
and gone to the rescue of Grenville, as Raleigh tells us that he
desired to do? Who knows what six English men-of-war might
have done to the Spanish in a situation where the Revenge alone
did such extensive damage?
Perhaps we are asking too much of Raleigh. Other writers —
for example Hawkins and Monson — are more definite about
the responsibilities involved. But they fail to present anything
like even the limited evidence presented by Raleigh. Perhaps
there was little evidence available. After all, Grenville was dead,
and Howard was hardly the man to accuse his deceased subordi-
nate, and the men themselves would be confused about the re-
sponsibilities of their leaders. If we knew that both Grenville
and Howard were aware that the Revenge was fighting a nec-
essary rear-guard action, we could answer all questions. But
we know absolutely nothing about any such awareness.
The question has been asked, might not Raleigh have neglected
the problem of responsibility for the same reason that he ex-
aggerated certain details about the battle — a sacrifice to patriot-
ism whereby both Englishmen are judged in the best possible
light? This may be the answer, but the evidence is insufficient
to establish certainty.
Full credit must be given Raleigh for his portrayal of the
personal heroism of Grenville, and this seems to have been his
Grenville's Fight at the Azores in 1595 31
main purpose in writing the "Report." There was only a gam-
bler's chance of fighting his way through the Spanish squadrons,
but Grenville took that chance without fear of the consequences.
And he fought until he was mortally wounded, even then com-
manding that his men blow up the ship rather than surrender.
In that personal courage lies the heroism of Grenville, and Ra-
leigh makes the reader feel it intensely.
THE SALEM BOARDING SCHOOL BETWEEN 1802 and 1822
By Lucy Leinbach Wenhold
This study has been undertaken in the belief that for the his-
tory of North Carolina, especially for the history of education
in the state, the founding and early circumstances of an institu-
tion which has never closed its doors since first they were opened
cannot be regarded as without importance. The effort to recon-
struct the intimate life of the Salem boarding school — today
Salem College — in the first two decades of its existence is the
difficult attempt to make a mosaic out of very little pieces. For
later periods, even for those not very much later, we have letters
fortunately preserved, stories and reminiscences told by mothers
and grandmothers to alumnae who yet live. But all who knew
the life of those earliest years are long gone from earth.
Bibliography in the strict sense of the word scarcely exists,
though all possible use has been made of Dr. Adelaide Fries'
Records of the Moravians in North Carolina, as also of her brief
Historical Sketch of Salem Female Academy. The only other
source materials used have been Salem College's own collection
of unclassified documents, filed in the college library, and the
ledgers and account books in the treasurer's offices. These latter
were made available through the cooperation of Miss Anna Per-
ryman, treasurer of Salem College, without whose generous help
many items of information would have been wanting for the
completion of this study.
The Moravian settlement of Salem was thirty-five years old
in 1801 when the official church records make first mention of
the possible establishment of "a boarding-school for girls for
which visitors so often ask." 1
Since the founding of the village, a generation had been born
and had grown to maturity in its little, low-roofed houses. The
settlement was now a core of organized living in what was still
in large part a wilderness, yet the isolation the first citizens of
Wachovia had expected had never been theirs as they had thought
it would be. All unknowingly they had chosen the site for their
dwellings on the natural line of north-south passage, where the
1 Adelaide L. Fries, Records of the Moravians in North Carolina, VI (Raleigh, 1943),
2681.
[82]
The Salem Boarding School 33
drift of migration brought a cross-section of colonial travel to
their doors. In a pioneer society the transient's right to hearth-
fire and bed and a share in whatever food there may be is recog-
nized and accepted. So also it was in early Salem. All comers,
be they wandering Cherokee Indians or the governor of the state
and his staff, were visitors, sincerely so received, made welcome
in the religious exercises of the Brethren and shown, if they
cared to see, the sober industries on which the prosperity of the
village depended. In the thirty-five years the character of these
visitors gradually changed. From year to year there came fewer
wandering, landless illiterates to whom Salem was an incompre-
hensible place. There came more men of property and standing,
some of them professional men who had been educated in Europe.
To these the sight of the village schools, especially of the school
for girls, greatly appealed. Today when educational opportuni-
ties are commonplace, it is difficult to realize how at the begin-
ning of the nineteenth century in this young, first republic of
the Western World men craved for their children at least some
part of the education they themselves had been given in the Old
World or denied in the New. For the sons of these men there
were private academies and even a few universities in this coun-
try, and for the very well-to-do the great universities of the Old
World. For their daughters there were no such opportunities
anywhere in the South, yet every year the need was greater.
As the cultivation of rice and indigo and later of cotton brought
an ever-increasing slave population to the southern plantations,
the daughters of the planters, served and often companioned
by slaves and exposed constantly to the imperfect speech pattern
of the Negroes, were sometimes not much more literate than the
slaves themselves.
As requests for the boarding school multiplied the Brethren
felt increasingly that these constituted a call which they were
not free to disregard. What they were asked to do was not more
in kind than they were accustomed to do for their own children.
Their own schools had existed ever since the settlement was
founded, and the girls' school was already something in the nature
of a boarding school, as some Moravian girls from outside were
lodged with town families in order that they might share the ad-
vantages the girls of the village had. The Moravian Church, the
Brethren's Unity, was primarily a missionary organization, and
34 The North Carolina Historical Review
with its zeal for missions went a corresponding zeal for the edu-
cation of youth. It had its boarding-schools in Germany, in
Switzerland, in England. It had them in its far-flung mission
fields. It had them in Pennsylvania where its continuing activi-
ties in America had begun. It was only reasonable that there
should be a boarding-school in Salem, center of Moravianism in
the South. Gravely the elders of the congregation considered
the matter and discussed it in conference, and on October 31 of
the year 1802 they formally established the Salem Boarding
School. 2
As early as possible in the following year the building that
was to house the boarding-school was begun. It was felt that two
years should suffice for its completion, but in view of the im-
mediate need temporary quarters were arranged in the Com-
munity House 3 for ten boarding pupils and two teachers. During
thirty years it had housed the village school for girls, and now,
without any wrench of change, by the mere process of expansion,
the school in which a generation of Moravian girls had been
educated became "the boarding school for which the visitors so
often asked."
The accepted plans for the new building called for a brick
house with two full stories, so constructed that additions could
be made when its capacity needed to be increased, though with-
out them it was to be large enough to accommodate some sixty
girls. It was to be located close beside the recently built Sisters
House, 4 today one of the dormitories of Salem College.
The financing of the building's construction is an interesting
paragraph in the school's history as well as an illuminating com-
mentary upon the changing value of the American dollar. From
the funds of the Salem congregation $5,887.50 were earmarked
"for building the boarding school." Later on the school itself,
doubtless out of its first income, paid $154.00 for some interior
improvements, bringing the total cost of the building, now Salem
College's South Hall, to $6,041.50. 5
2 "Protokoll der Helfer-Conferenz in der Wachau," 156, 157, unpublished German document
in Salem Moravian Archives, Winston-Salem, N. C.
3 Known by the German name, Gemeinhaus. It had met the village's need for a meeting
house until the church was built.
* The Sisters House was a building in which the single women of the village lived more
or less communally with a house superintendent chosen from their own number. The arrange-
ment, then usual in Moravian communities and widely misunderstood outside them, had no
special religious significance and was largely a matter of convenience.
5 These financial details are taken from Ledger A, p. 44, the first ledger of the Boarding
School, now located in the Treasurer's office of Salem College.
The Salem Boarding School 35
The advancing of the money for the construction of the school-
house was regarded as a business proposition. The school paid to
the congregation interest on the money at the rate of five per
cent until 1815 when it began making payments on the principal,
making the final payment in 1825. Meanwhile the building was
depreciated at the rate of two and a half per cent beginning in
1806, and charged off the books in 1827 in an account called
"Fund for answering the decrease in the value of buildings." 6
In May of the next year (1804) came the first boarding pupils :
four girls from the town of Hillsborough, followed soon after
by two from Halifax County, one from Fayetteville, and one
from Caswell County. 7 There was room for two more, but the
principal — known then as the inspector — the Reverend Samuel
Kramsch, preferred to fill those vacancies with two carefully
chosen local girls who in their association with the girls from else-
where could help forge links of understanding between these
latter and the unfamiliar aspects of Moravianism. Not two but
three teachers were appointed for the care and instruction of the
ten girls; a ratio of less than four pupils to one teacher when
considered in our modern terms of teaching load. But these
three, in rotating twenty-four hour periods, were responsible for
their charges through every hour of the twenty-four. They were
local young women who had received special training along
lines considered then somewhat advanced in the education of
women, precisely that they might teach. The inspector was a
man of experience in school administration both in Europe and
in America, and his wife was a trained and experienced teacher.
The school had a waiting list, had had one while yet it existed
only hypothetically. As soon as the building that was to house
the students should be completed there would be many more
applicants than could be received. What rule should be followed
in the matter of an age limit for the receiving of girls from
elsewhere? In Moravian boarding schools in Europe the practice
was to take no girls over ten, but that practice could scarcely
apply to Salem as most of its applicants were older than ten.
In the Moravian boarding school for girls in Bethlehem, Penn-
sylvania, 8 pupils were being received up to the age of fourteen.
6 Ledger A, p. 78.
7 This list is found in a series of books entitled "List of Pupils in Salem Female Academy,"
Book I, p. 1, now located in the Treasurer's office of Salem College.
8 Founded 1742. See Joseph Mortimer Levering, History of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania,
(Bethlehem, 1903), 104-105.
36 The North Carolina Historical Review
The decision reached for Salem was in general to take no girls
over twelve but to decide the question in exceptional cases on the
merits of the individual case. 9 This decision proved a recourse
which soon made the rule a dead letter as requests quickly multi-
plied for the admission of girls over the age of twelve.
The domestic arrangements of the school were in the hands of
the "sisters," the single women who lived in the Sisters House.
They were to provide and serve meals for pupils and teachers,
using their own dining room in the Sisters House for that pur-
pose while the Boarding School building was still unfinished.
What food they served, how they served it, and the price they
set for it, were for them to decide. They considered the matter,
discussed it among themselves, and finally agreed that as food
costs were about the same in Salem as in Bethehem they would try
charging for meals what was charged in the latter school: six
shillings sixpence a week in the case of boarding pupils from else-
where, with a reduction of one shilling for girls of the congrega-
tion who might be living in the school. For this sum they planned
to serve the following:
For breakfast, milk, butter, and bread. There would also be
coffee, tea, and sugar but those were to be provided by the in-
spector.
For dinner, meat, vegetables, bread, water (certainly an odd
inclusion, possibly an affirmative way of calling attention to
the fact that there would be nothing else to drink), bread and
butter, and sometimes soup.
For supper, milk, warmed-overs, pie, pancakes, mush (corn-
meal), chocolate. 10
The school building was completed within the two-year limit.
The cornerstone was laid on October 3, 1803, and the completed
building was dedicated on July 16, 1805. On both occasions there
were appropriate exercises, the detailed accounts of which have
come down to us in several prized documents. 11 Twenty girls and
their three teachers moved into what must have seemed to them
wonderfully spacious quarters. By the end of the year the build-
ing's occupants, exclusive of teachers, had increased to forty-
one and the next year the number was fifty-five. For a decade
9 Fries, Records of the Moravians, VI, 2735.
10 Fries, Records of the Moravians, VI, 2779.
11 Salem College Collection of Unclassified Documents in Salem College Library.
The Salem Boarding School 37
thereafter there was a steady increase until finally the one
building could no longer house the many girls whose parents
wished to send them to Salem. In 1814 it was necessary to refuse
further registrations for almost a year until more space could
be provided. 12
For many years there were no specified dates for the admission
of pupils. Distances short today were long then and travel fa-
cilities were poor. Roads were bad and sometimes unsafe. Parents
brought or sent their daughters to Salem when and as they could.
Many a girl came on horseback, riding for days, sometimes,
on her own horse, sometimes, especially in those very early
years, mounted on a pillion behind a relative or neighbor
who had her in his care. 13 Well-to-do men who traveled some-
what more aristocratically brought their daughters in their
chaises with a mounted servant in attendance, if and when the
state of the roads allowed a vehicle to get through. Girls entered
at any time of the year and usually came with the understanding
that they were to remain until their education was finished,
two, three, or four years. The prevailing opinion of the times
concerning the female sex was that if a girl was not through
with school and ready for the serious business of marriage by
the time she was sixteen, she was an example of retarded de-
velopment. Some girls stayed in the school only a few months.
For some, scarcely more than children as the majority were,
incurable homesickness made the new, unfamiliar life in the
boarding school an unbearable experience and they went home
ill from weeping, but these cases were few. Girls who lived rela-
tively near to Salem went home in the summer and returned in
the fall. After the public examinations, held the latter part of
May, classes were suspended for two weeks, but there was no
vacation as we understand the term today.
The newly opened boarding school's most immediate need was
for supplies and equipment. The earliest record in the possession
of Salem College is a ledger entry for the year 1803 which men-
tions materials purchased for the school by the inspector,
Kramsch: beds, feathers, muslins, linen, silk for students' em-
broidery work. Apparently he used his own funds for these pur-
12 Adelaide L. Fries, Records of the Moravians, VII (Raleigh, 1947), 3226.
13 In the "Saddle Room" in the beautifully restored and redecorated Alumnae House of
Salem College, a number of these side saddles, some of them dating back to early times, may
be seen.
38 The North Carolina Historical Review
chases, for the amount expended is later mentioned as refunded
to him. A thousand dollars in round figures was borrowed from
certain individual citizens in amounts from a hundred to three
hundred dollars at an interest rate of five per cent, for the pur-
pose of furnishing the new building with the things necessary
for life in it. There are ledger entries for 1804 which record
the payment of bills for chairs, ink-powder, joyners' work, "sun-
dry tools," dishes, knives and forks, tea, coffee, blankets, pewter
plates, a copper tea kettle, and "sundry books." There is an entry
for July, 1804, of payment of a bill for wine and cake used at the
raising of the building on October 6, 1803, and another in Sep-
tember, 1804, for pleasure riding in the stagecoach. One of the
entries for March, 1804, records payment of a bill for printing
three hundred copies of the "Plan for the Boarding School"
wherein information concerning ages of students accepted, ex-
penses, and subjects taught is given. It may be presumed that
those three hundred copies were distributed to patrons and pos-
sibly to the students themselves. 14
The charge for board, lodging, and tuition was thirty dollars
a quarter. Music and drawing were regarded as extras and
shortly — though not in the earliest years — added five dollars to
the quarterly rate. Teachers employed in the boarding school
were paid infinitesimally small salaries. In 1804 the ledgers
record a total payment of $12.10 for four weeks' salary to three
tutoresses. However, they received free of charge board, lodging,
laundry, and church dues. The treasurer of the Salem congre-
gation made certain regular payments to the school, and these
were credited to salaries. A fund for pensioning "aged tutoress-
es" was begun some years after the establishment of the boarding
school, looking toward a time when there would be superanuated
teachers who needed financial help. The fund amounted to not
quite fifteen hundred dollars, and interest from the account was
used for the purpose designated until the year 1884 when it
was charged into profit and loss.
When the school moved into its new building the girls were
housed in three living rooms on the first floor, with their dormi-
tory, known then and for long thereafter as the sleeping hall,
a *The financial details in this paragraph and in the following one are from the early
ledgers and treasurer's records. The bill for printing is found in Ledger A, p. 11, located
in the Treasurer's office at Salem College. A copy of the "Plan for the Boarding School"
for 1806 may be seen framed in the Administration Building of Salem College.
The Salem Boarding School 39
in the story above. At first the rooms on the second floor
were occupied by the inspector and his family, an arrangement
which soon was changed. Within a very short time it was nec-
essary to open a fourth living room because of the rapid growth
of the school. The living rooms, which served also as classrooms,
were uncarpeted. Tradition has it that the floors were sanded
and that is probably true, for in the school's earliest inventories
there is mention of a sand sifter. 15 The furniture, locally made,
was very simple. Each living room had in it one walnut corner
cupboard, one desk with drawers, and two long tables with draw-
ers, all of these of walnut. At nightfall tallow candles burned on
those long tables. There were in each room four poplar benches to
be used with the tables, and the building had twenty-seven Wind-
sor chairs, though how these latter were distributed in the rooms
and how far they were for the use of students is not indicated. In
the whole building there was only one closet with doors and
drawers. Curiously enough there was, in one of the rooms, a
coffee mill. Why it was there we can only surmise, but probably
it had something to do with the serving of afternoon coffee,
known then in the school, as in the community where it was cus-
tomary, as "vesper." The building had thirty-three pairs of
curtains, sixteen pairs made of white muslin, doubtless for the
windows of the living rooms, the remainder made of material
listed as "cotton and calico" to be used elsewhere, probably in
the sleeping hall. There was one "house clock," possibly a grand-
father clock.
In the sleeping hall there were in the year 1806 fifty-five bed-
steads. The beds themselves were chaff -filled bags as were also
the pillows, but these were for use in warm weather. For winter
there were feather beds and feather pillows and a total of sixty-six
blankets. Evidently the school furnished bed linen, for the in-
ventory for that year mentions sheets and pillowcases enough
to allow three sheets and two pillowcases to each bed. Five chaff
beds and four chaff pillows were kept ready for emergency, and
a supply of bed ticking was held in stock.
Feeding the pupils of the boarding school remained for a long
time in the hands of the "Sisters" in the Sisters' House, but their
15 All items which relate to the furnishings of the house are taken from the school's early
inventories, filed now with the Collection of Unclassified Documents in the Library of Salem
College.
40 The North Garolina Historical Review
dining room soon became too small to accommodate all the stu-
dents. There seems to have been no place where dining tables
could be set up and remain. The inventory of dining-room furni-
ture mentions five table leaves with stands or bucks on which to
lay them and ten benches for use with these removable tables. /
When a fourth living room was opened, a dining room was made
in the basement of the school building. Its floor was of hard-
packed earth, probably sand-sprinkled, but it seems to have given
satisfaction and must have relieved a most uncomfortable situa-
tion. Plates for the tables were fifty-eight in number in 1806 and
were pewter, as were also the tablespoons of which there were
forty-eight. There were fifty-one pairs of knives and forks. Small
bowls and a few small mugs must have been used for tea and
coffee, for there were enough of them to serve that purpose and
no other drinking utensils are mentioned. There were five teapots
and nine large coffee pots. Coffee was the great American drink
then as now.
The school had its own "wash-house" and "ironing-room" in
a structure apart from the building, and the early inventories
mention all needed laundry equipment and supplies. Nevertheless
laundry was one of the administration's problems. In the begin-
ning the "Sisters" had it in their charge, either to do it or to
have it done, both that of the pupils and that of the teachers,
but the task soon grew too great for them. Probably their own
sober and simple attire had not prepared them for the number of
starched skirts, the quantities of petticoats, and all the bed linen
that had to be done up. With the approval of the Elders' Confer-
ence 16 a Negro woman, Betsey by name, was bought for that
particular work, though she cannot have done it all. In general
Moravian principle was against slavery, and the village of Salem
had an ordinance against the owning of Negroes in the town, but
such service could not be hired and pragmatic considerations
ruled. 17
One cannot read the so-called "plans," the schedules of work
for the pupils of the girls' school in those very early years, with-
out being struck by the fact that they were based on "the three
18 The highest authority for both the village and the school.
17 Fries, Records of the Moravians (document "Concerning Slave-holding in Salem"), VII,
3544-3548. The College records for May 31, 1811, give $400 as the purchase price for Betsey in
Ledger A, p. 159, located in the Treasurer's office at Salem College.
/
The Salem Boarding School 41
R's," as well as by the fact that the subjects most stressed were
those most neglected nowadays: grammar and syntax, history
and geography. The program for 1807 18 mentions, besides the
foregoing, English reading and writing, 19 and arithmetic, called
"cyphering." The other subjects taught were drawing and paint-
ing, embroidery, plain sewing, and music, and the afternoon hours
were devoted almost entirely to these, though music was taught
throughout every hour from eight to four by one of the five
teachers and an hour a day by each of two others. At this time
the school owned two pianos and a guitar and shortly thereafter
it acquired a third piano, 20 and the three were kept in constant
use. They would appear to have been kept in the living rooms
(which were also classrooms), and music lessons must have been
given while other things were being taught.
As a rule parents were satisfied to leave the matter of curricu-
lum to the judgment of inspector and teachers, but occasionally
a father specified the subjects in which he wished his daughter
instructed. In these cases almost always the request was that the
girl be taught plain sewing, to make and care for her own
clothes, to acquire habits of industry and diligence. The request
for music was very general as a branch in which most parents
wished their daughters to excel. These requests may be found in
the few letters from parents in the early period among the Un-
classified Documents of Salem College.
There have come down to us from that period some copies of
the questions and answers used at the public examinations which
took the place of the more modern Commencement exercises. 21
These were written out in question and answer form by the
teachers of the various subjects, and were then studied by the
pupils until, when the great day came, each girl knew the exact
answer to whatever question she might be asked. The public
examinations were held in the church, there being no other place
large enough, and parents, friends, and relatives of the pupils
came in large numbers to listen to what had apparently been so
well learned. That the learning had been done parrot fashion can
18 Salem College Collection of Unclassified Documents in Salem College Library.
19 German reading and writing were also taught to Moravian girls, but there is no inti-
mation that they were taught to girls from elsewhere.
20 The purchase of the first piano is recorded in Ledger A, p. 16, date January, 1805.
This ledger is in the Treasurer's office at Salem College.
21 Fries, Records of the Moravians, VII, 3347.
42 The North Carolina Historical Review
scarcely be doubted, but the age believed in the worth of a well-
stocked memory and unquestionably something learned by rote
was better than nothing learned at all. Toward the end of the
first quarter of the century the inspector began to hold private
examinations before the public ones, and from the results of these
preliminary examinations questions and answers were prepared
for the public examinations which, as occasions, aroused so much
interest and were so generally and largely attended that it pres-
ently became necessary to limit attendance. Notices were posted
in the village tavern and elsewhere that only parents and rela-
tives of the pupils would be admitted.
Among the scholastic subjects which the girls of the boarding
school were expected to learn, history seems to have been the
most extensive, if we may judge by the examination questions. 22
American history was studied only by the most advanced pupils,
and one set of questions and answers deals with the circum-
stances and outcome of the Revolutionary War, so near in point
of time to the lives of those who were learning about it. The
physiographic aspect of geography was taught in a course called
"globes," and it is interesting to note that questions concerning
latitude and longitude were based on the location of Salisbury,
N. C. There was an examination in English grammar and another
in syntax which differed from that in grammar. Students were
expected to be able to parse sentences and to analyze and dissect
rhetorical constructions of considerable complexity. The exam-
inations were interspersed with musical selections which were
in the nature of examinations of the girls' skill in piano playing ;
and specimens of painting, drawing, penmanship, and the various
sorts of needlework were on exhibition. These examples of man-
ual skill and artistic taste went home with those who made them,
to become treasured heirlooms in after years. The ledgers car-
ried regular accounts for the purchase and resale to students of
materials for embroidery, for silks, muslins, ribbons, for drawing
pencils, colored chalks, and paints. Along with the examination
questions there have been preserved copies of dialogues for
Christmas or Easter, or for other, more general occasions. Few
girls could go home at Christmas, and the inspector and teachers
tried to make the occasion a festival for those who remained, the
23 Examination questions and dialogues are preserved in the College's Collection of Un-
classified Documents in Salem College Library.
The Salem Boarding School 43
great festival of the year, as it was for Moravian children. Some
of the dialogues are in German, and the names of those who
spoke the lines are familiar names of Moravian girls.
From its very begining the school had a library. Proof of that
exists in the inventories of the institution's assets. According to
the inventory for the year 1807 the library consisted of fifty
books- — not too insignificant a number considering the times. The
collection included some purely Moravian material but also a
good deal that was general, such books as, for instance, Pilgrim* s
Progress, Robinson Crusoe, A Description of Three Hundred
Animals, Letters From A Mother to Her Daughter, several
novels by Charlotte Smith, two bound volumes of The Young
Miss's Magazine, and a number of books of travel and geography.
The purely Moravian books were those which the Moravian
Church considered essential to an understanding of what the
Unity of Brethren was and believed: a copy of the Brotherly
Agreement by which the members of the Unity were bound to-
gether, and a copy of the Summary of Doctrine. It may be doubt-
ed that these latter were very generally read, but many girls
bought copies of the Moravian Passion Week Manual. There was
no proselyting in the school, but there was religious instruction.
In 1809 the Salem Congregation again advanced money, a total
sum of $4,850.00 23 and in the following two years the "Inspector's
House," the present Administration Building of Salem College,
was built. The school was flourishing, but that prosperity meant
a congestion of pupils which presently became impossible. In 1814
the information was sent out that for the time being no more
boarding pupils could be received as the number in the school
was already too great. 24 In 1818 the same measure was again
necessary, and the following announcement was published in the
papers of North Carolina and adjacent states:
The female Academy in Salem, Stokes County, being over-
crowded to the real Detriment of the Institution, not to mention
the Detriment of the Pupils of the Same, the Trustees deem it
their duty hereby to give Notice that for Twelve Months at least
no Attention can be paid to any Application for entering Names
on the Books as Candidates for the School. Moreover the said
Trustees find themselves under the Necessity of requesting those
28 Ledger A, p. 162, in the Treasurer's office of Salem College.
24 Fries, Records of the Moravians, VII, 3226.
44 The North Carolina Historical Review
Parents, Relatives, Guardians etc. of Young Ladies who, upon
Former Application, have received the Promise of their Admis-
sion in the course of this Year, to defer bringing or sending them
until further Notice from the Registrar of Salem Academy, there
being no prospect of the Probability of their Admission in the
Present Year. 25
The notice was signed in the name and in behalf of the
trustees.
One result of the crowded condition of the school was a sharper
differentation between boarding pupils and day pupils, and a
measure of separation of the two which, unconsciously, perhaps,
on the part of teachers, tended to become discriminatory. Mora-
vian day pupils had at first been received in all classes on the
same basis as the boarding pupils, even in the classes of drawing
and embroidery, but shortly the authorities decided that unless
a girl of the village showed unusual promise as a future teacher
she should be taught plain sewing and knitting instead of artistic
needlework. Thereupon the teachers protested that they could not
teach sewing and knitting classes for the town girls and take
them to services on Sundays and in the evening in addition to
their other duties, and they asked that someone be secured for
those particular tasks. This was done, and space being at a
premium the younger town girls' classes were removed to the
Community House where the day school had been before. 26 Thus
an unfortunate distinction began, one which unhappily lasted
many years before its influence was broken. Town girls, however,
were and continued to be part of all classes in academic branches.
In the first quarter of the century the settlements in Wachovia
fell victims to the epidemics that afflicted more populous sec-
tions, and the boarding school suffered accordingly. There were
epidemics of fever, of measles, of smallpox, of fever again sum-
mer after summer. In 1814 there were seventy-four cases of
measles among the pupils. In 1817 there was an epidemic of fever,
probably typhoid, which returned the next summer and took, in
the two summers, the lives of two girls and one teacher. Yet the
mortality in the school was very low for those early times. In
25 Salem College Collection of Unclassified Documents in Salem College Library. There
are several copies of this notice, evidently from different printings, and some include a
request that the notice be accepted without resentment by patrons of the school.
26 Fries, Records of the Moravians, VII, passim. These circumstances are referred to re-
peatedly in short notes scattered through the diaries and minutes of the Salem congregation.
The Salem Boarding School 45
thirteen years, between 1807 and 1820, only four girls died. 27
The second decade of the boarding schooPs existence ended on
a pessimistic note. In the Congregation Record for the year 1820
we read:
Conference considered with sorrowful concern the difficult
situation in the Boarding School in regard to filling the vacancies
in the teaching force. All the Sisters approached have refused,
either for the time or absolutely. . . . Probably still more diffi-
culty along this line will arise, and it seems that the only remain-
ing hope is to send an urgent request [for teachers] to Pennsyl-
vania. 28
There had been a time when no Moravian "Sister" would have
thought herself free to refuse a call to the service of teaching,
for the Brethren's Unity held its teachers as little less divinely
called than its ministers. But times had changed. The school was
full, the work was hard and exacting, and salaries could scarcely
be said to exist. In village and school all was as it had been, but
under the calm, unruffled surface of a regimented pattern of
life individualism was astir. Yet the Salem Boarding School, be-
gun in a spirit of service, went forward in that spirit, even under
the trenchant blows of inevitable change. That same spirit of
service has kept the school's doors open through prosperity and
adversity, which circumstance is Salem's one unbreakable link
with her past.
27 These epidemics which the boarding school experienced with the town are noted in the
records of every year in which they occurred. The names of the four girls and the dates
of their deaths are recorded in the unpublished Salem Congregation Book A, 338, 350, 355.
Their gravestones may be seen in the Moravian Burial Ground in Winston-Salem.
88 Fries, Records of the Moravians, VII, 3450.
[46]
THE PRODUCE LOANS : A MEANS OF FINANCING
THE CONFEDERACY *
By Richard C. Todd
From its inception, the Confederate States of America was
engaged in a struggle for existence. The creation of its treasury
and the establishment of a revenue were a concern of vital im-
portance. Within a short time the organization of the Treasury
Department was completed and, except for slight modifications,
it adopted the system devised by Alexander Hamilton. 1 On
February 19, 1861, Christopher Gustavus Memminger 2 of South
Carolina was appointed Secretary of the Treasury, and under
"An Act to Establish the Treasury Department," approved Feb-
ruary 21, 1861, various bureaus were formed to carry on the
business of the department. In its extraordinary straits for
money, the Confederacy "resorted to every expedient known to
finance, even the most desperate." 3 Federal specie located at
the mints and customhouses of the South was confiscated ; prop-
erty of alien enemies was sequestered and military supplies were
impressed; duties were placed on exports and imports; direct
taxes were levied; donations and gifts were cheerfully accepted
and gratefully acknowledged; and Treasury notes flooded the
market while loans were floated in an attempt to stabilize the
redundant currency and offer a basis for foreign exchange.
Striving to procure the funds requisite for its operation, Con-
gress soon placed emphasis upon loans as its primary source of
* A paper presented at the fall meeting of the Historical Society of North Carolina, held
at Woman's College, Greenshoro, November 13, 1948. The paper is based on a portion of
the author's doctoral dissertation, "A History of Confederate Finance."
1 Henry D. Capers, The Life and Times of C. G. Memminger (Richmond, 1893, hereafter
cited as Capers, Memminger) , 318-319.
a Christopher Gustavus Memminger was born at Nayhingen, Wurtemberg, January 9, 1803;
died March 7, 1888, Charleston, South Carolina. At the age of four, following the death of
his father, he migrated to America with his mother who succumbed to disease shortly after
reaching Charleston, South Carolina. Placed in an orphanage till eleven years old, he was
then removed by Thomas Bennett (later governor of South Carolina) who offered him all
the advantages of a wealthy home. Memminger graduated from South Carolina College in
1819, and returning to Charleston, studied law, acquired a license, and began to rise in his
profession. In 1836, as a member of the South Carolina state house of representatives, he
began a long struggle to disassociate the state from banking corporations and to force the
banks to maintain specie payments on pain of forfeiture of their charters. In these contests
he won considerable reputation as a sound financier. Memminger was appointed Secretary of
the Treasury, C. S. A., February 19, 1861, two days prior to the creation of the Treasury
Department and retained the position until his resignation, June 15, 1864. He continued
to direct the business of the Treasury Department, however, until July 15, 1864, when he
was relieved by George A. Trenholm. Capers, Memminger, 7-370.
8 Carl Russell Fish, The American Civil War: An Interpretation (New York, 1937), 433.
[46]
The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 47
income; later Treasury notes were emphasized; and then, per-
haps too late, taxes were stressed. It is the former — loans, and
more specifically the Produce Loans as a means of financing
the Confederacy — to which consideration is given in the cur-
rent paper.
There were three Produce Loans — each differing slightly from
the other. The first, the 50-Million Dollar Loan of May 16, 1861,
was aimed at being a specie loan and did not authorize the gov-
ernment to exchange its bonds for the actual produce subscribed
to the loan. Instead, planters and farmers sold their crops and
then paid the proceeds of the subscribed portion in specie or
foreign bills of exchange, receiving 8 per cent-20-year bonds in
return. The second form of the Produce Loan, the 100-Million
Dollar Loan of August 19, 1861, was similar to its predecessor
which it embodied, differing in only one respect. It authorized
the receipt of Treasury notes as well as specie and foreign bills
of exchange in payment of the proceeds of the portion of raw
produce and manufactured articles subscribed to the loan. The
receipt of Treasury notes in satisfying subscriptions to the loan
was sanctioned in the hope of stabilizing the government's paper
currency which had started to show signs of redundancy. The
third and final form of the Produce Loans was the 250-Million
Dollar Loan of April 21, 1862, which authorized a direct exchange
of articles in kind for bonds of the government.
50-Million Dollar Loan — The First Form of the
Produce Loans
As early as February 8, 1861, the Confederate Congress ac-
cepted a $500,000 loan from the state of Alabama and on Febru-
ary 28, 1861, authorized the first major loan of the Confederate
States of America — a 15-Million Dollar Loan — a specie loan di-
rected at the banking and commercial interests of the South.
Thus, apparently turning to loans as the chief source of revenue,
Memminger was nevertheless skeptical as to the advisability of
attempting to float another before the next crop was harvested
providing the planters with funds. 4 Having this in mind, he
4 Raphael P. Thian, compiler, Correspondence with the Treasury Department of the Con-
federate States of America, 1861-65 (Appendix, Part V, Washington, 1880, hereafter cited
Corresp. with Treas. CSA.), V, 86-88, James D. Denegre to Memminger, May 4, 1861.
48 The North Carolina Historical Review
recommended to Congress the adoption of a $50-million, 8 per
cent bond issue, with the government accepting from the invest-
ors the "tender of any resources available as a means of credit."
This recommendation pointed towards a produce loan.
Congress showed its early willingness to adhere rather closely
to the recommendations of the Secretary and by the Act of May
16, 1861, authorized the issue of $50,000,000 in bonds, payable
at the expiration of 20 years and bearing a rate of interest not
exceeding 8 per cent. The bonds (after public advertisement in
three newspapers within the Confederate States for six weeks)
were "to be sold for specie, military stores, or for the proceeds
of sales of raw produce or manufactured articles/' said proceeds
to be paid in specie or foreign bills of exchange. The bonds were
not to be sold "for Treasury notes, or the notes of any bank, cor-
poration, or individual." 5
The new loan, like its antecedent, was aimed at acquiring
specie, but whereas the 15-Million Dollar Loan had been directed
at the bankers and commercial interests, the 50-Million Dollar
Loan, being in part a produce loan, was brought more specifically
to the attention of the planters and farmers. 6 Memminger was
well aware that most persons in the Confederacy had no avail-
able money but that they did possess cotton, tobacco, and other
essential provisions and were willing to lend a portion of these
for the government's support. 7 As an aid in promoting the loan,
it was considered advisable to circulate, in advance of the sale of
the crops, subscription lists on which every planter could indicate
the portion of his crop, the net proceeds of which he was willing
to lend to the government. 8 Measures were immediately taken to
canvass the rural areas for subscriptions. Two types of lists
were prepared, one for subscriptions of cotton and tobacco and
6 "An act to authorize a loan and the issue of Treasury Notes; and to prescribe the punish-
ment for forging the same, and for forging Certificates of stock, and Bonds," approved May
16, 1861. War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies (128 vols., Washington, 1880-1901, hereafter cited, Off 'I. Rec'ds. The
italics in quote are those of the writer), 4th S., I, 328-329; James M. Matthews, ed., The
Statutes at Large of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States of America
(Richmond, 1874, hereafter cited, Statutes at Large), 117-118; Journal of the Congress of the
Confederate States of America, 1861-65 (7 vols., Washington, 1904-1905, hereafter cited
Jour. Confed. Cong.), I, 227-229.
6 Raphael P. Thian, compiler, Reports of the Secretary of the Treasury of the Confederate
States of America, 1861-65 (Appendix, Part III, Washington, 1878, III, 59-66, March 14,
1862; Capers, Memminger, 929-437. (Hereafter cited as Confed. Treas. Reports.)
7 Raphael P. Thian, compiler, Correspondence of the Treasury Department of the Con-
federate States of America, 1861-65 (Appendix, Part IV, Washington, 1879, hereafter cited
Corresp. of Treas. CSA.), IV, 89-90, Memminger to E. Starnes, March 24, 1861; Memminger
to F. S. Lyon, March 24, 1861.
8 Corresp. of Treas. CSA, IV, 109, Memminger to H. K. Burgwin, June 18, 1861.
The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 49
the other for subscriptions of provisions and military stores. 9
Copies of both lists were "placed in the hands of all members of
the Confederate Congress" to be circulated among their constitu-
ents. 10 In addition to the Congressmen, many prominent local
residents were commissioned to circulate the lists in an effort to
increase the number of subscriptions to the loan. 11
The lists 12 were self-explanatory, the subscriber agreeing to
contribute to the defense of the Confederate States a portion of
his crop. The cotton was to be placed in a warehouse, or in a
factor's hands, and sold by the planter on or before a fixed day.
Following the sale of the cotton, the net proceeds of the amount
subscribed, less all charges, were to be paid to the Treasury in
specie or foreign bills of exchange in return for 20-year bonds
bearing 8 per cent interest. 13 Upon these pledged subscriptions
the government hoped to realize at once funds for its immediate
necessities. 14
To arouse interest in the loan, rallies and assemblies were held
throughout the South. 15 Playing upon the patriotism of the
people and the merits of the government bonds, the work of the
commissioners soon brought gratifying results. Numerous re-
ports were received at the Treasury Department of the whole-
hearted manner in which the planters were subscribing to the
9 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 91-92, Memminger to F. S. Lyon, May 24, 1861.
10 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 89-90, Memminger to E. Starnes, May 24, 1861.
11 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 109-113, gives a list containing the names of hundreds of
commissioners appointed by Memminger to take subscriptions to the loan in Alabama,
Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennes-
see, Texas, and Virginia. A similar list is found in vol. 11 IB. Record Book of Copies of
Letters of Secretary of Treasury from March 1, 1861 to October 12, 1861, Manuscript vol. in
Ace. 352 Confederate Archives (Treas. Dept., National Archives, Washington, D. C, here-
after cited vol. 111B. Record of Letters of Treas.), 212-220.
12 As soon as the commissioners had procured as many signatures as possible to any one
list, it was to be forwarded to the Treasury Department. To provide against loss, each list
was to be signed in duplicate and forwarded by different mails. Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV,
109, Memminger to H. K. Burgwin, June 18, 1861; vol. 111B. Record of Letters of Treas.,
212-213, Memminger to H. K. Burgwin, June 18, 1861.
13 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 95, Memminger to Geo. Trenholm, June 6, 1861. In addi-
tion to the paragraph of explanation, each list was divided into four columns, respectively
headed: NAMES, QUANTITY SUBSCRIBED, PLACE OF DELIVERY, NAME OF FAC-
TORY OR WAREHOUSE. C. S. A.— Miscellaneous 116 (MSS. Division, Library of Congress,
Washington, D. C).
u Corresp. with Treas. CSA., V, 282-283, excerpt from the Feliciana Democrat (Clinton,
La.), July 4, 1861. Upon hearing that Chas. Green was on his way to Europe, Memminger
wrote him June 27, 1861, pertaining to the Produce Loan saying, "I think it likely that the
proceeds of more than 1/2 a million of bales will be subscribed. I desire to ascertain upon
what terms an advance of money could be procured upon these subscriptions, and to what
extent — the advance to be paid from the sales of cotton either in this country or Europe,
as may be found most advisable. . . ." Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 132, Memminger to
Chas. Green, June 27, 1861.
15 Vice President Stephens "addressed the people of his old district in Georgia" at several
rallies on the subject of the loan and each time experienced the "happiest results." In Wilkes
County alone, cotton amounting to $100,000 was subscribed at the conclusion of his speech.
At another rally bringing together a large concourse from two or three counties, 2,800 bales
of cotton were subscribed as a loan to the Confederate States. Corresp. with Treas. CSA.,
V, 283-284, excerpt from the Feliciana Democrat (Clinton, La.), July 4, 1861.
50 The North Carolina Historical Review
loan. 16 Subscriptions ranged from one-fourth 17 to offers of the
whole crop 18 and there were instances in which subscriptions
were to remain in effect yearly, during the course of the war. 19
That the loan was well received throughout the South is indicated
in a letter from Memminger to John A. Jordan, in which the
Secretary writes:
I am pleased to learn that the prospects of the subscriptions are
so favorable in your section. The Government is cheered by
similar reports from every quarter and the people seem to be
vying with each other in a noble rivalry of patriotic zeal and
liberality. The thanks of this Department are due for the
prompt efficiency with which you have organized the subscrip-
tion canvass in your States. 20
The early success of the Produce Loan was also echoed by
President Davis. In addressing the Provisional Congress, the
enthusiastic President said :
In the single article of cotton, the subscriptions to the loan pro-
posed by the Government cannot fall short of fifty millions of
dollars, and will probably exceed that amount; and scarcely an
article required for the consumption of the Army is provided
otherwise than by subscription to the produce loan. . . . 21
100-Million Dollar Loan — The Second Form
On August 19, 1861, Congress extended the Produce Loan by
authorizing the 100-Million Dollar Loan. 22 Under this act, bonds
16 Corresp. with Treas. CSA. f V, 187-188, John McNab to Memminger, July 3, 1861; V,
140-141, Almazon Huston to Memminger, June 16, 1861; V, 165, John A. Jordan to Mem-
minger, June 27, 1861; Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 173, Memminger to Thos. O. Moore, Aug.
7, 1861; IV, 159, Memminger to R. W. Price, July 18, 1861; IV, 147, Memminger to Richard
Winter, July 9, 1861; IV, 147, Memminger to F. T. Leake, July 9, 1861. Memminger wrote to
Judge J. G. M. Shorter, June 18, 1861, saying "The cotton loan seems to take well, and we
would have no difficulty from money, if we could only hurry up England and France to en-
force shipment." Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 113.
17 Charleston Daily Courier, Nov. 25, 1861.
18 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 148, Memminger to Philip St. George Cocke, July 9, 1861.
19 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 142, Memminger to Hon. James Williamson, Memphis,
Tenn., July 3, 1861.
20 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 164, Memminger to John A. Jordan, Little Rock, Ark.,
July 23, 1861.
21 James D. Richardson, compiler, A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Con-
federacy: Including the Diplomatic Correspondence, 1861-1865 (2 vols., Nashville, 1906, here-
after cited Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Confederacy) , I, 123; Edward A. Pollard,
Life of Jefferson Davis, with a Secret History of the Southern Confederacy Gathered Behind
the Scenes in Richmond (Philadelphia, 1869, hereafter cited as Pollard, Davis), 176.
22 No. 23. "An act to authorize the issue of Treasury notes, and to provide a war tax for
their redemption," approved August 19, 1861. Register of Acts, C. S. A. (MSS. Dept., Duke
University); Acts and Resolutions of the Third Sessions of the Provisional Congress of the
Confederate States, Held, at Richmond, Va. (Richmond, 1861), 20-30; Jour. Confed. Cong.,
passed, 359, approved, 367. The debt of 100-million loan was arranged upon the plan of
James G. Holmes, S. C., the principle of which was the distribution of the debt into install-
ments which called for payment annually of a fixed sum for principal and interest, so ad-
justed as to extinguish the whole in 20 years. This was to be accomplished by making the
first installments payable in 2 years and the last in 20, and distributing the payments into
36 semi-annual periods. This constant diminution of the principal annually lowered the
interest and left a larger proportion of the fixed payment applicable to the remaining
principal until the whole debt was discharged. Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 59-66, March
14, 1862.
The Produce Loans : Financing the Conffderact 51
of the type issued under the $50-Million Loan were increased to
100 millions. This, the second form of the Produce Loan, dif-
fered only slightly from its predecessor, which it now embodied.
The new act, unlike the 50-Million Dollar Loan of May 16, 1861,
sanctioned the receipt of Treasury notes, as well as specie and
foreign bills of exchange, in fulfilling subscriptions to the Pro-
duce Loan. The purpose of the legislation was twofold ; first, to
continue to establish a basis for credit at home and abroad
through additional subscriptions of the net proceeds of produce ;
and second, due to the inflationary tendency of the currency, to
act as a stabilizer — an absorber for the fast becoming redundant
Treasury notes. 23 To effect the latter, the act authorized the
acceptance of Treasury notes "in payment for net proceeds of
sales of raw produce and manufactured articles" subscribed to
the Produce Loan and also permitted holders of Treasury notes
to fund them in 8 per cent, 20-year bonds. 24 In its attempt to
stabilize the currency, however, the loan proved a failure and
every succeeding attempt of Congress to provoke a favorable cur-
rency reaction met a similar fate.
Bonds of the new loan, valued at 50-million dollars, were ex-
pected to be taken up by subscription to the Produce Loan. 25 In
this way the government hoped to continue to secure a large por-
tion of its specie, military stores, and foreign bills of exchange
without further derangement of the currency. Notices of the
loan appeared in the leading newspapers soliciting subscriptions
of the various crops and provisions — corn, flour, bacon, pork, and
similar produce were desired by the commissary, while cotton
and tobacco were sought by the Treasury. But as the year 1861
drew to a close, reports of subscriptions to the loan became fewer
in number. Nevertheless, the efforts of commissioners and
23 Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 91-92, October 3, 1862.
24 To aid the holders of Treasury notes to fund them in 8 per cent, 20-year bonds, the Com-
missioners appointed to take subscriptions to the 15-Million Dollar Loan of Feb. 28, 1861,
were asked to take a similar task under the 100-Million Dollar Loan. This new loan of Aug.
19, 1861, unlike any previous Confederate loan, was directed at both the banking and com-
mercial interests as well as at the agricultural interests. It was hoped that the former
would take a large amount of the bonds in exchange for Treasury notes, while the latter
would continue to subscribe proceeds from a portion of their crops. The 100-Million Dollar
Loan was exhausted Feb. 25, 1863. Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 234-235, Memminger to
Commissioners appointed for Receiving Subscriptions to the Confederate Loan, Nov. 25, 1861;
Telegraph Messages, Treasury Department: Telegrams of the Confederate Treasury Depart-
ment from February 27, 1861 to July 30, 1864, in Ace. 352 Confederate Archives (Treas. Dept.,
National Archives, Washington, D. C, hereafter cited as Tel. Messages Treas. Dept.), 344-345,
Memminger to J. S. K. Bennett, Charleston, S. C, General Agent for Loan, Feb. 25, 1863, and
Memminger to James A. Farley, Feb. 25, 1863.
25 Charleston Daily Courier, Jan. 3, 1862.
52 The North Carolina Historical Review
agerits to raise subscriptions of produce during the first year
proved reasonably successful. 26
J. D. B. DeBow, Chief Commissioner of the Loan, in issuing the
first report of the Produce Loan Office on January 16, 1862,
stated that 417,000 bales of cotton had been subscribed along
with 3,500 hogsheads of sugar, 3,500 barrels of molasses, 270,-
000 bushels of rice, 5,000 bushels of wheat, and 1,000 hogsheads
of tobacco. In addition, about a half -million dollars in Treasury
notes was subscribed and about the same value in other produce. 27
Origin of the Produce Loan
The origin of the Produce Loan, as an instrument to aid the
Confederacy in acquiring funds for financing itself, has given
rise to some controversy. Edward A. Pollard claims that Pres-
ident Davis originated the scheme, but at the same time admits
that "Mr. Davis, with an effort at modesty, has referred to this
measure as 'one happily devised by the superior wisdom of Con-
gress.' " 28 Additional evidence exists pointing to the responsi-
bility of Congress for the idea. On May 6, 1861, Congress re-
solved that the Committee on Finance inquire into the advisabil-
ity of adopting a system of finance based on :
. . . the soliciting of subscriptions of cotton, tobacco . . . and sugar
by agents appointed for this purpose. . . . Said products to be
sold for and on account of the Government, and the net amount
to be accounted to the subscribers, respectively in Treasury
notes or bonds. . . , 29
Before action could be taken on the resolution, however, Con-
gress, abiding by the recommendations submitted by the Secre-
tary of the Treasury, approved the $50-million loan on May 16,
1861, embodying the original form for the Produce Loan. This
26 That the agents for the loan were not always gentlemen in their efforts to solicit sub-
scriptions is indicated by Memminger in a letter to Gen. Colin J. McRae. He writes, "I hope
. . . that you will also cool down any irritation which any of our friends may feel against
any ill-manners in my subordinates. They should not place that to the account of the
Government or of myself. . . ." Corresp. of Treas. CSA. f IV, 96, June 7, 1861.
27 Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 48, DeBow's Report, Jan. 16, 1862. John Chrrstopher
Schwab, The Confederate States of America, 1861-1865: A Financial and Industrial History
of the South During the Civil War (New York, 1901, hereafter cited Schwab, Confed. Sts. of
Am.), 13, cites slightly different figures, saying, "By the end of 1861 over 400,000 bales of
cotton had been offered, 1,000 hogsheads of tobacco, 5,000 bushels of wheat, 270,000 bushels
of rice, 1,000 hogsheads of sugar and molasses, and about $1,000,000 worth of other produce;
also $1,000,000 in money, that is, in treasury notes or bank notes."
28 Pollard, Davis, 175; Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Confederacy, I, 123.
29 The resolution was introduced by Walker Brooke, in Secret Session of the Provisional
Congress, Monday, May 6, 1861. In this case Brooke would appear to be responsible for the
origin of the Produce Loan, having tendered the resolution. Jour. Confed. Cong., I, 186.
The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 53
indicates that Memminger was the originator of the Produce
Loan and is substantiated by Henry Capers, contemporary biog-
rapher of the Secretary. 30
Numerous other suggestions, however, were also made to the
government recommending the adoption of various forms of a
produce loan 31 and it would appear that the establishment of
the Produce Loan was not the idea of any one man, but rather
the logical conclusion of an agricultural society.
Almost from its inception, 32 until January, 1862, the Produce
Loan was managed gratutiously 33 by James Dunwoody Brown-
son DeBow 34 who "matured . . . the whole plan of the Loan, the
blanks, etc. . . ." 35 As Chief Commissioner, he maintained a
separate office for the Loan in Richmond. The handsomely
furnished rooms became the "rendezvous of politicians' , where
the "progress of the subscriptions was watched with the greatest
solicitude." Newspaper reporters visited the office frequently
and "published the list of subscriptions to excite the competition
of particular districts." 36
Problems of the Produce Loan
While the agricultural communities were contributing to the
loan, and the Confederate authorities expressed great pleasure
and satisfaction over the mounting subscriptions of produce,
there was another side of the story being unfolded — one perhaps
less rosy but surely no less interesting. Serious problems arose
early and had to be solved if the loan was to approximate the
degree of success that was predicted for it. As the Federal
blockade became more effective, many prospective subscribers
30 Capers, Memminger, 342.
sl Corresp. with Treas. CSA., V, 143-145, Wm. T. Sanford to Howell Cobb, June 19, 1861;
V, 207, W. H. Jones to Memminger, July 11, 1861; V, 230, Chas. G. Johnson to Pres. Davis,
July 19, 1861; V, 246-247, copy of letter to editor of Weekly News, Enterprise, Mississippi,
July 25, 1861, from "An Old Merchant"; V, 256, James L. Jones to Memminger, July 31, 1861.
32 Immediately following its inception there was a hearty response to the loan; many
sections of the country, however, remained unsolicited. To remedy this, J. D. B. DeBow was
appointed Aug. 3, 1861, "to organize the entire country and develop more completely the
details of the [Produce Loan] plans." Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 169-170, Memminger to
DeBow, Aug. 3, 1861; vol. 111B. Record of Letters of Treas., 426, Memminger to DeBow,
Aug. 3, 1861.
33 Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 47, Financial Report of Jan. 20, 1862.
34 James Dunwoody Brownson DeBow (July 10, 1820-Feb. 27, 1867), editor and statistician,
was born in Charleston, S. C. He founded Southern Quarterly Review, Commercial Review
of the South and Southwest, and the famous DeBow's Review which occupied in the South
and Southwest a place similar to Hunt's Merchant's Magazine in the country at large.
Following his resignation as Chief Commissioner of the Produce Loan Office, DeBow
accepted appointment as a paid General Agent to take subscriptions, purchase, and sell cotton
for the Confederate government. Allen and Malone, eds., Dictionary of American Biography
(20 vols., New York, 1930), V, 180-182.
35 J. D. B. DeBow Papers (MMS. Division, Duke University Library, hereafter cited DeBow
Papers), DeBow to G. A. Trenholm, Aug. 5, 1864,
*> Pollard, Davis, 176.
54 The North Carolina Historical Review
feared that the existing Produce Loan plan calling for payment
of the subscribed portion of the crop on a fixed day was a finan-
cial trick — one by which the government could compel a forced
sale at prices ruinous to the planters. 37 Numerous complaints
were filed with the Secretary, some expressing opposition to a
specific day for satisfying subscriptions to the loans, 38 others
expressing fear of a forced or compulsory sale. 39
In an attempt to alleviate these fears, Memminger wrote to
General W. W. Harllee :
The inquiries you made as to the appointment of a day of sale
in the subscriptions have been made by several other gentlemen,
and for the information of all I think it would be best to make
this letter public. The whole scheme of this subscription act . . .
assumes that the blockade will not be continued through the
winter. The date of sale mentioned in the subscription was left
optional with the subscriber. It intends merely to name the time
when the crops of that region are usually sold and no one con-
templated or desired a forced sale. An attempt to sell while the
ports remain blockaded would injure both the Government and
the owner. The subscription, being of net proceeds, would be de-
structive of its object to call for a sale when the market was
closed. You may, therefore, assure all subscribers that they need
be under no apprehensions on this score.
If the blockade be not broken, the crop will remain unsold and
neither the owner nor the Government will realize any proceeds
of sale until that difficulty be removed. If this difficulty should
remain permanent, or if there should be reasonable ground to
apprehend the continuance of the blockade, it will become proper
to adopt some other scheme of finance providing for that con-
tingency. 40
As the blockade continued and the planters became harder
pressed for funds, another "scheme of finance providing for that
contingency" was urged. From all sides came proposals for the
government to buy the whole cotton crop and any other produce
it needed, paying the average price of the last five years, and
37 Corresp. with Treas. CSA., V, 210-211, V. P. Reed to Memminger, July 13, 1861.
Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 150, Memminger to A. M. Dantzler, July 11, 1861; IV, 182,
Memminger to R. Moorman, Sept. 2, 1861.
38 Corresp. with Treas. CSA., V, 143-145, Wm. T. Sanford to Howell Cobb, June 19, 1861;
89 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 158, Memminger to James H. Brigham, July 17, 1861; IV,
163, Memminger to John D. Williams, July 23, 1861.
40 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 147-148. Memminger to Gen. W. W. Harllee, July 9, 1861;
IV, 158, Memminger to James H. Brigham, July 17, 1861. Memminger wrote to John
Willis, June 25, 1861, saying: "It is no part of the plan for cotton subscriptions that there
should be any compulsory sale. The cotton is in the hands of the factor of each planter, and
although a time is named for its sale, it is not expected that the sale will be forced. The
difficulty is in a different direction. The factor having possession may invent excuses for
delaying sale. . . ." Coresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 126.
The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 55
giving its bonds and Treasury notes in exchange, thus saving the
debtor planters from the throes of bankruptcy. 41 To assure
government aid, the planters stressed that only by government
ownership of the entire crop could "King Cotton" really perform
"its right function in the war" — that of "keepting] the nations
of the continent and Great Britain in their good behavior towards
us." 42 Other proposals wanted the government "to simply make
an advance to the planters, taking a lien on the crop in ex-
change." 43 At conventions of the cotton planters, resolutions
were frequently passed calling upon the government to issue
notes and buy at least a part of the crop. 44
To these numerous proposals 45 the Secretary of the Treasury
replied, "Congress has only authorized the exchange of the pro-
ceeds of the crops for the Government paper ; not the purchase of
produce," 46 and added that :
Congress has not deemed it expedient to receive IN KIND the
agricultural produce of the country [in exchange for Government
Bonds]. The plan adopted is simply a subscription by the
planters of the proceeds of their crops, when sold, in exchange
for bonds of the Government. This plan presumes a sale. If the
blockade, or any other cause, should postpone the sale, the sub-
scriptions, of course, will remain suspended. How far, in that
case, it may be expedient for the Government to make an advance
to the planters is a very grave question upon which there are dif-
ferences of opinion. 47
Memminger was originally "inclined to favor an advance," and
stated he was "endeavoring to mature a plan for lending the
41 James Hammond Papers (MSS. Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C), vol.
XXIX, J. H. Hammond to Memminger, July 11, 1861; Hammond to Col. Thos. F. Drayton
(Agt.), July 12, 1861; Hammond to Wm. Gregg (Agt.), July 12, 1861; Chas. W. Ramsdell,
Behind the Line in the Southern Confederacy (Baton Rouge, La.; Louisiana State University,
1944), 86-87; Corresp. with Treas. CSA., V, 359, Thos. M. Harris, Thos. F. Wells, Asa Dug-
gan (a committee representing the people of Washington County, Ga.) to Jefferson Davis,
Oct. 3, 1861. During the time of strong agitation for government ownership of the entire
cotton crop, there was also some opposition to the idea. Corresp. with Treas. CSA., V, 338-
339, C. L. Dubuisson to Memminger, Sept. 20, 1861. Ed. DeLony to Memminger, Aug. 17,
1861, said the government will become "a great commercial machine ... an immense cotton
brokerage, with hundreds of agents like leeches, fastened upon and drawing out the sub-
stance of the Government. . . ." It would fix rates, perhaps one-third below cost and "it
would be a step towards the assumption of central power that Lincoln's Congress would
hardly dare to exercise. . . ." Corresp. with Treas. CSA., V, 280-281.
42 Hammond Papers, XXIV, Herschel V. Johnson to Hammond, Aug. 29, 1861.
43 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 196, Memminger to C. L. Dubuisson, Oct. 3, 1861; Pollard,
Davis, 178-179.
44 DeBow's Review, Oct.-Nov., 1861, 462 (convention, Macon, Ga., Oct. 1861): Charleston
Daily Courier, March 3, 1862 (Cotton and Tobacco Planters' Convention, Richmond, Va.).
45 Memminger credits Geo. A. Trenholm (Memminger's successor as Secretary of the
Treasury) as being the first to suggest that the government buy the crop with Treasury
notes. Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 117-118, Memminger to Chas. T. Lowndes, June 20, 1861.
46 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 163, Memminger to Messrs. O'Hear, Roper, Stoney, Charles-
ton, S. C, July 23, 1861; IV, 115, Memminger to A. Huston, June 19, 1861.
47 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 185, Memminger to J. G. Wright, Paris, Texas, Sept. 6,
1861; IV, 118-119, Memminger to W. C. Bibb, June 20, 1861.
56 The North Carolina Historical Review
credit of the Government to the planters in the shape of an ad-
vance of Treasury notes, based upon the value of cotton." This,
he believed, would give to the planters "all the advantages with-
out the evils of a bank." 48
The plan, however, failed to materialize at that time, and after
further consideration of the proposals Memminger reported that
government aid to the planter class would be unconstitutional.
In a circular of October 15, 1861, to "The Commissioners Ap-
pointed to Receive Subscriptions to the Produce Loan," the Secre-
tary declared the government's policy was determined by its
constitution, and that under that organ "no power is granted
to any Department to lend money for relief of any interest";
that the "power of Congress regarding money is limited to
borrowing, and no clause can be found which would sanction so
stupendous a scheme as purchasing the entire crop of cotton with
a view to aid owners." The Secretary then showed such a scheme
would cost from 100 to 175 millions in additional Treasury notes,
and would wreck the government's finances at the beginning of
what appeared to be a gigantic war. Recommending that the
planters turn their attention to remedies other than government
aid, he suggested that they divert a portion of their labor from
raising cotton to making clothes and other supplies and to pre-
paring winter crops to ease the grain shortage, and finally, if
emergencies should demand funds, apply to the great resource
of money capital in banks and private hands for individual
loans. 49
Congress, abiding by the recommendations of the Secretary
of the Treasury, refrained from legislating any measures in-
suring relief to the planters. 50 Aid to the latter, however, was
48 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 147-148, Memminger to Gen. W. W. Harllee, Marion, S. C,
July 9, 1861. In the same correspondence, the head of the Treasury disclosed his plan to
be as follows: "to issue Treasury notes at an interest of 2c per day per $100.00, and advance
5c per pound in these notes to the planters, taking a lien on the cotton for the advance. The
cotton thus borrowed on would be placed in the hands of some middle man. The notes
being received as currency will enable the planter to pay his indebtedness and also any
portion which he has devoted to the Government through the Produce Loan, and the cotton
can remain an indefinite time, so that the foreigner will be compelled to break the blocade.
In fact it might be repeated for 2 years. For all that we want abroad we probably have
means enough there now to pay; but if the blocade continues we cannot get anything from
abroad so that we will have nothing to pay for." Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 168, Mem-
minger to Ed. G. Palmer, July 30, 1861.
40 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 213-216, Circular to "The Commissioners Appointed to Re-
ceive Subscriptions to the Produce Loan," Oct. 15, 1861; IV, 152, Memminger to W. H.
Jones, July 13, 1861; IV, 200-201, Memminger to R. D. Powell, Oct. 9, 1861; Capers, Mem-
minger, 352-355; Pollard, Davis, 179-180; Off'l. Rec'ds., 4th S., I, 689-691; Confed. Treas.
Reports, III, 49-52, Schwab, Confed. Sts. of Am., 15-16.
*>DeBow'8 Review, Dec. 1861, 558.
The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 57
not to be denied, and the help refused by the Provisional Congress
was soon "freely provided" by various state governments issuing
their own bonds and treasury notes based on the security of cot-
ton received in exchange for them. Expecting to redeem their
bonds and treasury notes with receipts from the sale of the cot-
ton, the several states carried on operations at home and abroad.
These operations, interfering with the similar cotton speculation
carried on simultaneously by the Confederacy, gave rise to con-
flicts between the competing state and Confederate govern-
ments. 51
Organization for Collecting Subscriptions to the Produce
Loans: Its Operation
As the year 1862 got under way, there were frequent reports
of planters selling their crops. In order to receive the portion of
net proceeds subscribed to the Produce Loan, the government
hurriedly completed plans for making collections. 52
Adopting the arrangements made by DeBow, an organization
was established to collect subscriptions. A General Agent of
the loan was appointed for each state. He was to superintend
the taking and collecting of all the subscriptions payable within
his state. As an aid in collecting subscriptions payable at places
other than his own residence, each General Agent was authorized
to appoint Subordinate-Agents. 53
To make the organization for collecting subscriptions more
effective, all agents were to receive a compensation — a brokerage
upon the amount each collected. In explaining the change from
volunteers to paid agents, the Secretary said the duties of volun-
teer agents had become so "onerous and responsible" and absorb-
ed so much of their time that they were compelled to notify him
of their inability to continue their services. Stating that since
only 20 millions of the 100-million loan had been subscribed
through the efforts of volunteers, the balance, he felt, required the
51 Along with Mississippi, both Texas and North Carolina issued state treasury notes and
bonds to the planters for cotton and engraved in extensive cotton speculations in competition
with the Confederate government. A similar scheme for relief of the planters was also
considered in Louisiana but failed fruition. Schwab, Confed. Sts. of Am., 25-26; Off'l.
Rec'ds., 1st S., XXXIV, pt. 3, 730-734.
52 Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 59-66, Treasury Report of March 14, 1862; Charleston Daily
Courier, Jan. 25, 1862; Off'l. Rec'ds., 4th S., I, 689-691, (Memminger to Produce-Loan Com-
missioners, Oct. 15, 1861); DeBow Papers, F. D. Conrad to DeBow, Nov. 7, 1861; Capers,
Memminger, 352-355.
53 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 247-248, Memminger to Robert Tyler, Register of the
Treasury, C. S. A., Jan. 3, 1862.
58 The North Carolina Historical Review
active intervention of paid agents — the said agents to be compen-
sated by a brokerage appropriated by Congress. 54
Having completed the arrangements for collecting subscrip-
tions, DeBow resigned the position he held gratuitously as Chief
Commissioner of the Produce Loan Office 55 and two weeks later,
January 17, 1862, accepted appointment as "General Agent to
collect proceeds from the sale of subscriptions to the Produce
Loan" for the city of New Orleans. 56 In announcing DeBow's
resignation, Memminger insisted that the "new and onerous"
duties of the Produce Loan Office be placed under the manage-
ment of Robert Tyler, 57 Register of the Treasury, recommending
that "a chief clerk with a salary of $1500 should have the chief
charge of the business with one or two clerks under him" 58 at a
salary of $1000. 59 In assuming the superintendence of the Pro-
duce Loan, the Register of the Treasury, believing the chief
clerk "should be a gentlemen of education, capacity, and integ-
rity," submitted the name of Archibald Roane of the First Audi-
tor's Office. 60 Memminger approved Tyler's request, and on
January 21, 1862, he informed Archibald Roane 61 that "he was
54 Corresp. of Treas. CSA. f IV, 276, Memminger to R. W. Barnwell, chairman, Com-
mittee on Finance, Senate, March 28, 1862. The compensation of both General Agents and
Subordinate- Agents was a brokerage at the following rates: On all sums of $100,000 and
under, 1/2 of 1 per cent; on all sums over $100,000 and less than $500,000, 1/4 of 1 per cent
additional; on all sums over $500,000 and less than $1,000,000, 1/8 of 1 per cent additional;
and on all sums over $1,000,000, 1/16 of 1 per cent additional; until the whole compensation
of any one agent shall reach $3,000, beyond which no charge shall be made. Confed. Treas.
Reports, III, 53-54, "Instructions for the Agents Collecting Subscriptions to the Produce
Loan, Jan. 3, 1862."
55 Following DeBow's resignation Jan. 3, 1862, as head of the Produce Loan Office, a certain
Norrell acted as temporary chief clerk until the appointment of Archibald Roane. Corresp.
of Treas. CSA., IV, 247-248, Memminger to Robt. Tyler, Jan. 3, 1862.
56 DeBow Papers, Memminger to DeBow, Jan. 13, 1862.
57 Robert Tyler, son of President John Tyler, was born in New Kent County, Va., 1818;
died in Montgomery, Ala., 1877. Educated at William and Mary College. Became a member
of the Philadelphia Bar, 1844. From 1853 to 1861 he was prothonotary of the Supreme
Court of Pennsylvania. With the start of the Civil War he moved to Virginia and was
appointed Register of the Treasury, C. S. A., 1861-1864. Wilson and Fiske, eds., Appleton's
Cyclopaedia of American Biography (6 vols., New York, 1889), VI, 199.
58 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 247-248, Memminger to Robt. Tyler, Jan. 3, 1862. In the
same correspondence, the Secretary wrote, "As the subscriptions are in substance offers to
take so much of the issue of one hundred millions of bonds authorized by the act of Aug. 19,
1861, the issue of said bonds for produce and the carrying into complete effect the sub-
scriptions, are regular duties of your bureau, but, inasmuch as they are new and onerous,
additional clerks will be furnished you for the purpose." Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV,
247-248.
5B Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 47, Memminger to Howell Cobb, Pres. of Congress, Jan. 20,
1862.
«° Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 255, Robt. Tyler to Memminger, Jan. 16, 1862.
61 As the business of the Produce Loan Office expanded, Roane added two clerks to the
Office. On Dec. 26, 1862, L. L. Howison was appointed to "examine and record invoices
of tobacco purchases and Tithes" and also was responsible for "accounts connected with
the shipment and sale of cotton and tobacco in Europe." J. W. Burke was appointed Feb.
26, 1863, to "examine and record invoices of cotton purchases and Tithe Cotton" and also
to "examine and prepare for settlement the accounts of Produce Loan Agents." "List of
Clerks in the Produce Loan Office, Treasury Department, between the Ages of 18 and 45,"
Oct. 11, 1864, signed by A. Roane, Chief Clerk, Produce Loan Office, in Ace. 212, Confederate
Archives (Treas. Dept., National Archives, Washington, D. C).
The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 59
transferred from the office of First Auditor to the produce loan
bureau, of which he will act as chief clerk."
Desiring funds in England 62 predicated upon the Produce
Loan, 63 Memminger instructed the General Agents to ascertain
whether any merchants in their districts could give to the Treas-
ury Department "a credit in England, secured by the deposit of
cotton in this country, . . . upon a pledge that the cotton would
be shipped to the house making the advance upon the removal of
the blocade." 64 If this could be effected, the Secretary proposed
that the agents procure the cotton from subscribers to the loan.
"In making the purchases," he said, "it would be desirable to
induce the subscribers to the produce loan to let you have, at the
market price, the portion of crop which they had subscribed,
and thus close the subscription. . . . You will readily perceive the
advantage of exchanging the credit of the government in a bond
for commodities which will be available for foreign pur-
chase. . . ," 65
Learning of the desires of the Secretary, the editor of the
Richmond Daily Enquirer wrote that a project favorably enter-
tained by the highest authorities was under way, saying "It is
proposed that the Government take all the cotton subscribed
under the produce loan act at . . . some . . . fair price, and as
much more cotton as may be subscribed on the same terms" giv-
ing government bonds in exchange. Commissioners were "to be
sent to Europe with full powers to negotiate the sale of the cot-
ton, or to make it the basis of a treaty alliance with Louis
Napoleon." The editor added:
62 S. N. Campbell (merchant, London) wrote "At this moment we are in advance Cash
payments upward of 500,000 dollars" to the Confederacy, and "We are as you may suppose
most anxious for remittances. . . . We shall be glad to receive produce, say cotton, tobacco,
or turpentine, it can be purchased for our account and credit given . . . for the value in
liquidation, or if you elect the produce can be shipped to us to be sold upon your account, the
proceeds credited less our commission." John T. Pickett Papers (MSS. Division, Library
of Congress, Washington, D. C, hereafter cited as Pickett Papers), S. N. Campbell to
R. M. T. Hunter (Secretary of State), Jan. 29, 1862.
63 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 264, Memminger to DeBow, Feb. 17, 1862.
6 * Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 265, Memminger to L. W. Lawler, Gen. Agt., Feb. 17, 1862;
DeBow Papers, Memminger to DeBow, March 28, 1862.
65 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 272-273, 282-283, Memminger to Messrs. John Fraser and
Co., Gen. Agts., March 24, 1862, and April 9, 1862; DeBow Papers, Memminger to DeBow,
April 5, 1862. It is evident that Memminger also expected to use the cotton thus procured
for purchases at home as well as abroad. On April 1, 1862, he wrote DeBow, "The War
Dept. have purchased from Messrs. Gatherin and Co. a large supply of goods, for Army use,
which they desire to pay for in cotton. If this can be purchased with Confederate bonds, it
will be mutually beneficial to the War and Treas. Depts." Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 277,
Memminger to DeBow, April 1, 1862. The Secretary of the Treasury believed "many owners
would prefer changing their cotton into Government bonds rather than face the danger
threatening it in the exposed areas." Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 269, Memminger to Geo.
A. Trenholm, March 7, 1862.
60 The North Carolina Historical Review
It is believed that if a million of bales of cotton could be offered
at a fair price, to meet the demand in France, that Government
would purchase it on delivery in this country. This would neces-
sitate the Emperor to raise the blockade and take possession of
the purchase. . . . 66
Motivated primarily by his desire to procure funds in Europe 67
and also hoping to induce foreign aid in raising the blockade, 68
Memminger recommended that Congress authorize the accept-
ance of articles in kind subscribed to the Produce Loan in ex-
change for bonds. 69
250-Million Dollar Loan — Continuation of the Produce
Loans : The Final Form
Adopting the Secretary's recommendations, Congress on April
21, 1862, approved "An act to authorize the exchange of bonds
for articles in kind, and the shipment, sale, or hypothecation of
such articles." 70 This was the third and final form of the Pro-
duce Loan. The act empowered the Secretary "to exchange
[$250-Million in] bonds or stock of the Confederate States for
any articles in kind, required by the Government." Officers of
the Commissary were directed "to receive, at the place of pur-
chase, all such articles applicable to their Department, and apply
same as though purchased by themselves." Section 3 of the act
authorized the Secretary:
... to accept for the use of the Government in exchange for . . .
bonds or stock, cotton, tobacco, and other agricultural products
in kind, which have been subscribed to the Produce Loan, or
66 Richmond Daily Enquirer, editorial "Cotton and the Blockade," March 8, 1862. Speaking
of the blockade on April 3, Memminger said, "It seems likely that the blockade will continue
longer than I had supposed. England seems more set against us now than at the beginning of
the war. . . ." Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 278, Memminger to James D. Denegre, April 3,
1862. Regarding England's attitude, James H. Hammond said, "The Government should
have taken over control of total cotton crop at first and Great Britain would have come to
her aid for fear of Industrial suicide from loss of cotton. Instead the Gov't, refused to take
over complete control and permitted speculators to take out cotton over blocade and when
England got it without coming to aid of the Confederacy she refused to aid and remained
aloof." James H. Hammond Papers (MSS. Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C,
hereafter cited as Hammond Papers), XXIX, Hammond to Col. L. M. Keitt, June 27, 1862.
67 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 265, Memminger to L. W. Lawler, Feb. 17. 1862.
68 Charleston Daily Courier, address of Dr. C. K. Marshall, Mississippi, at meeting of Cot-
ton Planters and Tobacco Planters in Richmond, Va., March 3, 1862; Hammond Papers,
XXIX, James H. Hammond to Memminger, April, 1862.
60 Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 59-66, Financial Report, March 14, 1862.
70 Register pf Acts C. S. A., Act No. 80 of the Permanent Congress of 1862, passed April
18, approved April 21, 1862; Matthews, Public Laws of CSA., 47.
The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 61
which may be subscribed in kind at such rates as may be ad-
justed between parties and the agents of the Government.
Provided, That in no event shall he receive of cotton or tobacco,
a greater value than $35 millions. . . . 71
The Secretary was further authorized to procure advances on
the cotton and tobacco by hypothecation, or to ship the same
abroad, or to sell the same at home or abroad ; and, to assist these
operations, he was permitted to issue Produce Certificates, which
entitled the party to whom issued to receive the produce therein
set forth, and to ship it to any neutral port. 72
Procuring Articles in Kind under Act of April 21, 1862
On May 21, 1862, detailed regulations were issued to the Pro-
duce Loan agents instructing them to direct their efforts almost
entirely to the purchase of cotton with bonds. 73
The agents were "requested to proceed with vigor to the exe-
cution of this trust, and in every part of the state where safe de-
posit can be had of the cotton purchased . . . proceed to make
purchases." 74 With cotton "being of a character useful to the
Army or susceptible of being made ... a basis for credit and
negotiation at home or abroad," 75 no limit was set to the extent
of purchases, and as late as October 8 the agents were ordered to
"purchase with 8 per cent bonds ... as much as you can get." 76
Market value of the cotton was ascertained from actual bona fide
sales, and varied from state to state and county to county, as the
71 Matthews, Public Laws of CSA., 47. In addition to the thirty-five million dollars in
bonds, Congress also placed two million dollars in Treasury notes in the depositories to be
drawn on by agents for the purchase of produce. Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 366, Mem-
minger to James Sorley, Oct. 17, 1862; IV, 370-371, Memminger to President Davis, Oct.
22, 1862. "An Act making appropriations to carry into effect 'An act authorizing the
exchange of bonds for articles in kind, and the shipment, sale or hypothecation of such
articles,' " approved April 21, 1862, found in Matthews, Public Laws of CSA., 50.
72 Matthews, Public Latvs of CSA., 47.
73 For full text of regulations, see Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 297-299, "Regulations as to
the Purchase of Produce under the 'Act to Authorize the Exchange of Bonds for Articles in
Kind, and the Shipment, Sale, or Hypothecation of Such Articles,' Approved April 21, 1862,"
Memminger to all agents, May 21, 1862.
7i Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 304, Memminger to Phinizy and Clayton, Gen. Agts., May
29, 1862; DeBow Papers, Memminger to DeBow, June 10, 1862. Any cotton purchased by
the government within 12 to 20 miles from a navigable river was to be removed by the
planter to a safe distance and was to receive the same care by the planter as in its original
location. It was to be "well housed and protected from weather, be safe from cattle, and
not near enough to the ground to be injured." DeBow Papers, "Produce Loan — Instructions
to Agents," Oct. 29, 1862.
75 DeBow Papers, "Produce Loan — Instructions," July 24, 1862. DeBow to Subordinate-
Agents.
79 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 362, Memminger to Messrs. Phinizy and Clayton, Oct. 8,
1862.
62 The North Carolina Historical Review
cotton was near or distant from market, or more or less exposed
to the enemy. 77
As the Produce Loan agents proceeded with their purchasing
operations, many planters refused to sell their cotton and other
produce to the government unless part of the transaction was
paid in negotiable Treasury notes rather than in non-negotiable
bonds. Learning of this Memminger informed all agents, "You
are instructed to make your purchases with Bonds as far as
practicable and whenever parties selling refuse to receive pay-
ment entirely in Bonds you are authorized to make payment part-
ly with cash not to exceed in any case more than one-half of the
whole cost. ,,?8
Cotton Certificates
Temporarily overcoming the difficulty retarding the purchase
of cotton, the government was able to procure a considerable
amount which it stored on plantations and in warehouses. Using
this cotton as security, the Treasury issued 1,500 Cotton Certifi-
cates which it planned to sell in Europe, thus acquiring funds
for its purchases abroad. The Cotton Certificates, adopted upon
the suggestion of James M. Mason, Confederate Commissioner to
Great Britain, 79 stipulated that the price of cotton be fixed at
5 pence sterling per pound. Each certificate was valued at $1,000
and called for 20 bales of cotton. 80 "Separate certificates were
issued for Gulf and Atlantic ports, in amounts that could be de-
livered at each." The certificates were "demandable only after
peace, and within six months thereafter," as it was "impossible
to deliver cotton in any great amount till then." In the event a
77 During 1862 the government instructed its agents for purchasing cotton to adhere to the
list showing valuation for different grades of cotton as issued by J. E. Valle, Cotton Broker,
and Payne, Harrington and Co., Cotton Factors, New Orleans, April 17, 1862. Based on
New Orleans Middling at 6, 9, and 10 cents respectively, the values were:
Ordinary 4-1/2 6-3/4 7-1/2
Good Ordinary 5 7-1/4 8
Low Middling 5-3/8 7-3/4 8-1/4
Liverpool Middling 5-3/4 8-1/2 9
Orleans Middling 6 9 10
Good Middling 6-1/2 9-1/2 10-1/2
Middling Fair 7 to 7-1/4 10 10-3/4
Fair 7-3/4 10-1/2 11-1/4
Fully Fair 8-1/4 to 8-1/2 11 12
Good, Fair, & Upwards 9-1/2 12 14-1/2 to 15
Each of these prices was permitted to range from 1 to 2-1/2 cents for the same grade
according to its degree of security. DeBow Papers, "Produce Loan — Instructions," July 24,
1862. DeBow to Subordinate-Agents.
78 DeBow Papers, Memminger to J. T. Doswell and Co., Dec. 5, 1862; Corresp. of Treas.
CSA., IV, 360-361, Memminger to J. S. K. Bennett, Oct. 4, 1862; IV, 366, Memminger to
James Sorley, Oct. 17, 1862; IV, 384, Memminger to Dr. S. P. Moore, Nov. 11, 1862.
70 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 388-389, Memminger to James Spence, Nov. 26, 1862.
80 A Cotton Certificate called for 20 bales of cotton, each valued at $50 per bale (5 pence
Sterling or 10 cents per pound x 500 pounds to the bale), thus its face value of $1,000.
The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 63
purchaser desired to run the blockade, the following clause was
added to each certificate: "The Government further agrees to
deliver cotton called for in this certificate at any time during the
pending war, at any port within its possession upon the payment
by the holder of the cost of the transportation." 81
Believing Cotton Certificates offered the best means for raising
money abroad, Memminger informed the Secretary of Navy,
S. R. Mallory, of this belief, adding:
. . . The embarrassment which my agents meet with is from be-
ing obliged to purchase with bonds. This difficulty could be re-
moved by your placing at my disposal the money which you wish
to remit to Europe. With that my agents would buy cotton, and
upon these purchases, Cotton Certificates could be issued and
sent to Europe and their proceeds placed to the credit of your
agent in Europe. 82
Upon Mallory's approval to place at Memminger's disposal the
appropriations made to the Navy Department for naval supplies,
the Secretary of the Treasury hastened to fill the Navy and War
departments* needs. To effect this, Memminger appointed J. B.
Gladney, a Subordinate-Agent-At-Large, to purchase cotton in
Mississippi. Writing to J. D. B. DeBow, General Agent for the
State of Mississippi, Robert Tyler, Register of the Treasury,
said, "Mr. Gladney has made some important contracts with the
Navy and War Departments and cotton to be purchased by him
is to be set apart and appropriated to the payment of these con-
tracts until they are satisfied. This appointment is somewhat ir-
regular, but it is made to meet a special case." 83 Adhering to
this example, Memminger appointed the firm of J. T. Doswell
and Company Subordinate-Agent-At-Large in northern Missis-
sippi, Tennessee, and part of Arkansas lying between the St.
Francis and Mississippi Rivers, "to fill contracts for military
supplies, made by the Quartermaster General with Messrs. Walk-
er, Harris, and Fowlkes." 84 The management of the Subordi-
nate- Agents- At-Large came under the jurisdiction of the General
Agent in whose area they operated. Their activities were guided
by the general instructions sent to all Produce Loan and Pur-
81 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 372-374 (Cotton Certificate Instructions), Memminger to
James M. Mason, Oct. 24, 1862.
82 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 382, Memminger to S. R. Mallory, Secretary of the Navy,
Nov. 7, 1862.
83 DeBow Papers, Robt. Tyler to DeBow, Nov. 21, 1862.
84 DeBow Papers, Memminger to DeBow, Dec. 5, 1862.
64 The North Carolina Historical Review
chasing Agents, with one exception; namely, due to the time
limit for satisfying the War and Navy contracts for cotton, the
Subordinate-Agents-At-Large were not "expected like other
Sub-Agents to operate in a particular district," but were author-
ized to make the most advantageous purchases wherever they
could within the limits described in their appointments. In order
to identify cotton purchased by them, the Subordinate-Agents-
At-Large were instructed to endorse their "name upon the Cer-
tificates of Transfer, and place some distinguishing mark upon
the cotton itself to the end that it may as far as possible be used
in payment of the contracts made by the Quartermaster General
. . . for military supplies." 85
For all cotton purchased by the Special Agents, Cotton Cer-
tificates were placed in the depositories, to be drawn on in satis-
fying the contracts. The Cotton Certificates were "valued at
the expense of purchase plus the fees of agents, plus the amount
cotton had appreciated since the date of purchase." 86
As the year 1862 drew to a close, the War Department, adopt-
ing the idea fostered by the Treasury, appointed its own Sub-
ordinate-Agents- At-Large in an attempt to expedite cotton pur-
chases and complete contracts for supplies. 87 The result, how-
ever, was not the favorable one anticipated — rather, it was a
demoralizing one. The operations of the various Subordinate-
Agents-At-Large competed with those carried on by the Produce
Loan Agents, and both, in turn, competed with the various state
and private agencies. As competition increased, prices rose, and
with the rise of prices, many planters again refused to sell their
commodity, hoping for a still higher price. •
With the start of the new year, operations under the act of
August 19, 1861, remained retarded owing to circumstances
growing out of the state of war and the invasion and occupation
of various portions of the Confederate States by the enemy, 88
whereas the activities of the agents appointed to purchase articles
in kind with bonds under the act of April 21, 1862, went on un-
abated, their efforts continuing toward the procurement of cotton.
ffi DeBow Papers, Memminger to J. T. Doswell and Co., Dec. 5, 1862.
86 DeBow Papers, Memminger to DeBow, Dec. 5, 1862.
87 Major A. A. Burleson was appointed a Special Agent by the Quartermaster General to
fill army contracts payable in cotton, one of the contracts being with Barriere and Brothers
for 10,000 bales of cotton and another with Walker, Harris, and Fowlkes for cotton valued
at $1,000,000. DeBow Papers, Memminger to DeBow, Dec. 22, 1862.
w Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 115-123, Thompson Allen, Chief Clerk of War-Tax, to Mem-
minger, Jan. 6, 1863.
The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 65
To increase purchases of cotton, DeBow advocated purchasing
small lots that had been previously ignored. "By not purchasing
small lots," he said, "the Government loses some of the best and
best located cotton . . . and causes dissatisfaction among the
smaller subscribers to the loan who are among the most reliable
citizens." DeBow added that competing buyers "prefer lots of
5-10-15 bales" believing that the "cotton is better and will be
better taken care of. . . ." The General Agent, as a further means
of increasing cotton purchases, again 89 suggested "buying cotton
not in marketable order . . . put up in boards and under shed"
saying it was "no more liable to loss than other cotton" and "if
the war lasts long — cotton in rope and bagging will [also] suffer
great deterioration." 90
Approving both suggestions in the hope of increasing the sup-
ply of government cotton, Memminger said he desired, however,
that all purchases of cotton in lots of less than 20 bales be "ag-
gregated as much as possible" and that all unbaled cotton should
be purchased "at a considerably reduced rate." 91
As the blockade continued in effect, the government's mounting
supply of cotton was considered by some to be "a white ele-
phant." 92 The Secretary of the Treasury, however, was well
aware of its merits as a basis for speculation security and in
January, 1863, contracted with the French house of Emile
Erlanger and Co., to float a 15-million dollar loan in Europe.
This was known as the Erlanger Loan. In compliance with the
requests of the Secretary, 93 Congress authorized bonds of the
Confederate States valued at 15-million dollars to be issued,
payable 20 years after date, with coupons attached for payment
89 On the recommendations of a Judge Harris, Nov. 9, 1862, DeBow suggested "purchasing
cotton put up in boards," but the Secretary of the Treasury thought it best to buy only
cotton put up in bales at that time, saying "the plan may merit consideration hereafter."
DeBow Papers, Tyler to DeBow, Nov. 19, 1862.
90 DeBow Papers, DeBow to Memminger, Jan. 1, 1863.
91 DeBow Papers, Robt. Tyler to DeBow, Jan. 15, 1863. The planters, however, refused
to sell unbaled cotton cheaper. They were willing to sell and pledge themselves to put it in
good shipping order but wanted the same price that was paid for baled lots, saying: "Cotton
now bought in baling and rope, if held till next winter will not be (in many cases) in ship-
ping order, because of the bursting of ropes and rot of bagging. ... If any difference is
made, it should be in favor of the seller who delivers his cotton in new baling and rope rather
than against him. Besides, the cotton being bought and paid for at nett weights, [we] lose
the sale of this rope and bagging price too . . ." DeBow Papers, Chas. Baskerville (sub-
agent) to DeBow, Feb. 11, 1863. In answer to this, instructions "To agents of the Produce
Loan," March 25, 1863, stated: "In purchasing unmarketable cotton . . . the weight of the
bagging and rope hereafter to be used may be added, but a discount of 3/4 to lc per lb. must
be made from market price of such cotton." DeBow Papers, Chas. Baskerville to DeBow,
Feb. 11, 1863.
92 Schwab, Confed. Sts. of Am., 16.
93 Pickett Papers, II, Memminger to Davis, Jan. 9, 1863.
66 The North Carolina Historical Review
of interest abroad at 7 per cent per year. Certificates for de-
livery of cotton in exchange for the bonds were also approved. 94
To make the loan more attractive, Article 4, pertaining to the
cotton procured by the Produce Loan Office, stated:
Each bond shall be, at the option of the holder convertible at
its nominal amount into cotton at the rate of 6 pence sterling for
each pound of cotton, i. e., 4,000 lbs. of cotton for each bond of
£100 . . . Notice of the intention of converting bonds into cotton
has to be given to the representatives of the Government in Paris
or London, and 60 days after such notice the cotton will be de-
livered — if peace, in the ports of Charleston, Savannah, Mobile
or New Orleans ; if war, at points in the interior of the country,
within 10 miles of a railroad or steam navigable to the ocean. The
delivery will be made free of all charges and duties except the
existing export duty of 1/8 of 1 cent per lb. The quality of the
cotton to be the standard of New Orleans middling. If any cotton
is of superior or inferior quality the difference in value of cotton
shall be settled by two brokers, one to be appointed by the Gov-
ernment and the other by the bondholder. Whenever these two
brokers cannot agree on the value, an umpire is to be chosen
whose decision shall be final. 95
By February 11, 1865, approximately five-sixths of the loan
was sold, the Confederacy realizing up to that date $7,675,501.25,
a trifle over one-half of its face value. 96
With the $1,500,000 in Cotton Certificates and the $15-Million
Erlanger Loan all supported by cotton presumed to be on hand,
it became necessary for the agents of the Produce Loan Office to
increase their cotton purchases and also induce the planters to
satisfy their subscriptions to the Produce Loan, if the government
hoped to extend its borrowing capacity abroad. However, with
prices on the increase, many planters continued to refuse to sell
their crops apparently waiting for a still higher price. If the
government were to procure sufficient cotton to support its
securities, additional measures had to be adopted. These meas-
ures were not long in coming.
94 Charles W. Ramsdell, Laws of the Last Confederate Congress (Durham, N. C, 1941,
hereafter cited as Ramsdell, Laws of Confed. Cong.), 164-165, No. 1, Secret Laws and Reso-
lutions (3rd Session), "An act to authorize a Foreign Loan," approved Jan. 29, 1863.
85 Ace. 212, Confederate Archives (Treas. Dept., National Archives, Washington, D. C),
Box 90, "Articles of Emile Erlanger and Co. Agreement of January 8, 1863"; Confed. Treas.
Reports, III, 98a-98c, "Erlanger Contract," Jan. 9, 1863.
96 Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 435-436, "Report on the Erlanger Loan, Feb. 11, 1865," show-
ing proceeds from loan as of Oct. 1, 1864.
The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 67
The-Tax-in-Kind and the 250-Million Dollar Cotton
Bond Loan
On April 24, 1863, Congress authorized the Tax-in-Kind, also
known as the Tithe Tax. The provisions of the act were of vital
concern to the Produce Loan Office for every farmer or planter
in the Confederate States was compelled to pay, along with other
produce, one-tenth of his cotton, wool, and tobacco as a tax-in-
kind. 97
In its effort to further supplement the government's cotton
supply and also prevent the increasing redundancy of the cur-
rency, Congress approved the 250-Million Dollar Cotton Bond
Loan of April 30, 1863. 98
Aimed at curbing the redundant currency and supplementing
the government's cotton supply, the act empowered the Secretary
of the Treasury to sell $250-million in 20 year-6 per cent Cotton
Bonds for outstanding Treasury notes which the Secretary was
then authorized to use for the purchase of agricultural products. 99
To make the bonds attractive as an investment, coupons were at-
tached providing for the payment of interest in specie (which
was, of course, scarce and desirable) or cotton which was con-
stantly appreciating in value.
With the proceeds derived from the sale of Cotton Bonds, the
Produce Loan Agents endeavored to purchase additional cotton
in an attempt to alleviate the government's increasing obliga-
tions. But as prices continued to rise along with the premium
on coin, the established interest rates of the Cotton Bonds were
considered by the Secretary as too lucrative an investment and
on December 10, 1863, the Assistant Treasurers and Pay De-
positaries were ordered to stop the sale of cotton interest
97 "An Act to lay taxes for the common defense and carry on the Government of the Con-
federate States," passed April 20; approved April 24, 1863. James M. Matthews, ed., Public
Laws of the C. S. A. Passed at the Third Session of the First Congress, 186 S (Richmond,
1863), 115-126.
98 The original MS. copy of the act is found in Ace. 378, Confederate States of America
Archives, 1861-'65 (Manuscript Division, Duke University Library). The act is listed in
Register of Acts, C. S. A., as No. 70 (Secret Session), Permanent Congress, 1863, passed
April 27, approved April 30, 1863, and is found in toto in Ramsdell, Laws of Confed. Cong.,
166-167.
99 Ramsdell, Laws of Confed. Cong., 166-167. The 250-Million Dollar Loan of April 30, 1863,
was floated in lieu of one hundred millions of dollars in bonds, which the Secretary of the
Treasury had been authorized to issue March 23, 1863, at a rate of interest of 6 per cent
per year, "payable at the pleasure of the owner in the currency in which interest was paid
on the other bonds of the Confederate States or in cotton of the quality of New Orleans
middling, valued at eight pence sterling per pound." Ramsdell, Laws of Confed. Cong.,
166-167; Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 474, editorial on the act, June 25, DeBow Papers,
Memminger to DeBow, May 19, 1863.
68 The North Carolina Historical Review
bonds. 100 On Februray 6, 1864, the act of April 30, 1863, author-
izing the 250-Million Dollar Cotton Loan was repealed, the total
amount of 6 per cent Cotton Bonds issued under the act being
$8,372,000. 101
With the start of 1864, Produce Loan agents in the exposed
areas were ordered to stop buying cotton and devote their "time
and energies to preserving the cotton already purchased," for
there was "scarcely a day that some report was not made con-
cerning the exposed condition of Government cotton." 102 Mem-
minger was "desirous that the condition of all cotton be looked
into and repairs made where needed." Special Traveling Agents
were appointed in the exposed areas "to examine as far as prac-
ticable the condition of Government cotton, reporting their ob-
servations and helping General Agents with the removal of cot-
ton." They were also ordered "to report all persons undertaking
interference without authority with cotton or to traffick in any
manner to the end that legal proceedings be had against them." 103
The appointment of Special Agents, however, was not the sole
answer for ending the illicit traffic, 104 nor was it the answer for
preserving and securing the cotton. Reports of cotton rotting
from being unsheltered continued 105 and cases of fraud, stealing,
and illicit trade with the enemy increased in number. 106 Planters
in exposed areas resold cotton they had sold to the government. 107
In an attempt to curb some of the lawlessness, newspapers ad-
vertised liberal rewards which would "be paid for such evidence
100 Tel. Messages Treas. Dept., 396, Memminger to W. Y. Leitch, Ass't. Treas., Charleston,
S. C, Dec. 10, 1863; Tel. Messages Treas. Dept., 396, Memminger to all Pay Depositaries.
101 Raphael P. Thian, compiler, Register of Issues of Confederate States Treasury Notes, to-
gether with Tabular Exhibits of the Debt, Funded and Unfunded, of the Confederate States
of America, 1861-65 (Washington, 1880, hereafter cited Register of the Debt, Funded and
Unfunded, of the CSA.) , 187.
102 DeBow Papers, Archibald Roane to DeBow, Jan. 29, 1864.
103 DeBow Papers, Instructions from DeBow to Henry V. McCall (Special Traveling Agt.),
Feb. 4, 1864. M. E. Wholey was appointed a Special Agt. by DeBow "to remove and pre-
serve Gov't, cotton" on the recommendation of the Mississippi delegation in Congress to A.
Roane. DeBow Papers, Roane to DeBow, Feb. 15, 1864.
104 Several of the agents did not escape the vice of illicit trade, H. P. Atkins, Agent at
Granada, Miss., H. V. McCall, and an agent, M. S. Dougall, being arrested and "charged
with complicity of selling cotton." DeBow Papers, DeBow to C. W. Wood, April 1, 1864;
DeBow to H. V. McCall, June 30, 1864; DeBow to Gen. Wirt Adams, July 13, 1864.
105 DeBow Papers, Roane to DeBow, March 30, 1864.
i°o DeBow Papers, DeBow to J. C. Bridgeforth, April 20, 1864; Dr. Jno. Ambrose (telegram)
to DeBow, April 20, 1864; DeBow to Gen. Wirt Adams, April 29, 1864; DeBow to Memminger,
April 30, 1864; DeBow to Gen. Polk, April 6, 1864; and others.
107 In instances of this kind, the agents were to get "all gold, Sterling, or greenbacks
received and turned over to the Gov't, at once or within 90 days the parties will be turned
over to the authorities." DeBow Papers, DeBow to H. Allen, and E. E. Armstrong, March
26, 1864; Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 599, Memminger to Col. W. A. Broadwell, March 9,
1864.
The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 69
as will lead to the conviction of any parties engaged in unlaw-
fully appropriating the Government Cotton." 108
Regarding the illegal trade being carried on in the exposed area
of Mississippi, T. J. Wharton wrote:
... As many as 23 wagons loaded with cotton . . . passed through
the public streets of Jackson on the holy Sabbath, in view of the
whole community. I am assured that, in the district between
Raymond and Utica, women (I cannot call them Ladies, however
respectable they may have been heretofore) mount their horses,
and ride over the neighborhood, buying up cotton, to sell to the
Yankees and invest the proceeds in merchandize such as coffee,
clothing, and, in some instances, in every kind of luxury. Parties
have been engaged in this illicit and demoralizing trade whom
you know personally, and whose reputation would [shelter] them
from the suspicion of even harboring a thought of engaging in
such disgraceful transactions. The evil has not stopped with the
sale of cotton owned by the parties, but very large amounts of
Government cotton have been stolen. The heads with the marks
removed, to prevent confiscation by the enemy and then sold at
Big Block, in Vicksburg. . . , 109
In response to the many reports of unsheltered cotton, illicit
trade, stealing, and fraud, the Confederate House of Representa-
tives resolved that an inquiry be made into the "condition of
Government cotton contiguous to the Mississippi and its tribu-
taries." Answering the inquiry, J. D. B. DeBow, General Agent
of the Produce Loan Office for that area, wrote :
From every source of information it is certain that the cotton
in the exposed district is in the most deplorable condition. Large
plantations are abandoned everywhere and the cotton has been
left in sheds. These tumble down or are blown down. Stray cat-
tle destroy the cotton; soldiers, particularly cavalrys strip it
of the ropes and bagging, or make use of it for beds, scattering
it in every direction ; fires are of frequent occurrence from acci-
dent or incendiaryism ; the poor of the country take away as
much as they can make use of; runaway Negroes devastate;
thieves, with whom the country abounds, carry off the cotton by
wholesale, trading it to the Yankees or hiding it in inaccessible
places. They do it at night or even in broad daylight as there is
little law in the country. Even those who have sold their cotton
to the Government, in their desperate fortunes, regarding them-
108 DeBow Papers, unidentified Mississippi newspaper clipping, April 12, 1864.
109 Jefferson Davis Papers (MS. Division, Duke University), T, J. Wharton to President
Davis, April 16, 1864.
70 The North Carolina Historical Review
selves as beyond the protection or reach of the Confederacy, sell
it again to the Yankees, upon the pretext that they will replace
it out of the next crop, or out of cotton in other quarters ! They
justify the act by their necessities — there is reason to fear that
soldiers are sometimes implicated in the guilt. Parties visit the
section with forged powers, represent themselves as Gov't, agents
and take away the cotton, using force if necessary. General
demoralization prevails throughout much of the entire section,
reaching to every class. Trade with the enemy is universal.
The temptations to fraud are overwhelming. Even our own
agents are often charged with complicity. I have endeavored
to procure men familiar with the country and the best recom-
mended. They report it to be impossible to prevent the depre-
dations. . . , 110
Numerous representations were handed to the Secretary of
the Treasury, telling of this great quantity of cotton liable to
capture which "could be disposed of to the advantage of the
Government." 111 In answer to these representations the Treas-
ury Department indicated "a willingness to sell the cotton in ex-
posed districts" with the understanding that the Confederate
authorities would not burn or interfere with it so long as the
Government of the United States would respect the understand-
ing and not interfere with it. 112
On November 10, 1864, the Produce Loan Bureau issued its
last annual report showing the following business as having been
concluded by that branch of the Treasury Department:
The original subscriptions to the Produce Loan
under Act of May 16, 1861 amounted to $28,070,905
The amount collected to date 16,897,000
The amount still unpaid $11,173,905
Further subscriptions to the loan under the act of August 19,
1861, were subsequently received and collected amounting to
$17,579,400, forming with the foregoing sum a total of $34,476,-
400 collected.
uo DeBow Papers, "Report on the condition of Government Cotton Contiguous to the
Mississippi and its Tributaries," J. D. B. DeBow to Memminger, April 9, 1864; same report
found in Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 341-345.
111 DeBow Papers, Roane to DeBow, April 5, 1864. It was stated that much of the cotton
in the exposed areas could be sold to buyers operating for France, England, and Belgium.
Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 656, R. G. Latting to Memminger, May 23, 1864; IV, 650, John
Duncan to Memminger, May 7, 1864.
112 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 645, B. M. Bond to Memminger, May 2, 1864.
The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 71
Under the act of April 12, 1862, authorizing the purchase of
cotton and tobacco, the purchases of tobacco were comparatively
unimportant, the total being $1,462,558.93; of cotton, however,
they were of great magnitude, the quantity of cotton purchased
being 430,724 bales at a cost of $34,525,219.40. From this must
be deducted the following:
Bales
Lost by capture, burnt by C.S.A. authorities, and
used for military purposes 129,771
West of Miss., and subject to be used for military
purposes 67,653
Sold by the Treasury Department 6,961
Shipped to Eng. in payment of the foreign debt, and
for general purposes 19,683
Expended in payment of cotton coupons 607
Expended for Army supplies 15,000
239,675
Which deducted from the quantity purchased,
leaves a remainder of 191,049
To which should be added for the estimate yield of
the tithe 15,000
Total on hand 206,049
The report stated that notwithstanding the deficiency occasion-
ed by the large quantity lost and appropriated to military pur-
poses, there was no pecuniary loss, the cotton on hand being
sufficient, at the increased value, to reimburse the cost of the
entire purchase, the value of 191,049 bales, at fifty cents per
pound, being $38,000,000. 113
Government Cotton and Tobacco and the Collapse of the
Confederacy
The question has often been asked, "What became of the
Government cotton and tobacco upon the collapse of the Con-
federacy ?" The following is offered as a partial answer.
With the surrender of the Confederate military, all cotton and
tobacco owned by the Confederate States of America was to be
seized by the United States government and placed under the
z^Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 385-388, "Annual Report of the Produce Loan Bureau,"
Nov. 10, 1864, Geo. A. Trenholm to R. M. T. Hunter, President pro tempore of the Senate,
72 The North Carolina Historical Review
supervision of Hugh McCulloch, Secretary of the United States
Treasury. 114
There is an indication, however, that all the cotton belonging
to the Confederacy did not reach the hands of the United States
government. In the correspondence of Charles Baskerville
(Produce Loan Agent) to J. D. B. DeBow (Organizer and General
Agent of the Produce Loan) , the former implies that many of the
agents for the Produce Loan enriched themselves with some of
the cotton. Baskerville wrote, "It seems that all the Cotton agents
have abundant fortunes — the reapings from our labor." 115
Whether this inference bears any truth may never be known.
It is known, however, that in the very last stages of the war —
just preceding the surrender — some of the Confederate author-
ities received tobacco, cotton, and other property, in payment of
individual debts contracted in behalf of the Confederacy. John
T. Pickett, Confederate envoy to Mexico, received 2,769 boxes
of tobacco in this fashion, which he immediately sold to William
H. Warder for sterling bills of exchange, because he knew of
Warder's "connection with a mercantile house of the highest
respectability in New York," and because he had evidence of
Warder's "being within the Confederate lines with the knowl-
edge and consent of President Lincoln." 116
Be these incidents what they may, a great portion of the Con-
federate cotton and tobacco was acquired by the United States
government, and with its acquisition came numerous demands
from Europeans for the United States to fulfill the obligations
stipulated in the various Confederate bonds which had been sold
with the seized cotton as security. The United States govern-
ment, however, refused to comply with any of these claims stat-
ing that according to the Fourteenth Amendment to the United
States Constitution:
. . . Neither the United States, nor any State, shall assume or pay
any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion
114 Frequently the Federal agents took cotton whose ownership raised a question of doubt.
In these cases private parties were compelled to contest their claim before the U. S.
Treasury Department. DeBow Papers, Charles Baskerville to DeBow, Aug. 15, 1865.
115 DeBow Papers, Baskerville to DeBow, Oct. 12, 1866.
116 Pickett Papers, II, statement written and signed by Jno. T. Pickett, Sept. 11, 1865.
The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 73
against the United States . . . but all such debts shall be held
illegal and void. . . , 117
Conclusion
With the collapse of the Confederacy, the Produce Loans came
to an end. Their primary purpose, as indicated, was that of
procuring means whereby funds could be raised at home and
abroad to purchase the critical supplies necessary for the govern-
ment's existence. The expanding duties of the Produce Loan
Office encompassed both the taking and collecting of produce
subscriptions under the loan acts of May 16 and August 19, 1861,
and later entailed the purchase of cotton and tobacco for govern-
ment use as authorized by the act of April 21, 1862. Through
its various operations, the Produce Loan Office endeavored to be-
come a stabilizing instrument in the government's financial
policy. Reacting as a curb on the inflated Treasury note cur-
rency, it attempted to prevent the growing redundancy of the
notes by withdrawing them from circulation, issuing long term
bonds in exchange. The Produce Loan Office further attempted
to restrict the inflationary tendencies of the note currency by
paying for its purchases of produce with government bonds.
As the responsibilities of the Office increased with the assump-
tion of control over the cotton, wool, and tobacco derived from
the Tithe Tax, its status was raised, on May 1, 1863, to that of
a Bureau. In the final stages of the war, the entire efforts of the
Bureau were expended in preserving the government cotton in
exposed areas, and selling that which was most likely to fall into
enemy hands.
The full influence of the Produce Loans and the Produce Loan
Office is impossible to relate. Monetarily speaking, it can be
estimated as follows:
Total income from Original Subscriptions to
the Produce Loan, Act of May 16, 1861 $16,897,000.00
Total income from New Subscriptions to the
Produce Loan, Act of August 19, 1861 17,579,400.00
Total income from the Produce Loans . . . $34,476,400.00
U7 A booklet by J. Barr Robertson, The Confederate Debt and Private Southern Debts
(London: Waterlow and Sons Limited, 1884), 8, in Ace. 212. Confederate Archives (Treas.
Dept., National Archives, Washington, D. C).
74 The North Carolina Historical Review
Total amount of produce receive in exchange for
bonds, Act of April 21, 1862 $35,987,778.33
Estimated income from Tithe Tax, 15,000 bales
@ $75 1,125,000.00
Total business of the Produce Loan
Office $71,589,178.33
This sum, however, falls far short of indicating the true worth
of the Produce Loan Office, for many of its activities are im-
measurable in their intrinsic value. This is apparent by asking
a few questions.
What would have been the effect on the government's paper
currency had the Produce Loan Office not been able to withdraw
$34,476,400 in Treasury notes from circulation in exchange for
bonds secured with cotton?
What would have been the result had the Produce Loan Office
not supplied cotton as security for the Erlanger Loan, from
which the government realized $7,678,501.25 in foreign exchange
at a time when its funds in Europe were totally exhausted?
Too, what would have been the result had the Produce Loan
Office not supplied cotton for interest on the $8,372,000 of Cotton
Bonds issued under the act of April 30, 1863, or established
security for Cotton Certificates?
The answers to these and similar questions are of course con-
jectural and it is not expected that definite answers be given — the
questions have been raised simply to instill a deeper appreciation
for the full significance of the Produce Loans and the Produce
Loan Office as a means of financing the Confederate States of
America.
BOOK REVIEWS
The Campus of the First State University. By Archibald Henderson. (Chapel
Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1949. Pp. xvi, 412. $5.00.)
This is an unhurried account of the founding of the University
of North Carolina, and the halting stages by which, during a cen-
tury and a half, the present campus was developed. By "campus"
the author means the "University lands as well as the grounds
upon which the institution is located: buildings, athletic fields,
gymnasium, stadium, arboretum, forests, plants and flora, land-
scape gardening, architecture, and innumerable other aspects of
the University's life."
Save for a few scattered flashes of sentiment and humor con-
cerning the work of the fathers and the escapades of the stu-
dents, the author adheres rather closely to the announced sub-
ject. Excerpts from reminiscences are admitted when useful in
illustrating the need or purpose of certain buildings or other cam-
pus features. There is no discussion of the influence of the Uni-
versity on the general growth of higher education in America.
Only incidental references are made to the development of the
curriculum.
The author's chief interest, undoubtedly, lies in the future. He
does not appear to argue a case, but throughout his narrative of
the past he evaluates events in relation to their permanent re-
sults. He is less inclined to praise the present beauty than to point
the way toward further improvement. This is the greatest value
of the book so far as the people of North Carolina are concerned,
and it is this broad, long-trend planning aspect of the book that
will probably prove most attractive to college presidents through-
out the land.
The book is useful also for the panorama of history which is
reflected in the narration concerning the buildings and grounds.
Among the founding fathers we find men of diverse poltical ideas
such as William Richardson Davie and Willie Jones. The Uni-
versity felt the conflict between Federalists and Republicans
during its infancy, and it throbbed to the vigorous growth of de-
mocracy during the first half of the nineteenth century. The Civil
War and the period of bitterness that followed left deep scars.
[75]
76 The North Carolina Historical Review
The subsequent growth of industry and urban life and the in-
creasing popularity of higher education brought to the Univer-
sity more students and more problems — and more buildings.
The day has long since passed when university buildings could
be constructed of brick that cost "40c. per pound" (p. 14), or
when students could find board for thirty dollars per year (p. 46) .
The General Assembly has usually been slow in appropriating
funds for the University — preferring that private donors step
forth. In view of the rapid multiplication of the cost of higher
education and the other financial demands upon state treasuries,
this condition is likely to continue. Will this mean that the Uni-
versity may more frequently have the occasion to say "Thanks
a million" (p. 294) to the federal government? One can scarcely
conceive of so fine and useful an educational center being devel-
oped save through the efforts and by the funds of those who la-
bored with first-hand understanding, with pride, and with love.
Gilbert L. Lycan.
John B. Stetson University,
Deland, Fla.
The Woman Who Rang the Bell. The Story of Cornelia Phillips Spencer. 1
By Phillips Russell. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina
Press. 1949. Pp. 287. Illustrations. $5.00.)
Now and then there appears in the history of a community or
an institution an individual whose qualities of mind and charac-
ter and personality seem to typify the very best in the life of its
people. Such a person was Cornelia Phillips Spencer of Chapel
Hill. This lady possessed a mind so capable, a pen so persuasive,
a spirit so vital, a character so dominating, and a personality
so compelling as to leave behind her not only enduring memories
among her loved ones but also a lasting influence upon village
and university as well. The story of her life is largely the story
of Chapel Hill and the University of North Carolina during the
last three-quarters of the nineteenth century. What is here re-
corded is called a biography but, in the words of the author,
"really it will be a love story — Cornelia Phillips Spencer's love
for a sleepy southern village and the University it contained."
Although Mrs. Spencer was born in New York and died in
Massachusetts her heart always dwelt in North Carolina and
1 The author of this book was presented the Mayflower Society award Dec. 2, 1949.
Book Reviews 77
the village to which she came in 1826 at the age of one year, when
her English-born father, Dr. James Phillips, became professor
of mathematics at the University. For almost seventy years, with
a few brief interruptions, she lived hard by the University and
witnessed and participated in its turbulent history during both
placid and critical times. During this span of time her father,
both of her brothers, and her son-in-law taught as members of
the faculty, but it does not appear an extravagant claim to argue
that she, who was allowed only the "crumbs that fell from the
University's table," was of more influence and significance in
its life and growth than any one of the others. Generations of
students came to know her and to admire her with an esteem that
amounted almost to sacred reverence, and posterity has come to
understand and appreciate her manifold services in its interest.
Of all these services the most valuable was that of her pen in
the dark days of Reconstruction. After the Civil War the Uni-
versity fell on evil days. Under the Republican regime of the new
president, the Reverend Solomon Pool, it was boycotted by the
Conservative element in the state, and as a result was forced to
close in 1870, for lack of students. Even before it had closed Mrs.
Spencer began her campaign for its redemption. Her weapons
were her friendships and her pen. She wrote a notable series of
Pen and Ink Sketches of the University for the Raleigh Sentinel,
as well as a weekly column for the North Carolina Presbyterian,
through both of which mediums she constantly and ably defended
the old regime and preached the necessity for reorganization and
support. In addition, she wrote numerous private letters to prom-
inent individuals of her acquaintance, urging upon them the im-
portance of renewed energies in behalf of the stricken university.
By her ceaseless vigilance and her continuous efforts she kept
alive an interest in it, and inspired the plan by which it was re-
opened in 1875. It was on her fiftieth birthday that the news of
the favorable action of the legislature was telegraphed to her
from Raleigh. That same day she climbed to the belfry, seized
the rope, and began to ring the college bell which had been silent
for five dreary years. "She did more than ring a bell ; she rang
out an old world of defeat and inertia and rang in a new world of
hope and belief" — a new world which her own indomitable zeal
78 The North Carolina Historical Review
and faith had done so much to make possible. And that bell has
never ceased to ring out the same message to this day.
In a philosophic mood, good Presbyterian that she always was,
Mrs. Spencer might claim to recognize in this victory the hand of
God which had brought her to Chapel Hill perhaps for just such a
time as this. But in a lonely mood she would also confess, at least
to her journal, that the hand of God was a heavy hand. For her
presence in Chapel Hill in the war years and thereafter was the
result of personal tragedy. In 1855 she had married James Mun-
roe Spencer, who had only recently graduated at Chapel Hill, and
had gone with him to his home in Clinton, Alabama. But
"Magnus" Spencer had died in June, 1861, after a lingering ill-
ness, and Mrs. Spencer, with her baby daughter, had returned
to Chapel Hill late that year, where she found it difficult to
acquiesce in what she admitted to be the will of God. But
tragedy did not end then or there. The harrowing war brought
new sufferings and military occupation at its tragic close added
new humiliations. Only as the larger tragedy which was the
South's — and the University's — was brought home to her sensi-
tive spirit was she able to win her private battle with memories
and take her pJace upon the stage of history. A growing deaf-
ness which first came upon her during the war years added to
her personal trials, but all these she was able to sublimate in
some new activity or some new crusade. Until 1894, when she
went to Cambridge to live with her daughter, she spent most of
her time in the village which remained her first love until her
death in 1908.
Inevitably, Mr. Russell's book invites comparison with an ear-
lier work about Mrs. Spencer, Old Days in Chapel Hill, by Mrs.
Hope Summerell Chamberlain, published by the same press in
1926. The earlier picture of her life and influence is not ma:
terially altered by this later exposition. This is natural, since
both authors have drawn largely from the same sources — the
abundant correspondence and the several journals and diaries
kept and preserved by Mrs. Spencer during most of her life. Mr.
Russell has drawn from some material not used by Mrs. Cham-
berlain, especially from numerous letters of mother to daughter
written in the later period of her life, but the additional material
simply adds authenticity and completeness to the already estab-
Book Reviews 79
lished picture, and changes it not at all. Both authors have al-
lowed their subject to write much of their book for them, for the
quotations are extensive, and well chosen. Anyone who has work-
ed in the Spencer papers must comment on the neatness of Mrs.
Spencer's writing, the perfection of her penmanship, her care-
ful grammar, her preciseness of expression, and the frequent
beauty of phrase. These features, together with the great variety
of the subject matter of the collection, must have added to the
delight of the research for this volume.
Mr. Russell's book is obviously important for a number of
reasons. Any general reader who is charmed by the story of a
great personality will be pleased with this account. Those who
are especially interested in social history in the nineteenth cen-
tury, or in the history of the University of North Carolina, will
discover valuable information and insights on almost every page.
Especially detailed and enlightening are the numerous comments
and intimate revelations about the leaders in the life of the Uni-
versity — especially about Swain, Battle, and Winston. The stu-
dent of North Carolina history will be attracted by the corre-
spondence with the great and the near-great in the history of the
State — Vance, Graham, and a host of others. But more impres-
sive than the complete list of her correspondents and acquaint-
ances among the great of her time is the revelation of the per-
sonality and character of a very great lady who once wrote : "If
one or at most two or three hearts hold me, when dead, in faith-
ful remembrance, it will be as much as I ask, or expect." An al-
ready extensive list of those who have not forgotten her should
be greatly augmented by this fine book.
Frontis W. Johnston.
Davidson College,
Davidson, N. C.
The DeviPs Tramping Ground and Other North Carolina Mystery Stories.
By John Harden, with drawings by Mary Lindsay McAlister. (Chapel
Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1949. Pp. x, 178. $3.00.)
This is a collection of twenty stories, all of which were pre-
sented in a series of programs, "Tales of Tarheelia," by the
present author over Radio Station WPTF at Raleigh in 1946
and 1947. Mr. Harden makes no claim to originality of author-
ship, but in his preface frankly refers to himself as a collector
80 The North Carolina Historical Review
and pays tribute to "North Carolina's humble raconteurs of
legend and story who have kept many of these stories alive down
through the years."
Mr. Harden has made, nevertheless, a real and vital contribu-
tion to North Carolina folklore in bringing together and pre-
senting in clearcut and attractive form these outstanding ex-
amples of mysteries that have grown from North Carolina soil.
Each story presents the locale and attendant circumstances of
the origin of a mystery that baffled contemporaries. Also ac-
companying most of the stories are possible solutions that have
been offered by contemporaries and by succeeding generations. In
two cases these are sufficient to account for the origin of the
mystery in the style of the more usual "whodunit" yarns. The
others, as in the case of "The Lost Colony," will probably re-
main unsolved.
A geographical and chronological summary of the stories re-
veals the collection as a well-balanced coverage of the state and
its heritage. Eight of the stories have their origin along the
coast, six are selected from middle or piedmont communities,
and five are of mountain origin. The account of the disappear-
ance of Captain Johnston Blakeley reaches the climax of its
action at some uncharted point on the high seas. Three of the
tales have been told and re-told since the days before the
American Revolution ; seven, including a Civil War story, reflect
the life of the nineteenth century ; six are based on incidents of
the twentieth century that seem likely to remain unsolved mys-
teries. "The Devil's Tramping Ground," which gives the volume
its title, is based on a natural phenomenon that does not fit into
a chronological system.
Readers of this volume will find at least one story with which
they are already familiar. Some will recall different versions,
and many will be able immediately to relate reputed solutions
not here included. These circumstances will lend increasing inter-
est to these stories and to this book. So long as any mystery re-
mains unsolved by the presentation of clear evidence of a tangible
material sort one guess differs from another only in the degree
to which it appeals to the universal human instinct for the bi-
zarre, the unusual, and the unknown. The value of this work
arises from the care with which the details of the various stories
Book Reviews 81
have been assembled and flavored with a liberal sampling of
the numerous attempts at speculative solutions that have them-
selves reached the status of collateral stories.
Paul Murray.
Eastern Carolina Teachers College,
Greenville, N. C.
Cloud Over Catawba. 1 By Chalmers G. Davidson. (Charlotte: The Mecklen-
burg Historical Society. 1949. Pp. 210. $2.75.)
Dr. Davidson, a member of the faculty of Davidson College, is
an enthusiastic collector of Catawba Valley lore ; he has crammed
a vast amount of it into this book. Taken on those terms, the
book is a successful one and a useful contribution to the litera-
ture dealing with the valley. It is the conviction of this reviewer,
however, that Dr. Davidson should have given it to us straight
instead of dresing it up in the habilaments of fiction.
Anything between covers that offers itself as a novel must
submit to judgment by standards beyond scholarly research; it is
the function of the novelist to create a new world of his own,
peopled with living, breathing creatures. Simply naming a thing
is not enough to make that thing exist. The book is full of names,
not flesh-and-blood people, not objects you can touch, not sensa-
tions. To write the word "fear" does not conjure up a thick, dry
tongue, clammy palms, a tight chest, a pounding heart.
Yet the book is valid, though it does not come to life as a novel ;
when you have finished it, you have a clear impression of the
harsh, granite Puritanism that characterized the people who
settled the piedmont, for in North Carolina east is east and west
is west and sin is a leopard that changes his spots at the fall line.
Peirson Ricks.
Winston- Salem, N. C.
Romanticism and Nationalism in the Old South. By Rollin G. Osterweis.
(New Haven: Yale University Press. 1949. Pp. xi, 275. $3.75.)
This study of the romantic movement in the South is a delight-
ful and illuminating book. It is built from scattered evidence
which orthodox political historians might regard as unsubstan-
tial. Nevertheless, it contains a very provocative thesis which
seems real to this reviewer. It is written with refreshing imagina-
1 This book is no longer available.
82 The North Carolina Historical Review
tion, opening with a colorful scene of a tournament at White Sul-
phur Springs, Virginia, on August 27, 1845. To economic-minded
historians this study may seem to neglect to explore sufficiently
the economic origins of romanticism in the land of Dixie.
Southern romanticism was in part imported from abroad, but
it developed along peculiarly Southern lines and was unlike the
Northern type of romantic thinking which looked to the future,
to a Utopian world with society reformed. Southerners of the
ante-bellum period were essentially conservative. Their romanti-
cism was backward-looking, based on an aristocratic ideal some-
what like medieval chivalry, reflected in the mirrow of Sir
Walter Scott and Byron, who were extravagantly admired in the
Old South. Among the upper class — "the chivalry' ' — the roman-
tic mood was exemplified in a taste for romantic literature, in
the flourishing of the code duello, in the myth of the cavalier,
Norman origin of Southerners, in giving romantic names to
plantations and localities, in the imitation of medieval tourna-
ments, in florid Southern oratory, in the cult of women, and,
finest of all, in the development of a high sense of honor. From
the concept of the honor of a gentleman arose the famous "Honor
System" at the University of Virginia, which was established in
1842 by a resolution introduced to the faculty by Judge Henry St.
George Tucker. The most striking phases of Southern romanti-
cism, however, emanated from the lower South, where there arose
a gorgeous vision, nurtured by De Bow's Review, of making New
Orleans the great port of America and where the dream of cre-
ating a Southern republic was nourished. Professor Osterweis
has made a contribution by pointing out that the romantic nation-
alism which affected revolutionary movements in Europe also
contributed to the growth of Southern nationalism.
Clement Eaton.
University of Wisconsin,
Madison, Wis.
The Southern Colonies in the Seventeenth Century, 1607-1689, by Wesley
Frank Craven. A History of the South, volume I. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana
State University Press and the Littlefield Fund for Southern History of
the University of Texas. 1949. Pp. xv, 451. $6.00.)
The ten-volume History of the South launched in 1948 by the
Louisiana State University Press and the Littlefield Fund of the
Book Reviews 83
University of Texas is now well under way. The present volume,
though not the first to be published, is the first of the series
chronologically and forms a good introduction to the whole. If
the authors of the other volumes of the series maintain the stan-
dards of Professor Craven's work, the South will have a history
worthy of that section's importance in the nation's history.
Professor Craven presents skilfully the most recent research
and contributes not a little by his own special studies into prob-
lems where spade work still needs to be done. Better than most
historians of a section he has avoided that imbalance which
specialized emphasis makes all but inevitable. Best of all, he has
written objectively.
The peculiar problem facing the author when he started this
work was to find those elements within the history of the region
which contributed to making the South a distinctive section of
the United States and yet to keep before his readers the fact that
in the seventeenth century there was indeed no South, not even
an America as a separate entity, only a group of English colonies,
wherein men, primarily English, strove to continue a way of life
inherited from past generations and at the same time to make
a living in the new surroundings.
Unlike Professor C. M. Andrews, whose volumes cover all the
colonies, and who approached his subject almost exclusively from
the English viewpoint, Professor Craven gives a picture of
Spain's interest in the New World, especially in that region
which today holds the Southern states of the United States. This
introductory chapter provides an excellent opportunity to dis-
cuss the products of the New World made known to Europe by
the Spanish, especially tobacco, and also to give an account of the
development of Negro slavery and the slave trade in the Spanish
West Indies. Both tobacco culture and slavery, as they became
part of the American scene, are important factors in shaping
the sectional character of the South.
Important also are Professor Craven's discussions of the sys-
tem of local government, the relationship of church and state,
and the rise of the planter class, all part of the distinctive pat-
tern of Southern life. Yet in this treatment of the seventeenth
84 The North Carolina Historical Review
century there is no romancing, no striving for dramatic effect.
Pocahontas comes into the story but briefly; the Assembly of
1619 and accompanying reforms are "a logical culmination of
policies adopted by the adventurers much earlier" ; Nathaniel
Bacon is something less than the "Torchbearer of the Revolution,"
though none-the-less a significant figure; the treatment of
Maryland's "Act concerning Religion" is eminently common
sense.
Though written with less verve (and with fewer prejudices) ,
Professor Craven's volume takes a place beside the late James
Truslow Adams' Founding of New England as a first-rate history
of the beginnings of a section of the United States.
Robert E. Moody.
Boston University,
Boston, Mass.
Humanistic Scholarship in the South. A Survey of Work in Progress. Com-
piled by Thomas B. Stroup and others. Bulletin Number One, Southern
Humanities Conference. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina
Press. 1948. Pp. 165. $1.50 paper, $2.00 cloth.)
There are two basic divisions to this survey, wherein the term
Humanities is taken to mean languages, literature, philosophy,
religion, history, art, music, and anthropology viewed historical-
ly. Part I is a list of scholars arranged alphabetically, with the
titles of their studies and the institutions with which they are
connected. Part II is a short-title list of studies arranged by dis-
ciplines and sub-divided as conveniently as possible, with the
scholars' names appearing alphabetically within each sub-divi-
sion. The survey is a quantitative study only, and is not primarily
concerned with the value of the projects reported.
Yet from a mere listing of works in progress the reader may
find a general pattern of what is going on, and observation may
be followed by evaluation. Certainly one can conclude that many
disciplines among the humanities are being neglected by South-
ern scholars. There is little activity reported here in the fields of
musicology, the history of art, Scandinavian, Oriental, and Slavic
literature, archaeology, and historical anthropology. Neither is
there much activity in the classics.
Book Reviews 85
On the other hand there are many fields, some of them sur-
prising, where abundant activity is recorded. Southern history is
receiving marked attention, both in basic studies and in general
syntheses. The South is studying the South. Great interest is also
shown in Southern folk-speech and dialect. Other fields in which
impressive research is listed include American litrature, English
literature, religion, philosophy, and Latin-American history.
The uses of this report will be numerous. It presents a reason-
ably accurate account of humanistic studies actually in progress,
and it enables scholars in any field represented to find out what
their colleagues are doing. It will save duplication of effort and
may be of great aid in an attempt to achieve a better balance over
the entire field. Certainly it should encourage cooperation in all
the humanities. The report itself is an impressive record of the
surprising amount of work actually under way in the South, and
the compilers and their sponsors deserve the gratitude of all
those interested in what the South is doing in the broad field of
humane learning.
Frontis W. Johnston.
Davidson College,
Davidson, N. C.
The South in Action: A Sectional Crusade Against Freight Rate Discrim-
ination. By Robert A. Lively. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Caro-
lina Press. 1949. Pp. viii, 98.)
The South in Action: A Sectional Crusade Against Freight
Rate Discrimination is a remarkable document. It is volume XXX
of the James Sprunt Studies in History and Political Science.
Reference to the bibliography of eight pages immediately sug-
gests tireless effort and great energy in combing that vast quan-
tity of material for the understandable essentials which the au-
thor has so skillfully condensed into a volume of six chapters, em-
bracing a total of ninety interesting and highly informative pages.
Yes, Dr. Robert A. Lively has treated a complicated and some-
what controversial issue in a manner which will appeal not only
to the layman but to the expert as well, whether he be a native
of the South or whether he discovered America in other latitudes.
There may be detected in this book a blending of object and
subject combined with other aspects of method welded into a
86 The North Carolina Historical Review
fine style of presentation which, both adroitly and realistically,
delineates the substance of that tenacious problem, sectional
freight rate discrimination. While abstractions and academic dis-
cussions are singularly absent from Dr. Lively's treatment of
the problem, there is a zestf ul fleck of romance here and there, as
for example, what the governor of North Carolina said to the
governor of South Carolina. Weary of expert freight rate discus-
sion, the governor said, "I think we have all been sufficiently
confused and we should get down to some kind of vote."
A general attorney for one of the western railroads in speaking
of freight rate complexities once said that a simple rate structure
is as impossible as hip disease in a snake. However that may be,
a clear and concise description of the rate structure, readily un-
derstandable, appears in chapter I of the book.
In logical sequence chapter II under the title of "Sectional
Awakening" accurately records the incipient activities respon-
sible for bringing together in a common cause the forces which
set in motion the active and relentless crusade against freight
rate discrimination.
Turning to chapter III dealing with the Southern governors'
case, there is revealed an excellent account of the trying circum-
stances under which it arose, developed, and was finally con-
cluded with the satisfactory result of removing territorial dis-
crimination from a number of manufactured articles, which move
from the South to the North in competition with the same kind
of traffic produced and transported within the North. This case,
in and of itself, fell short of the hopeful results initially antici-
pated by those who promoted it, but it was nevertheless a prece-
dent which has since been successfully relied upon by Southern
shippers in the removal of discrimination from additional com-
modities by negotiation with the railroads and through adver-
sary proceedings before the Interstate Commerce Commission.
It also provided the springboard from which representatives of
industry, agriculture, and government planned and coordinated
their more thoroughgoing crusade against freight rate discrim-
ination.
In so vast an undertaking encompassing a wide range of di-
verse interests coupled with a variety of personalities, some de-
gree of friction and misunderstanding is inescapable. This con-
Book Reviews 87
dition is faithfully reported in chapter IV under the caption
"Division In The South," wherein is chronicled the deterring
activities of a shipper group and the course of action as pursued
by a former highly placed public official. Here one is faced with
the problem of determining for himself the purity or impurity, as
the case might be, of the self-ascribed motives which impelled
the discordant attitudes adopted by the seceders. Even the ex-
perts are sometimes either unable or unwilling to reach a meet-
ing of minds.
The incessant voice of the South in action, ringing loud and
clear, eventually resounded to bring about the most comprehen-
sive freight rate investigation ever undertaken by the Interstate
Commerce Commission, as is recorded in chapter V, "The Class
Rate Investigation," and chapter VI, "Unfinished Business."
There, in clear and unmistakable language, the real issues are
traced in relation to the proof which thus far has turned those
issues toward a victory for the South.
A wellspring of confusion results from misunderstanding, mis-
givings, fragmentary publicity, and many other such attributes
of an undertaking of such proportions as the class rate and rating
investigation. Henceforth, however, when relatives or friends
seek an explanation of the freight rate controversy, a prompt
response should refer to The South in Action: A Sectional Cru-
sade Against Freight Rate Discrimination. For therein lies the
full and accurate story of the whole matter.
H. M. Nicholson.
North Carolina Utilities Commission,
Raleigh, N. C.
Aesculapius Comes to the Colonies: The Story of the Early Days of Medi-
cine in the Thirteen Original Colonies. By Maurice Bear Gordon, M. D.
(Ventnor, N. J.: Ventnor Publishers, Incorporated. 1949. Pp. xiv, 560.
$10.)
This is an unusual book. Its title is significant; its contents
and their arrangement are unique, in that both general and medi-
cal history are combined in suitable degree and with equal un-
derstanding. The author is the first medical historian who has
devoted his attention exclusively to the original physicians in the
thirteen American colonies, as a group.
88 The North Carolina Historical Review
Aesculapius Comes to the Colonies is indeed a comprehensive
work, an exhaustive and scholarly volume, giving an interesting
account of the rough and tumble lives of medical practioners in
the colonial days.
The reader is reminded that ''medicine in America was not
born with a silver spoon in its mouth." The author believes that
"Old World trickery and intrigue" were responsible for corrup-
tion and inefficiency in our early colonization, little, if any, of
which "was on an entirely honest plane." The colonial doctors
showed a great interest in statesmanship ; five physicians signed
the Declaration of Independence. But the chicanery in the medi-
cal department of the army during the Revolutionary War
"remains one of the blots on the pages of American medical
history."
The book as a whole is a story of the earliest days of medi-
cine in America and represents also the affairs of the general
population and in a larger sense the beginnings of the United
States. The author's particular desire was to present "a more or
less balanced picture of doctors and medicine in all the original
colonial states" — a picture which "has never been published."
Chapters for the states, as founded upon available recorded his-
tory, are included in the following order: Virginia, Massachu-
setts, New Hampshire, New York, Connecticut, Maryland, Rhode
Island, Delaware, New Jersey, the Carolinas, Pennsylvania, and
Georgia.
Of more particular interest to this reviewer and perhaps to
others in this area is the chapter entitled "The Carolinas." These
two colonies, treated together, are presented as a unit, although
much more medical history has been written, as well as made,
in South Carolina than in North Carolina. The settlements of
North Carolina came in the 1580's, but they were not permanent,
and no mention is made of any medical men among either the
first or the second Elizabethan expeditions.
Dr. Gordon mentions the names of five physicians who flour-
ished in the early days of North Carolina history. They were Dr.
Armand John De Rosset, Dr. John Brickell, Dr. Martin Kalber-
lahn, Dr. Nathaniel Alexander, and Dr. Ephraim Brevard. The
first two lived in the east, the next one in the piedmont section,
and the last two were farther west. They were eminent men, dis-
Book Reviews 89
tinguished for other achievements besides their professional
talents.
In addition to these worthies, the author does not fail to give
deserved credit to Dr. Hugh Williamson in the chapters relating
both to the Carolinas and to Pennsylvania. No narrative of emi-
nent men, medical or other, in these three states would be com-
plete without including the career of "this amazing man" —
clergyman, physician, scientist, statesman, historian, and mili-
tary surgeon. While he resided in North Carolina his home was
at Edenton.
Hubert A. Royster.
2318 Beechridge Road,
Raleigh, N. C.
Westward Expansion: A History of the American Frontier. By Ray Allen
Billington. (New York: The Macmillan Company. 1949. Pp. x, 873. $6.25.)
With the collaboration of Professor James Blaine Hedges, who
has contributed three chapters, Professor Billington of North-
western University presents in his book an attempt "to follow
the pattern that Frederick Jackson Turner might have used had
he ever compressed his voluminous researches on the American
frontier within one volume." The author states that he has fol-
lowed roughly the outline of the course on the history of the
frontier as given by Professor Turner at Harvard, and has at-
tempted a synthesis of the monographs and other writings pro-
duced by the Turner school.
Approximately one-fourth of the text is devoted to the colonial
frontier, another fourth to the trans-Appalachian frontier, and
the remainder to the trans-Mississippi West. The section on the
colonial frontier is particularly valuable, as most current his-
tories of the westward movement dismiss that period in two or
three brief chapters. The theme of the six types of frontier is
held clearly all the way through, and the organization is tightly
knit, making an organic whole of the entire book.
In style the author possesses an ease and clarity, spiced with
humor, which should be most acceptable to students. Social and
economic factors receive the great emphasis which is their due,
as this book is by no means a rehash of political and diplomatic
history. For instance, land policies are described in detail with
90 The North Carolina Historical Review
good diagrams, and the processes of community concentration
and social organization are significantly interpreted. Yet there
could be more attention to the folk culture produced by the
frontier, and to the frontier aspects of the South since the Civil
War, as lumbering and oil towns. This would, however, carry the
author beyond the confines of the Turner thesis, although it is
an integral part of our frontier history.
As courses in westward expansion are not as yet too common
in the Southeast, most students in this region will find in Pro-
fessor Billington's book a freshness of interpretation and view-
point which will stimulate their appreciation of the South's
frontier history and its similarities to and kinship with that of
the rest of the nation. The critical bibliography is well done and
extremely valuable as a stimulus to further reading. While the
eighty-odd maps are well-placed and contain all the items de-
scribed in the text, they vary so much in scale that some indica-
tion of latitude and longitude would seem advisable. There is a
surprising number of typographical errors. The size of the book,
although in accord with the custom today, would almost pre-
clude its use in a one-semester course. In conclusion, Professor
Billington's book is well-suited for use by advanced undergrad-
uates who are majoring in American history, and is perhaps the
best offering the reviewer has seen.
Sarah McCulloch Lemmon.
Meredith College,
Raleigh, N. C.
The Territory of Illinois, 1809-1814. Compiled and edited by Clarence Edwin
Carter. (Washington: Government Printing Office. 1948. Pp. 502. $3.25.)
Volume XVI of The Territorial Papers of the United States is a
worthy addition to this definitive set. Dr. Carter has solved the
problem of transcribing for scholars all of the territorial papers
in the National Archives by a carefully formulated plan of se-
lection. To control this choice he excludes documents heretofore
published unless they are a necessary part of a series repro-
duced in this volume. He gives priority to decuments concerning
territorial administration. Transcriptions of correspondence in
the letter books of the Postmaster General and memorials and
petitions from the settlers to Congress are reproduced with care,
Book Reviews 91
and in these categories, the compiler tells us, "students may feel
fairly assured there is little need to investigate further in the
Washington archives."
A lighter touch has been necessary in the selection of papers
relating to the sale and administration of public lands, Indian
affairs, and territorial defense, but omissions have been atoned
for by ample footnotes and citations.
This volume is the first of two devoted to Illinois territorial
documents. It begins with the committee report recommending
a division of Indiana Territory in 1808. Papers relating to the
administration of Acting Governor Pope and the first two ad-
ministrations of Governor Edwards are included. Thus the vol-
ume ends in 1814. A 52-page index adequately aids the researcher
in finding pertinent items. This volume, like its predecessors, is
a priceless tool for scholars.
J. Monaghan.
Illinois State Historical Library,
Springfield, 111.
Captain Dauntless. By William Bell Clark. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
University Press. 1949. Pp. x, 317. $4.50.)
Captain Dauntless is an account of the life of Nicholas Biddle
of the Continental Navy. Biddle went to sea in 1764 at the age
of fourteen and during the next ten years acquired considerable
knowledge of ships and men. He served in the Royal Navy both
as midshipman and as coxswain of the captain's launch during
the polar expedition of Captain Constantine John Phipps. The
advent of the Revolution interrupted Biddle's career in the Royal
Navy. He returned to his native state, Pennsylvania, to command
the Franklin galley. For the next four years he served in the
Continental fleet. In 1778 while fighting the British Man 0' War,
Yarmouth, Biddle' s vessel, the Randolph, exploded, killing the
twenty-seven year old captain and virtually all of his crew.
During his service in the Continental Navy, Biddle acquired a
reputation as an able fighting man, good captain, and excellent
student of human nature.
This volume was written by William Bell Clark, already well
known for his writings on naval history. Research for this biog-
92 The North Carolina Historical Review
raphy must have been tedious and time-consuming. The footnotes
are full and, as far as this reviewer could check, accurate. The in-
dex and bibliography are expertly done. The volume is attractively
bound and jacketed and is another on the long list of excellent
publications of the Louisiana State University Press. All in all
this volume is one of the most careful and painstaking research
efforts to appear in recent months. It is indeed refreshing to find
research continuing in source materials when the present ten-
dency seems to be toward synthesis and secondary materials.
Captain Dauntless is well written and, considering the wealth of
Navy terminology and detail, it is easy reading. It illuminates
the efforts of the Continental Congress to build a navy. Mr.
Clark is worthy of high praise for the work he has done.
Bennett H. Wall.
University of Kentucky,
Lexington, Ky.
Guns on the Western Waters. By H. Allen Gosnell. (Baton Rouge, La.:
Louisiana State University Press. 1949. Pp. xii, 273. $6.50.)
If there be any naval enthusiast who believes that naval war-
fare has been conducted only on salt water and high seas, let him
but read any one of the nineteen chapters in this stimulating
work dealing with numerous episodes in the over-all story of
gunboats on Western waters during the Civil War; for Mr.
Gosnell here presents real naval warfare — warfare which is
intensely dramatic and significant — which involves many of the
high seas factors plus numerous factors unique in river opera-
tions.
By no means aiming to write a complete or definitive work on
gunboat warfare or even on gunboats in the Civil War, the
author makes his presentation unique. Each chapter (except the
first) is begun by a brief introduction of the topic, and as soon
as possible the author turns over the narrative to one of the
participants or eyewitnesses of the battle or expedition being
described. Sometimes a gunboat commander will begin the ac-
count but will be cut short by a New York Tribune war corre-
spondent who will be permitted to carry the story along to the
point where the commander's words are more appropriate.
Book Reviews 93
When Mr. Gosnell has been unable to locate any satisfactory
contemporary account he fills in with his own words until a
suitable source is available.
The author's results are unusually pleasing, for he has select-
ed what appear to be the most accurate, colorful, objective
sources and has so integrated his quotations with his own words
as to produce a vivid, true-to-life picture of gunboat activities
during the Civil War.
Some of the more interesting episodes related include Com-
modore A. H. Foote's operations against Fort Donelson, as de-
scribed by the war correspondent Junius Henri Browne; the
saga of the Confederate gunboat Arkansas to which Mr. Gosnell
pays the tribute, "Her career lasted only twenty-three days, but
what a career! It included so much action that there probably
never was another vessel that averaged anything like as much
fighting per day as did the Arkansas" ; another is "Guns on The
Bayous," the account of how Admiral David Porter, commanding
his fleet of gunboats, crashed through inundated forest areas in
northwestern Mississippi (Porter himself is allowed to tell much
of the story) ; and the reader is taken along on the Red River
expedition and allowed to witness the phenomenal engineering
accomplishments of Colonel Bailey and his famed Red River dam.
On two occasions the scene leaves the rivers of the West, once
to relate a Suwanee River event and later to describe an Atlantic
coastal operation.
In order to provide the reader with a working vocabulary of
gunboat terms, Mr. Gosnell has prepared an introductory chap-
ter entitled, "The Gunboats and How They Fought," and herein
lies a genuinely original contribution by the author. Later, when
the action of a pivot gun is referred to, the reader has had ele-
mentary training in that type of gunnary providing, of course,
he has read chapter one thoroughly.
This volume has been admirably prepared and contains a
remarkable set of photographs, all printed in an unusually fine
manner.
Two omitted items are greatly missed; first, an index; and
second, a list of sources quoted. Had these "tools" been included
in this volume, its usefulness would have been appreciably en-
94 The North Carolina Historical Review
hanced, but despite these ommissions the work is a worthy ad-
dition to our understanding and appreciation of the role of the
inland navy in the Civil War.
R. M. Langdon.
United States Naval Academy,
Annapolis, Md.
Fourteenth Annual Report of the Archivist of the United States for the
Year Ending June 30, 1948. (National Archives Publication No. 49-20.
Washington: Government Printing Office. 1949. Pp. vi, 65.)
Ninth Annual Report of the Archivist of the United States on the Franklin
D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, N. Y., for the Year Ending June 30,
1948. (National Archives Publication No. 49-19. Washington: Government
Printing Office. 1949. Pp. iv, 18.)
These unusually interesting reports actually cover more than
one year's operations for they review the entire administrations
of Dr. Solon J. Buck (1941-48), the second Archivist of the
United States, and of Fred W. Shipman (1940-1948), who, as
first Director of the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, served under
Dr. Buck and his predecessor, Dr. R. D. W. Connor. Out of the
complex activities of the National Archives, three tasks emerge
most impressively. The first, the custody and preservation of
the records, has assumed enormous proportions— 855,925 cubic
feet of records were in the custody of the Archivist on June 30,
1948. These included or were supplemented by 1,500,000 still-
pictures, 35 million feet of still and sound motion pictures, and
260,000 disc sound recordings. The efficient performance of this
custodial task, involving many subordinate problems such as
cleaning, repair, boxing, and shelving of records, gains signifi-
cance from the second task of the National Archives — that of
making records available for the use by government officials
and private searchers. This archival mountain, the creation of
the two houses of Congress, the executive departments, many
independent agencies, and part of the judiciary, bears upon
almost every sort of question that has concerned the government
of the United States from its foundation through World War II.
Yet its sheer bulk might baffle the searcher were not the cus-
todian to provide for him finding media and expert personal
assistance. With reference or service requests in 1947-48 reaching
Book Reviews 95
1,000 or more a day, the National Archives found itself too busy
to do the amount of record description that seemed urgently
necessary; indeed, the attainment of a balance between descrip-
tion and service is a major problem to the agency. If description
lags badly, current service ultimately suffers also. Whatever the
difficulties have been, the Report shows that valuable tools were
developed during Dr. Buck's administration, including numerous
inventories, checklists, and reference information circulars, and
a Handbook of Federal World War Agencies and Their Records,
1917-21 (1943), a brief guide entitled Your Government's Rec-
ords in the National Archives (1946), and a more elaborate
Guide to the Records in the National Archives on December 31,
1945 (1948), a work designed to replace the earlier Guide pub-
lished in 1940. Progress is also reported on a handbook of Fed-
eral World War II agencies and their records. These volumes, the
work of trained scholars, not only provide to readers a general
picture of the archives of their government but also constitute
outright contributions to scholarship especially in the newly de-
veloped field of administrative history. One significant service of
the National Archives involves the photographic reproduction of
records — either of isolated individual documents or of continuous
bodies. The scholar and the librarian both need to know of the
"file-microcopy" program by which they can secure at moderate
cost positive microfilm reproductions of entire volumes or even
entire series of records of outstanding research value. This pro-
gram, which the present reviewer helped to originate in the year
before the war, has now received the support of a substantial
grant from the Rockefeller Foundation.
The third task involves the development, in cooperation with
other agencies, of effective records administration programs.
The orderly retirement of World War II records, the development
of scheduling as a more adequate procedure in authorizing the
disposal of records having insufficient administrative or his-
torical value to justify their preservation, and the recognition of
the importance of records administration by the Congress, the
President, and the Hoover Commission, as well as by the agencies
themselves, attests the success of the National Archives in this
respect.
96 The North Carolina Historical Review
A surrogate's decision in July, 1947, increased the holdings of
the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library in Roosevelt presidential pa-
pers from some 2,000 cubic feet to about 4,400 cubic feet by
awarding to the library the Roosevelt papers which were in the
White House on April 12, 1945. The result, in the words of the
archivists, is that "for the first time . . . the papers of an Ameri-
can President, undiminished and unexpurgated by his heirs, have
come without delay into the possession of a responsible public
agency, conceived by that President and established by the Con-
gress of the United States during his lifetime/ '
The library is growing around the nucleus of these papers.
It acquires "by gift, loan, purchase, or exchange manuscripts,
papers, books, pamphlets, newspapers, recordings, and museum
objects related to and contemporary with material received from
Mr. Roosevelt." In actual practice, "the Library's acquisition pol-
icy is largely confined to historical material relating to national
and international aspects of American history from 1933 to the
end of World War 11" together with pertinent background ma-
terial and all material relative to the public and private career
of the late President, his family, and his progenitors. The acqui-
sitions of 1947-1948 will illustrate this policy in action. They
include, in addition to the presidential papers previously men-
tioned, segments of Mrs. Roosevelt's papers, some correspond-
ence concerning Cabinet posts from the files of the Democratic
National Committee, politically significant papers presented by
Miss Mary W. Dewson (a former director of the Women's Divi-
sion of that Committee) , and working papers and other materials
of the President's Committee on Administrative Management
(Brownlow Committee). At the end of the year 1947-48, the
library's manuscript holdings reached 5,400 cubic feet. Other
acquisitions received in the same period ran the total linear foot-
age of motion picture film to 275,000 ; the total number of still
pictures to nearly 14,000 ; the number of printed volumes in the
library's library to 49,000; and the number of museum pieces
to more than 9,000.
Fortunate in their past leadership, the National Archives and
the library confronted serious problems as their new heads as-
sumed control. Organizing highly efficient but numerically in-
adequate personnel to perform the essential tasks of both agen-
Book Reviews 97
cies in face of the imbalance imposed by extraordinarily rapid
expansion of holdings and consequent public interest (346,000
service requests came to the National Archives during the year
and 60,000 sight-seers visited its Exhibition Hall, while 400,000
passed through the library's museum at Hyde Park) is a tremen-
dous responsibility in itself. This reviewer knows that the new
Archivist of the United States, Wayne C. Grover, and the new
Director at Hyde Park, Herman Kahn, are spendidly qualified
for their responsibilities, and he has great faith that both agen-
cies will grow in service to their public and in the general esti-
mation of all who contact them. Preston W Edsall
North Carolina State College,
Raleigh, N. C.
Lincoln and the Baltimore Plot. Edited by Norma B. Cuthbert. (San Marino,
California: The Huntington Library. 1949. Pp. xxii, 161. $3.00.)
This is a collection of papers on the plot in February, 1861, of
Southern sympathizers to assassinate Lincoln as he passed from
one railroad station to the other in Baltimore on his way to
Washington for his inauguration. It includes the reports of the
Pinkerton agents, who were hired to discover the plot, the state-
ment of Lincoln's friend, Norman B. Judd, who helped arrange
Lincoln's escape, and letters relating to the plot and to the
Pinkerton reports.
The editor, Norma B. Cuthbert, who is chief cataloguer of
manuscripts of the Huntington Library, has included an excellent
introduction and copious explanatory notes. She makes no effort
to prove or disprove the disputed question of whether there ever
was a Baltimore plot. Instead, as she states in her introduction,
she offers the papers to historians "because as source materials
they belong with the literature of the Baltimore plot; because
they reveal a peculiarly significant personal element behind the
Lamon-Black treatment of the plot ; and finally, because in these
documents real detectives tell about their own 'cloak-and-dagger
operations' " (p. xxii).
In the opinion of this reviewer, she has accomplished her three
purposes. She has added significant material which will be of
value in determining if there was a plot. The reports of the
98 The North Carolina Historical Review
Pinkerton agents, and especially of Allan Pinkerton himself, give
evidence to prove that Southern sympathizers were actively dis-
cussing and expressing desires for a plot to kill Lincoln. Some
confessed knowledge of a plot.
Much space in the notes and introduction is given to the Black-
Lamon treatment of the plot. Miss Cuthbert states that Ward
H. Lamon, Lincoln's law partner, had Chauncey Black write
Lamon's first life of Lincoln in which the Baltimore plot was
denied, and that in his second book on Lincoln Lamon accepted
the Baltimore plot. The editor discloses from the Lamon papers
in the Huntington Library that the Pinkerton Papers which Wil-
liam H. Herndon had borrowed passed into Lamon's hands and
that he used them to discredit Pinkerton and to glorify himself.
Apparently Miss Cuthbert does not disagree with Pinkerton's
characterization of Lamon as "a brainless and egotistical fool"
(p. xx) .
Miss Cuthbert has presented a fascinating story which is told
in vivid language by the detectives themselves. Posing as South-
ern sympathizers and even contributing liberally to the funds for
the Southern cause, the Pinkerton agents succeeding in obtaining
admissions which seemed to support the numerous rumors of a
projected plot. The activities and undercover work of these
agents are evidences of the effectiveness of the Pinkerton
agency. The reports are also good reading.
Henry T. Shanks.
Birmingham- Southern College,
Birmingham, Ala.
Codrington Chronicle: An Experiment in Anglican Altruism on a Barbados
Plantation, 1710-1834. Edited by Frank J. Klingberg. (Berkeley and Los
Angeles: University of California Press. 1949. Pp. ix, 157. $3.00.)
When Christopher Codrington, the younger, died in 1710 he
bequeathed his West Indian plantations to the Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel to found a college in Barbados for the
training of prospective missionaries and also for the conversion
and education of the slaves. This little volume is an examination
of the Society's attempts to carry out Codrington's intentions
during the first century and a quarter after his death. It is a
cooperative study, the outgrowth of a war-time seminar con-
Book Reviews 99
ducted by Professor Klingberg at the University of California,
Los Angeles, using microfilms of the Library of Congress repro-
ductions of the essential British manuscripts. Seven students,
writing singly or in pairs, have contributed six chapters which
deal with the launching of the enterprise, the protracted building
operations, the running of the plantations in good times and bad,
and the educational work for whites and blacks. The chapters are
detailed and thorough if at times a little repetitious.
The study is "largely one of setbacks." Management, both of
the plantations as economic enterprises and of the educational
projects, at long range from England proved a serious handicap
and the work progressed with almost incredible slowness. A
grammar school for white boys — an essential preliminary to a
college — was started only in 1745 and Codrington College itself
was not opened until 1830. Meanwhile local society was unsym-
pathetic, if not openly hostile, to efforts to convert and educate
the slaves, and even the Society's own plantation managers
showed little disposition to cooperate in what was unquestion-
ably a radical project. Nevertheless, the Society kept this human-
itarian and religious purpose alive and, in the opinion of the
authors, the work ultimately played a part in the development of
sentiment in Great Britain which finally led to emancipation
throughout the Empire. It is probably in this connection that the
story of the Codrington experiment has its chief significance.
Leonard W. Labaree.
Yale University,
New Haven, Conn.
Preliminary Inventory of the Land-Entry Papers of the General Land
Office. Compiled by Harry P. Yoshpe and Philip P. Brower. (Washing-
ton: National Archives Publication No. 49-30. 1949. Pp. iii, 77.)
In order to render better service to the public, "the Archivist
of the United States in February 1941 directed the establish-
ment of a systematic program for the compilation of finding
aids." As a result of that directive the National Archives has
prepared a number of preliminary checklists and inventories.
They are not intended to gain minute control of records but they
have served to give at least top control. Since the control of rec-
ords is a matter of degree, the word preliminary might well be
100 The North Carolina Historical Review
dropped; then one could simply consider them as finding media
used as stepping stones to tighter control. Moreover, there may
be records groups which require no more control than this, while
others may require such finding aids as calendars and indexes.
As a matter of fact, this is the ultimate objective of the National
Archives.
These inventories are preceded in each case by an introduction
which gives a brief history of the creating agency and any unus-
ual factors influencing the number of such records acquired by
the National Archives. Each records group is broken down into
series, and the inclusive dates, the bulk (in cubic feet), and a
brief description are given.
Even though the National Archives professes to be doing only
a superficial job, there are many archivists and historians who
prefer some type of control for all records rather than minute
control of some and no control whatsoever of others.
The inventory under consideration, a typical one, is well done.
The introduction, written by Herman Kahn, briefly traces the
history of the disposition of the public domain and explains the
conditions under which the various records were created. The
records are arranged by series and two main arrangement pat-
terns are followed. With some few exceptions, the "warrants,
scrip, coal cash, mineral, lieu-selection entries, and all patented
cases subsequent to 1908 are arranged" numerically. In the sec-
ond part of the inventory entries are arranged alphabetically by
state and thereunder by the districts in which the entries were
made.
In the appendix there is a list of land laws under which most
land entries have been made, an alphabetical list of land offices,
and a list of the twenty-two inventories which have been pre-
pared by the National Archives to date. The inventory is not
indexed, but, even so, here is a tool of great value when placed
in the hands of the research scholar. This reviewer is constrained
to say that he believes that the National Archives is on the right
track even though the whole process of preparing finding media
is still in the experimental stage.
W. F. Burton.
State Department of Archives and History,
Raleigh, N. C.
Book Reviews 101
Record of Commissions of Officers in the Tennessee Militia, 1796-1811.
Volume I. Compiled by Mrs. John Trotwood Moore. (Nashville: Williams
Printing Company. 1947. Pp. 165.)
This roster of officers in the Tennessee Militia, issued by
the Tennessee Historical Commission as a Sesquicentennial Pub-
lication, is designed to "facilitate the preparation and publica-
tion of county histories'' and to assist biographers and geneal-
ogists. It is the opinion of this reviewer that the latter group
stands to profit most from this work.
This volume "undertakes to include" the officers who were
commissioned during the first three gubernatorial terms of
John Sevier. The names are arranged alphabetically by county,
and the counties are in alphabetical order. This arrangement,
together with the fact that the volume is well indexed, makes
it more useful than similar rosters that have been prepared for
several other states.
The first page in the book, a vari-typed insert, detracts from
a volume which is otherwise attractive in binding, format, and
arrangement. Up to page sixty-two commas appear after the
days of the months, but after that they have been omitted. This
may well be the way that the dates are written in the original
lists; even so, an explanatory footnote could easily have been
included. It seems reasonable to expect, however, that the
genealogists will welcome the other volumes in this series.
W. F. Burton.
State Department of Archives and History,
Raleigh, N. C.
The History of Grace Church, Charleston, South Carolina: The First Hun-
dred Years. By William Way. (Charleston: The Author. 1948. Pp. xiv,
208. Illustrations.)
Although the Episcopal Church has always been strong in
South Carolina, the history of this denomination has not been
adequately chronicled for the period following the appearance
of Frederick Dalcho's Historical Account of the Protestant Epis-
copal Church in South Carolina in 1920. For this reason, his-
tories of individual parishes in the state, especially the more
recently organized ones, are of particular significance, since these
often contain information regarding the organization of con-
gregations, erection of churches, lists of rectors, and other sta-
102 The North Carolina Historical Review
tistics not readily obtainable elsewhere. They are also import-
ant as sources for histories of the diocese if and when such
works are compiled in the future.
Twenty-five years ago the rector of Grace Church, Charleston,
having already demonstrated his interest in the history of
Charleston institutions by the publication of his History of the
New England Society, undertook to record the history of his
parish. Upon his retirement in 1946, the centennial year of the
church, he was commissioned by the vestry to revise, enlarge,
and bring down to date the history of the parish which he had
served for a longer period than any of his predecessors.
One of the temptations to which the author of a parish history
often succumbs is to make his work a series of genealogies of
prominent families in the parish. Mr. Way has wisely avoided
this and has centered his treatment around the church itself —
the organization of the congregation, erection and history of the
building, significant memorials and legacies, and biographical
material relating to the various rectors. In the last named
category, particular attention is given to the work of the Rev-
erend Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, "The Great Rector," whose
ministry extended from 1850 to 1898.
Since Grace Church is only one of a number of Episcopal
churches in Charleston, and a fairly recent one as churches
in that area go, it is not to be expected that this work should
essay a comprehensive history of the Episcopal Church in the
city, as is often done where a church under consideration is the
only one of its denomination in a given city or county. It would
have been desirable, however, to include more information with
regard to the relations that must have existed between Grace
Church and the other Episcopal parishes in the city, and to
attempt some evaluation of the part played by this parish in
the religious life of the city generally. Likewise, the author's
treatment of the Civil War period, when the rector moved his
family to Pendleton and considered his ministrations in Charles-
ton "as missionary tours to a deserted parish," seems unduly
abbreviated.
In general the history of a parish is of interest mainly to the
members of the parish, and the present work cannot be said
to form an exception to this rule, Nevertheless, it is superior
Book Reviews 103
to the average work of its type, and because of its reproduction
of many of the parish records, its lists of wardens, vestrymen,
and other officials, its accounts of the parish's financial and
business activities, and the inclusion of sermons and addresses
delivered at the centennial celebration in 1946, it should stand
high upon the shelves of the libraries of the members of Grace
Church and their descendants. James W. Patton.
The University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill, N. C.
Old Illinois Houses. By John Drury. (Occasional Publications of the Illinois
State Historical Society, general editor, Jay Monaghan. Springfield. 1948.
Pp. xiv, 220.)
The material in John Drury's Old Illinois Houses first appear-
ed as a series of weekly articles in The Chicago Daily News.
The Illinois Historical Society has done a service for the state's
historical records by publishing the material between covers.
Not only the history of Illinois but that of the United States
as well is mirrored in the procession of houses the author set
out to photograph. He has provided a brief note, giving the
historical and architectural background of the various houses,
many dating back to the early French and English settlers
and the frontier period. Mr. Drury has excluded Chicago
houses which he treated in an earlier volume.
Although much of the material is primarily of interest to
students of Illinois history and local lore, the book should be
appealing to students of American history in general, for the
homes of Lincoln and Grant are here, as are those of such
prominent Americans as William Jennings Bryan, Jane Addams,
Vachel Lindsay, Lorado Taft, Carl Sandburg, and Ernest
Hemingway. From log cabin to Frank Lloyd Wright, the author
ably covers a large expanse with very good photographs of his
subjects which he had the foresight to take before spring ob-
scured most of them behind their sheltering trees. It would
have been helpful if a composite map of Illinois had been used
along with the small outline maps of each of the three sections
of Illinois : northern, central, and southern.
Armin Rappaport.
University of California,
Berkeley, Cal.
104 The North Carolina Historical Review
Indiana Politics During the Civil War. By Kenneth M. Stampp. (Indianap-
olis, Indiana Historical Collections, Indiana Historical Bureau, volume
XXXI. 1949. Pp. xxii, 300.)
Professor Stampp treats the impact of the Civil War on
Indiana on several levels. Primarily, he is concerned with the
social changes which the war brought about and the "deep and
bitter division between those who wanted 'the Union as it was*
and those who wanted to break with the past and build a new
nation functioning upon new economic principles." He does
not neglect, however, other aspects of the story: the sectional
and interstate rivalry, and the conflict between the federal
government and Indiana in the military sphere.
Most serious from the national viewpoint was the last of
these. Rather ironically, whereas the Confederacy fought as a
union, the Union fought as a confederacy. The individual North-
ern states refused to surrender control over their troops. Thus
a truly national army was never formed. Rather, a conglomera-
tion of regiments took the field under military leaders who
owed their appointments to state governors. What obtained in
the case of Indiana was true for each of the other Northern
states to a greater or lesser degree.
The author has drawn his material from a wide array of
sources: private papers of the leading participants, official
records of the state of Indiana, and many newspapers. He has
brought forth an instructive and highly readable "case study
of how the war affected a typical commonwealth of the Old
Northwest."
Armin Rappaport.
University of California,
Berkeley, Cal.
HISTORICAL NEWS
On October 7 Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Mrs. Joye E. Jordan,
Mr. William S. Powell, and Mr. D. L. Corbitt of the State Depart-
ment of Archives and History and Mrs. Crittenden attended the
pageant, "Torchlight On The Pee Dee," at Wadesboro, which
was an historical pageant staged by Anson County celebrating
its 200th anniversary. This pageant was written by Mary Louise
Medley of Wadesboro. Governor W. Kerr Scott and Dr. I. G.
Greer of Chapel Hill delivered addresses during the celebration.
On September 5 Scotland County began a week's celebration of
its fiftieth anniversary by staging an historical pageant en-
titled "Golden Milestone." More than four hundred people par-
ticipated in the eighteen-scene pageant. Senator Clyde R. Hoey,
Lieutenant Governor H. P. Taylor, and Agriculture Commission-
er L. Y. Ballentine appeared on the program.
On September 22, 23, and 24 Duplin County celebrated its
200th anniversary by staging an historical pageant entitled
"The Duplin Story," which was written by Mr. Sam Byrd of
New York, a native of the county. More than 500 people par-
ticipated in the drama of seventeen scenes. A choir of 100 voices
rendered the music for the occasion.
On September 23 Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Mr. D. L. Cor-
bitt, and Mr. William S. Powell of the State Department of Ar-
chives and History, Mrs. Christopher Crittenden, and Miss Lucy
Cobb attended the historical pageant "The Duplin Story" at
Kenansville.
During the week of September 19-24 Washington County
celebrated its sesquicentennial by staging at Plymouth an his-
torical pageant entitled "Carolina Cavalcade." Senators Clyde
R. Hoey and Frank P. Graham and Representative Herbert C.
Bonner appeared on the program. Dr. Sankey L. Blanton, dean
at Wake Forest College, of the School of Religion delivered the
sermon on Sunday night before the celebration began.
[105]
106 The North Carolina Historical Review
On September 16 the State Department of Archives and His-
tory purchased from Mr. Charles W. Traylen of Guilford, Surrey,
England, the original Carolina charter of 1663 granted by Charles
II to the eight Lords Proprietors. This purchase was made pos-
sible by twenty-three private citizens and the North Carolina
Society for the Preservation of Antiquities.
On September 29 North Carolina State College observed its
sixtieth anniversary. Dr. David A. Lockmiller, formerly a mem-
ber of the staff of the history department at State College and
now president of the University of Chattanooga, delivered the
principal address entitled "North Carolina State College in the
Nation's Service."
Dr. Christopher Crittenden on September 19 and 20 attended
the annual meeting of the Society of American Archivist which
was held at Quebec, Canada. Dr. Crittenden was the retiring
president of the Society.
Mr. D. L. Corbitt of the State Department of Archives and
History on October 18 delivered an address, "The Publication
Program of the State Department of Archives and History,"
before the annual meeting of Wachovia Historical Society, Win-
ston-Salem.
Mr. D. L. Corbitt of the State Department of Archives and
History on November 3 gave a talk before the Exchange Club
of Knightdale on the activities of the State Department of Arch-
ives and History.
Mr. D. L. Corbitt on November 4 attended the meeting of the
North Carolina Historical Society at Chapel Hill.
Phi Alpha Theta, the National Honorary History Fraternity,
established its Gamma Delta chapter at the Woman's College of
the University of North Carolina, in May 1949. Ten seniors, six
juniors, and ten faculty members became charter members of
the Fraternity's first chapter in the state of North Carolina.
Dr. Austin L. Venable of Winthrop College presided at the in-
stallation ceremony.
Historical News 107
The third annual Social Science Forum was held at the Wo-
man's College of the University of North Carolina, on November
10-12, 1949. Two hundred and sixteen students and faculty dele-
gates from twenty-eight colleges in seven states were in attend-
ance. The three-day sessions attracted audiences averaging 1,500
persons each. Forum leaders were Dr. Louis Hacker, Columbia
University economist and historian; Dr. Caroline Ware, Ameri-
can and Howard universities historian and social economist;
Dr. Paul Douglas, United States Senator from Illinois ; Dr. Otto
Klineberg, Columbia University psychologist and United Nations
Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization official; Dr.
Glenn Negley, Duke University philosopher; Dr. Rupert P.
Vance, University of North Carolina sociologist ; and Dr. Quincy
Wright, University of Chicago political scientist. Discussions
centered around the lag between what is known in the social
sciences and what is practiced in our society. Special attention
was given to this problem in the areas of minorities, the welfare
state, and nationalism.
Mr. T. L. Patrick, after a year's leave of absence doing gradu-
ate work at the University of North Carolina, has returned to
Catawba College as a member of the staff of the history de-
partment. Mr. Patrick represented the department at the annual
meeting of the Southern Historical Association, November 10-12,
1949.
On November 16 Mrs. Charles A. Cannon of Concord was
elected president of the Roanoke Island Historical Association
succeeding Mr. Jonathan Daniels of Raleigh, editor of The Neivs
and Observer.
Dr. Lillian Parker Wallace of Meredith College has been pro-
moted from associate professor of history to professor of history.
On November 11 the Gold Star Mothers of Cleveland County
unveiled in Shelby a marker in memory of the known and un-
known men of Cleveland County who made the supreme sacri-
fice during World War II. Senator Frank P. Graham made the
principal address.
108 The North Carolina Historical Review
Dr. Preston W. Edsall of North Carolina State College at-
tended on November 8, 9, and 10 the annual meeting of the
Southern Political Science Association held in Knoxville, Ten-
nessee.
Mr. Marvin L. Brown, Jr., formerly an instructor in history
at Haverf ord College, has been appointed an instructor in history
and political science at North Carolina State College.
Dr. William T. Laprade of Duke University recently celebrated
his fortieth year as a member of the staff of the history depart-
ment.
Governor W. Kerr Scott on November 18 dedicated a museum-
on-wheels which contains many of the French "Thank You"
gifts and which will be taken into the one hundred counties of
North Carolina for inspection by school children and interested
adults. At the dedication ceremonies Dr. Christopher Crittenden,
director of the State Department of Archives and History, pre-
sided and Colonel Wiley Pickens, executive vice commander of
the North Carolina division of the American Legion, and Mr.
J. Warren Smith, director of Vocational Education for the State
Department of Public Instruction, appeared on the program. This
museum-on-wheels is owned and operated by the Division of
Public Displays of the State Department of Archives and His-
tory. These items as well as many others, too numerous to in-
clude in the trailer museum, were presented to the state of North
Carolina during the past year by the people of France in ap-
preciation for the gifts sent by North Carolinians to the French
people on the Friendship Train.
Dr. John George, who holds the doctorate from the University
of Michigan and for the past several years has been head of the
department of history and political science at Rutgers Univer-
sity, will become a member of the social science faculty at East
Carolina Teachers College at the beginning of the winter quarter.
The members of the staff of the history department of East
Carolina Teachers College who attended the annual meeting of the
Historical News 109
Southern Historical Association at Williamsburg, Virginia, No-
vember 10-12, 1949, were Dr. Lawrence F. Brewster, Dr. Hubert
A. Coleman, Dr. Paul Murray, and Mrs. Betty Unterberger.
The North Carolina Historical Society held its fall meeting in
Chapel Hill on November 4. Dr. Douglas L. Rights of Winston-
Salem read a paper, "Early Days of Salem College," and Mr.
Aubrey L. Brooks of Greensboro read a paper, "David Caldwell
and His Log College." At the evening session Dr. R. D. W. Con-
nor delivered his presidential address, "The Genesis of Higher
Education in North Carolina." At the business session Dr. Charles
S. Sydnor of Duke University was elected president, Dr. Rosser
H. Taylor of Western Carolina Teachers College was elected
vice-president, and Dr. Cecil Johnson of Chapel Hill was re-
elected secretary-treasurer.
The law office of William Gaston located in New Bern has been
restored by the New Bern Garden Club with the assistance of
interested citizens and the Garden Club of North Carolina, Inc.
The building was given the Garden Club by Mr. and Mrs. Ben
0. Jones in memory of their daughter, Mrs. Elizabeth Jones
Bass.
The Greensboro Historical Museum Society on October 27 en-
tertained members and out-of-town guests at a preview of ex-
hibits prior to the official reopening of the museum. Dr. Christo-
pher Crittenden, Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Mr. Alton Mclver, Miss
Dorothy Reynolds, Miss Manora Mewborn, and Mr. William S.
Powell of the staff of the State Department of Archives and
History attended the preview. Dr. Crittenden made a brief talk.
The State Department of Archives and History has published
the third edition of Guide to North Carolina Historical Highway
Markers (1949), pp. 88, illustrated; The War of the Regulation
and the Battle of Alamance, May 16, 1771, by William S. Powell,
pp. 33, illustrated ; and The Hall of History, by Mrs. Joye E. Jor-
dan, pp. 24, illustrated. These pamphlets will be mailed to public,
college, university, and school libraries of the state and to history
110 The North Carolina Historical Review
teachers and interested individuals who make application to the
Division of Publications, State Department of Archives and His-
tory.
The State Department of Archives and History has in the
hands of the printer a book, "The Formation of the North Caro-
lina Counties," by D. L. Corbitt. The Division of Publications
hopes to have the book ready for distribution during the summer.
Mr. D. L. Corbitt, head of the Division of Publications of the
State Department of Archives and History, has edited the Pub-
lic Letters and Addresses of Joseph Melville Broughton, Gover-
nor of North Carolina, 1941-1945, and the material is in the hands
of the printer. It should be ready for distribution during the
late spring.
The Council of State of the State of North Carolina has made
available to the State Department of Archives and History the
sum of $6,500 for publishing the Public Letters and Papers of J.
C. B. Ehringhaus, Governor of North Carolina, 1933-1937. These
papers were edited by Mr. D. L. Corbitt.
Dr. Adelaide Lisetta Fries, a member of the Editorial Board
of The North Carolina Historical Review, died in Winston-Salem
on November 29. Dr. Fries during the years edited and the State
Department of Archives and History published The Records of
the Moravians in North Carolina, vol. I (1922), 1752-1771, pp.
512; vol. II (1925), 1752-1775, pp. 462; vol. Ill (1926), 1776-
1779, pp. 518; vol. IV (1930), 1780-1783, pp. 472; vol. V (1941),
1784-1792, pp. 489; vol. VI (1943), 1793-1808, pp. 570; vol. VII
(1947), 1809-1822, pp. 481. In addition to this series Dr. Fries
contributed several articles to The North Carolina Historical
Review, the latest of which is published in this issue (pp. 1-19).
Mr. William S. Powell of the State Department of Archives
and History is now editing History News, a monthly publication
of the American Association for State and Local History, and
is contributing a regular news column to the Association's new
quarterly, American Heritage.
Historical News 111
To mark the 200th anniversary of the establishment of the
printing press in the colony of North Carolina, which occurred
last year, the State Department of Archives and History, with
the cooperation of the Graphic Press, Inc., has issued in facsimile
the first book printed in the colony. This book, The Journal of
the House of Burgesses, of the Province of North Carolina, was
printed at New Bern in 1749 by James Davis. An introduction
for the facsimile edition of this book was prepared by William
S. Powell, a member of the staff of the State Department of
Archives and History. Copies of this publication are being made
available to the public, school, college, and university libraries
of the state and to certain of the larger libraries outside the state.
At the annual meeting of the Southern Historical Association
held at Williamsburg, Virginia, November 10-12, 1949, Dr. James
L. Godfrey of the University of North Carolina read a paper en-
titled "Revolutionary and Napoleonic Period," before the session
which discussed the general subject "Langer's Rise of Modern
Europe Series" ; and Dr. Lambert Davis of the University of
North Carolina Press read a paper entitled "From the University
Press Angle", before the session which was discussing the general
subject "Recapturing The Lost Reader: Publishers and Histo-
rians."
Other North Carolinians attending the meeting were : Profes-
sors Harold A. Bierck, Jr., C. 0. Cathey, Fletcher M. Green,
Cecil Johnson, James E. King, Frank W. Klingberg, Hugh T.
Lef ler, A. R. Newsome, and J. Carlyle Sitterson of the University
of North Carolina; Mr. Rex Beach, Mr. Charles M. Brown, Mr.
Charles F. Kolb, Mr. Philip M. Rice, and Dr. Stuart Noblin of
North Carolina State College; Dr. Percival Perry, Mr. C. B.
Yearns, and Mr. E. L. Puryear of the history department of
Wake Forest College; Dr. Lillian P. Wallace, and Dr. Alice B.
Keith of Meredith College; and Mr. W. Frank Burton, head of
the Division of Archives, and Mr. William S. Powell, researcher
for the Highway Marker Program of State Department of
Archives and History.
112 The North Carolina Historical Review
Dr. J. Carlyle Sitterson of the University of North Carolina
was re-elected secretary-treasurer, and Dr. Rupert P. Vance of
the University of North Carolina was elected to the executive
committee of the Southern Historical Association.
The twenty-third annual session of the North Carolina State
Art Society was held in Raleigh on November 30. At the luncheon
session Mrs. Jacques Busbee of Steeds read a paper, "Jugtown
Pottery," and Mr. Matthew Norwicki of Raleigh read a paper,
"Design at N. C. State College." Col. J. W. Harrelson, chancellor
of North Carolina State College, made a brief talk and introduced
Dean Henry L. Kamphoefner and Mr. Matthew Norwicki, visit-
ing professor of the School of Design at State College. At the
evening session Mrs. Katherine Pendleton Arrington brought
presidential greetings, Judge W. A. Devin presented posthumous-
ly a certificate of merit and award to former governor J. C. B.
Ehringhaus, and Attorney General Harry McMullan presented
posthumously a certificate of merit and award to Jacques Busbee
and a certificate of merit and award to Miss Katharine Morris
of Raleigh. Miss Lucy Cherry Crisp, executive secretary of the
State Art Society, presented purchase awards to Mr. Duncan
Stuart of Raleigh for his painting, "The Sisters Apollinox,"
as first prize; to Mr. Gerard F. Tempest of Olivia for his
painting, "Lead Year," as second prize; and to Mrs. Lena Bul-
lock Davis of Rocky Mount for her painting, "Kissed by the
Gods," for third prize.
Mr. Norman Cordon of Chapel Hill, formerly a Metropolitan
Opera singer, rendered three selections. Mr. H. W. Wijdeveld,
a Dutch architect and visiting lecturer of the School of Design
of North Carolina State College, gave an illustrated lecture,
"How It Grew — Ideas of a Visiting Artist." After the lecture
a reception was given for members, patrons, and guests in the
State Art Gallery.
At the business meeting held December 1 Mrs. Katherine
Pendleton Arrington of Warrenton was re-elected president, Mr.
John Allcott of Chapel Hill was re-elected vice-president, and
Mrs. Jacques Busbee of Jugtown and Mrs. Harry McMillan of
Historical News 113
Wilmington were elected vice-presidents. The congressional dis-
trict vice-presidents elected were : Mrs. J. H. B. Moore of Green-
ville ; Mrs. Charles Tucker of Warrenton ; Mrs. William Dunn of
New Bern ; Col. William T. Joyner of Raleigh ; Mrs. 0. 0. Ef ird
of Winston-Salem; Mr. William E. Prince of Chapel Hill; Mrs.
Peter McKoy Williams of Fayetteville ; Mrs. Frank L. Dunlap of
Wadesboro ; Mrs. Percy Grimes of Salisbury ; Mrs. Harold Dwelle
of Charlotte ; Mrs. 0. Max Gardner of Shelby ; and Mr. Anthony
Lord of Asheville. The following members of the board of direc-
tors were elected to the executive committee: Mr. Carter
Williams, Miss Katharine Morris, Dr. Clarence Poe, and Mr.
Alexander Crane, all of Raleigh ; and Dr. Robert Lee Humber of
Greenville. The following directors of the Society were elected:
Dr. Clarence Poe, Mrs. Henry M. London, Miss Katharine Morris,
Mr. Alexander Crane, Mrs. Isabelle Bowen Henderson, Mr. Carter
Williams, Mrs. Howard Manning, all of Raleigh, and Mrs. Julius
Cone of Greensboro.
The ninth annual session of the North Carolina Society for the
Preservation of Antiquities was held in Raleigh on December 1.
At the noon meeting and luncheon Mr. Warren T. White of Nor-
folk, Virginia, delivered an address, "Your Heritage and Mine. ,,
At the evening meeting Mrs. Charles A. Cannon brought presiden-
tial greetings, and Mrs. Inglis Fletcher of Edenton presented a
precis of John Locke's Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina to
Dr. Christopher Crittenden who accepted it on behalf of the state.
Dr. Clyde A. Milner of Guilford College presided at a session de-
voted to the topic, "Quakers in Piedmont Carolina," at which
Mrs. Ernestine Cookson Milner of Guilford read a paper, "Dolly
Madison's Family at New Garden," Miss Dorothy Lloyd Gilbert
of Guilford read a paper, "Planting of Quakerism in Piedmont
Carolina," Mr. Charles C. Underwood of Guilford directed a group
in singing several songs, and an episode in Guilford's history, "In
Faith and in Unity," directed by Miss Mildred Marlette of Guil-
ford College, was presented. Mr. Paul Green of Chapel Hill pre-
sented the Charles A. Cannon awards to the following: Mrs.
Katherine Pendleton Arrington of Warrenton; Mrs. Ernest L.
Ives of Southern Pines; Mr. James Boyd, Jr., on behalf of his
father, the late James Boyd of Southern Pines; Mrs. Charles
114 The North Carolina Historical Review
Brickell of Boston on behalf of her mother, Mrs. R. N. Duffy of
New Bern ; Dr. Douglas L. Rights of Winston-Salem on behalf of
Mrs. James A. Gray of Winston-Salem; Mrs. Lyman A. Cotton
of Chapel Hill on behalf of the late Col. Joseph Hyde Pratt of
Chapel Hill; and the Reverend A. C. D. Noe of Bath. Mrs. John A.
Kellenberger of Greensboro presented on behalf of her mother,
Mrs. James E. Latham, 31 pieces of furniture, chiefly Chippen-
dale originals, 3 crystal chandeliers, mirrors, silver, china, and
paintings for Tryon's Palace when it has been restored. Mr.
George R. Ross, director of the Department of Conservation and
Development, accepted the gifts on the part of the state. The res-
toration of the palace will be under the direction of this Depart-
ment. After the program a reception was given for patrons,
members, and guests.
The forty-ninth session of the State Literary and Historical
Association was held in Raleigh on December 2. At the morning
session Mr. Richard H. Barry of Durham read a paper, "Fort
Macon and Its History," Mr. Roger P. Marshall of Raleigh read a
paper, "A Mythical Mayflower Competition: North Carolina
Literature in the Half-Century Following the Revolution," Mr.
William S. Powell of Raleigh read a paper, 'The Bicentennial of
the Printing Press in North Carolina," and Mr. William T. Polk
of Greensboro read a paper, "Review of North Carolina Books of
the Year." At the business meeting Dr. Charles S. Sydnor of Dur-
ham was elected president, Miss Dorothy Lloyd Gilbert of Guil-
ford, Mr. George M. Stephens of Asheville, and Mr. Richard
Walser of Raleigh were elected vice-presidents, and Dr. Christo-
pher Crittenden was re-elected secretary-treasurer. Dr. Sylvester
C. Green of Durham and Mr. Roger P. Marshall of Raleigh were
elected on the executive committee. The nominating committee
elected for the year consists of Mr. W. T. Bost of Raleigh, Mr.
J. M. Justice of Boone, Dr. Broadus Jones of Wake Forest, Dr.
Mary C. Wiley of Winston-Salem, and Dr. M. L. Skaggs of
Greensboro.
At the evening meeting Mr. W. T. Bost of Raleigh delivered the
presidential address and Mrs. Thomas Jefferson Byerly of
Winston-Salem, governor of the Society of Mayflower Descendants
in North Carolina, presented the Mayflower award to Mr. Phillips
Historical News 115
Russell of Chapel Hill for his book, The Woman Who Rang The
Bell. Mrs. Robert Lee Humber of Greenville, president of the
North Carolina Division of the American Association of Univer-
sity Women, presented posthumously to Dr. Adelaide L. Fries of
Winston-Salem the cup of the American Association of University
Women for excellence in writing a county history, Forsyth, A
County on the March. Dr. Thomas J. Wertenbaker of Princeton,
New Jersey, then delivered an illustrated lecture, "The Restora-
tion of Colonial Williamsburg." A reception to members and
guests followed.
The North Carolina Archaeological Society held its semi-annual
meeting December 3 and 4 at Cherokee. Mr. Joe Jenkins, Super-
intendent of the Cherokee Indian Reservation, welcomed the
members and guests and Dr. Arthur Kelly, head of the Depart-
ment of Anthropology and Archaeology at the University of
Georgia, delivered an address, "Problems of Cherokee Origins."
At the business meeting Dr. Christopher Crittenden of Raleigh
was elected president, Mrs. Charles A. Cannon of Concord was
elected vice-president, and Mr. Harry T. Davis of Raleigh was
elected secretary-treasurer, Mr. H. M. Doerschulk of Badin, and
Mr. C. D. Howell of Salisbury were elected members of the execu-
tive committee, and Dr. J. L. Coe of Chapel Hill was elected
bulletin editor.
In connection with this meeting the Cherokee Indians held their
second annual feast. The Indians at the feast staged the Boger-
man Dance performed by a group from the Soco Day School. Mr.
Samuel E. Beck of Asheville, founder of the museum of the
Cherokee Indians, presented a small Sequoia tree to vice-chief
Miller Ross on behalf of the United States Forest Service and the
University of Calif ornia. The tree was planted on the reservation.
The thirty-eighth annual session of the North Carolina Folk-
Lore Society was held in Raleigh on December 2. Dr. Guy B.
Johnson of Chapel Hill read a paper, "Notes on the Gullah Dia-
lect," and Mr. Virgil L. Strugill of Asheville gave "Old Song
Ballets from the Appalachians." A resolution in memory of New-
man Ivey White was passed and a report on plans to publish the
116 The North Carolina Historical Review
Frank C. Brown Collection was made. Officers elected for the
coming year are: Dr. George P. Wilson of Greensboro, president;
Mr. Cratis D. Williams of Boone re-elected first vice-president;
Mr. Bascom Lamar Lunsford of South Turkey Creek was elected
second vice-president; and Dr. A. P. Hudson of Chapel Hill was
re-elected secretary-treasurer.
The annual meeting of the North Carolina Society of County
Historians was held on December 1 in Raleigh. Dr. Mary Callum
Wiley of Winston-Salem talked on "How We Wrote Our County
History,'* in lieu of Dr. Adelaide L. Fries, and Mr. Malcolm
Fowler of Lillington delivered the presidential address. The fol-
lowing officers were elected for the coming year : Mr. Willis G.
Briggs of Raleigh, president, and Mr. John A. Oates of Fayette-
ville, vice-president. The Society announced the publication of
Fighting over the Battle of Moore's Creek Bridge. Notes on the
Memorial Service Held at the National Park, February 27, 19^9,
by Paul Green. Copies may be procured for fifteen cents by
writing the secretary, Mr. John H. Monger, Sanford.
The Institute of Early American History and Culture an-
nounces that it is prepared to provide a limited number of Grants-
in-Aid of Research to individual writers or scholars who are
carrying on studies in the field of American history prior to the
year 1815. These grants are made in conjunction with the publi-
cation program of the Institute and upon the condition that the
recipients shall submit the completed product of their researches
to the Institute for consideration for publication.
Early application for grants will be advantageous; candidates
must file their applications not later than March 15, 1950. An-
nouncements of awards will be made May 15, 1950. Requests for
applications and other information should be addressed to the
Director, Institute of Early American History and Culture, Good-
win Building, Williamsburg, Virginia.
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE
Dr. Adelaide Lisetta Fries was Archivist of the Moravian
Church in America, Southern Provience, and an ex officio mem-
ber of the Triennial Synod, the Supreme Governing body of the
Southern Moravian Church.
Dr. John H. Stibbs is director of the Division of Student Life
and associate professor of English, The Tulane University of
Louisiana, New Orleans 18, Louisiana.
Dr. Lucy Lienbach Wenhold is an emeritus professor of mod-
ern foreign languages, Salem College, Winston-Salem, N. C.
Mr. Richard C. Todd is a member of the faculty of the depart-
ment of social studies, High Point College, High Point, N. C.
[117]
The North Carolina
Historical Review
Volume XXVII APRIL, 1950 Number 2
AN ECONOMIC INTERPRETATION OF THE RATIFICA-
TION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION IN NORTH
CAROLINA
PART I
THE HILLSBORO CONVENTION— BACKGROUND AND
ECONOMIC INTERESTS OF THE FEDERALISTS
By William C. Pool
Background
One of the most common assumptions about the contest over
ratification of the Federal Constitution is that it was primarily
a conflict of economic classes in which a relatively small group
of wealthy property owners were lined up against men of little
or no property. If such an economic interpretation be followed,
then the launching and ratification of the Constitution was
merely another incident in the age old conflict between rich man
and poor man, creditor and debtor, have and have-not, merchant-
capitalist and agrarian, and aristocrat and democrat. The eco-
nomic interpretation suggests that all those favoring the new
government were motivated primarily, if not solely, by the hope
of immediate personal gain; that the debtor and small farmer
class were deliberately excluded from representation at the
Philadelphia Convention of 1787 and, as far as possible, from the
state conventions that debated ratification ; and that substantially
all of the opposition came from the debtors and small property
owners. 1
The original source of this doctrine is Dr. Charles A. Beard's
An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United
States, published in 1913. According to Beard the movement for
the Constitution of the United States was originated and carried
1 Eugene C. Barker, "Economic Interpretation of the Constitution," Texas Law Review,
June, 1944.
[119]
120 The North Carolina Historical Review
through by four groups of personalty interests adversely af-
fected under the Articles of Confederation: "money, public
securities, manufactures, and trade and shipping." The members
of the Philadelphia Convention are represented as being im-
mediately, directly, and personally interested in, and deriving
economic advantages from the establishment of the federal sys-
tem; while, on the other hand, the leaders who supported the
Constitution in the state ratifying conventions represented the
same economic groups as members of the Philadelphia Conven-
tion, and "in a large number of instances" they were also directly
and personally interested in the outcome of their efforts. Further-
more, it is said that in the ratification contest there was a line
of cleavage for and against the Constitution between substantial
property interests on the one hand and the small farming and
debtor class on the other. 2
To explain the fundamental unsoundness of Beard's "economic
interpretation" is a baffling task. It is difficult to explain the
essential falsity of conclusions drawn from a partial statement
of selected facts which, though they may be true, are deplorably
incomplete. Such a difficulty arises, in part, from the fact that
a parallel study of the same problem must be of a fragmentary
nature because of the intangible characteristics of the issues in-
volved. Any honest mind must admit that the men who wrote and
debated the Federal Constitution had economic interests and that
they desired to be benefitted by the new government which they
planned. It will also be admitted without controversy that the
Constitution, as Beard has suggested, was the creation of a cer-
tain number of men and that a certain number of men were
opposed to it. If it could be shown by the compilation of an eco-
nomic biography of every individual connected with the framing
and ratification of the Constitution that substantially all of the
merchants, money lenders, security holders, manufacturers, ship-
pers, financiers, and their professional associates were on one
side in support of the Constitution and that all or the major
portion of the opposition came from the non-slave holding farm-
ers and debators, then there could be no question but that the
Constitution was the product of a group of selfish economic
interests. But on the other hand :
2 Charles A. Beard, An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States,
S24-325 (hereafter cited as Beard, An Economic Interpretation).
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 121
Suppose it could be shown from the classification of men who
supported and opposed the Constitution that there was no line
of property division at all ; that is, that men owning substantially
the same amounts of the same kinds of property were equally
divided on the matter of adoption or rejection — it would then
become apparent that the Constitution had no ascertainable re-
lation to economic groups or classes, but was the product of some
abstract causes remote from the chief business of life — gaining
a livelihood. 3
What would be the result if the above criteria were applied
to a study of the economic background of delegates to the local
ratifying conventions of the several states? Would the conclu-
sions of the so-called "economic interpretation" be substantiated
or would the fundamental unsoundness and false assumptions
render necessary a qualification or rejection of the Beard thesis?
An ideal location for such a local study is the state of North
Carolina where on August 4, 1788, the state convention which
had been called to debate the proposed fundamental law refused
to ratify the Federal Constitution ; and the opposition, or Anti-
Federalists, had a majority of 184 to 84. 4
From the very first there was bitter antagonism to the Con-
stitution in North Carolina. Definite political parties appeared
for the first time in the state's history during the August, 1787,
elections of members of the General Assembly. Much interest
was shown and as the result of the summer election the Anti-
Federalists were in control of both houses of the General Assem-
bly when it convened at Tarboro on November 19, 1787. The
leading Federalist members of the house of commons included
William R. Davie, Richard Dobbs Spaight, John Sitgreaves,
Stephen Cabarrus, John Steele, and William Barry Grove. The
Federalist cause was championed in the senate by Isaac Gregory,
Allen Jones, John Skinner, and John Johnston. Among the many
Anti-Federalists in the house of commons were Timothy Blood-
worth, William Goudy, Britain Sanders, and Alexander Mebane.
In the senate the list of men who were to oppose the Constitu-
3 Beard, An Economic Interpretation, 16-17.
* Jonathan Elliot, ed., The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of
the Federal Constitution as Recommended by the General Convention at Philadelphia in
1787, IV, 251 (hereafter cited as Elliot, Debates); The Journal of the Convention of North
Carolina at a convention begun and held at Hillsborough, on the twenty-first day of July,
in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight (hereafter cited as
the Journal of the Convention of North Carolina, 1788).
122 The North Carolina Historical Review
tion included Thomas Person, Elisha Battle, James Kenan, and
Joel Lane. 5
The greater part of Governor Caswell's message to a joint
session of the assembly on November 21, 1787, concerned certain
"Papers respecting the Federal Convention/' 6 December 5 was
the day set aside for a discussion of the new plan of government. 7
The most active and most able opponent of the Constitution in
the General Assembly was Thomas Person of Granville County.
Person, who had achieved much notice as a leader of the Regu-
lators, a brigadier-general in the Revolution, a member of four
provincial congresses, and a delegate to every General Assembly
for more than ten years, attempted to block every movement
toward ratification. On December 5, 1787, the legislature met in
joint session and adopted a set of resolutions providing that: 8
(1) delegates to a state convention to consider the Federal Con-
stitution should be selected on the last Friday and Saturday in
March, 1788 ; (2) freemen who paid public taxes were qualified
to vote in the election but only freeholders were eligible to sit
in the ratifying convention; (3) representation was fixed at
five delegates for each of the fifty-eight counties and one for
each of the six borough towns; (4) election rules were to be
identical with those governing the election of members of the
General Assembly. The delegates selected to consider ratification
were to assemble in convention at Hillsboro on July 21, 1788. 9
Many prominent men were unsuccessful in their attempt to gain
a seat in the convention of 1788 ; and when the North Carolina
delegates assembled at Hillsboro on July 21, the Anti-Federalists
were in a clear majority.
In chapter X of An Economic Interpretation of the Constitu-
tion of the United States, the author has said :
No mathematically exact conclusion can be reached concerning
the material interests reflected in the Constitution until "the
people" who favored its adoption and the people who opposed
it are individualized and studied as economic beings. 10
6 Walter Clark, ed., State Records of North Carolina, XX, 121, 301-302 (hereafter cited
as S. R.).
«S. R., XX, 128-129.
7 S. R., XX, 133.
8 S. R., XX, 196-197; 370-372.
»S. R., XX, 372.
10 Beard, An Economic Interpretation, 253.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 123
Then the author of the "economic interpretation' ' continues with
a statement to the effect that "it would be fortunate if we had a
description of each of the state conventions similar to that made
of the Philadelphia Convention." In the following pages the dele-
gates who favored and opposed ratification of the Federal Con-
stitution at the Hillsboro convention of 1788 and the Fayetteville
convention of 1789 are individualized and studied as "economic
beings" according to the following plan: (1) the economic in-
terests of the Federalists at the Hillsboro convention of 1788,
(2) the economic interests of the Anti-Federalists at the Hills-
boro convention and (3) the economic interests of both the
Federalists and Anti-Federalists who voted on the question of
ratification for the first time at the Fayetteville convention of
1789.
A General Survey of the Hillsboro Convention
An analysis of the geographic distribution of the vote at the
Hillsboro convention reveals that eighteen counties out of a
total of fifty-seven 11 favored ratification of the Federal Consti-
tution. Of the Federalist counties, eleven gave unanimous sup-
port to the Constitution and seven were split with the Federalist
having a majority. 12 The solid Federalist area included ten
counties in the northeastern section of the state on Albemarle and
Pamlico sounds 13 and one in the Cumberland region of Ten-
nessee. 14
What is the significance of the geographical distribution of
the Federalist vote ? Beard, interpreting the results of a previous
study, 15 reports: "the counties around Albemarle and Pamlico
Sounds constituted the bulk of the federal area. . . . This region
was the earliest settled, the most densely populated, and repre-
sented most of the mercantile and commercial interests of the
state." 16 It is significant, however, that North Carolina was not
primarily a commercial state due to the handicap of physical
features such as the sand-reefs dividing the Atlantic Ocean
11 Dobbs County was not represented at the convention because of a disputed election.
12 The counties with a Federalist majority included Beaufort, Craven, Cumberland, Hert-
ford, Lincoln, Martin and Robeson.
18 Bertie, Camden, Carteret, Chowan, Currituck, Gates, Hyde, Pasquotank, Perquimans,
and Tyrrell counties.
14 Sumner County, Tennessee.
15 O. G. Libby, "Geographical Distribution of the Vote of the Thirteen States on Ratifi-
cation of the Federal Constitution," Bulletin of the University of Wisconsin (1894), Iff.
16 Beard, An Economic Interpretation, 287.
124 The North Carolina Historical Review
from the waters of the sounds and the shallow inlets. 17 This factor
accounts for the absence of large seaport towns and has caused
the trade of North Carolina to be described as "of local impor-
tance." 18 North Carolina also had slight mercantile interests as
compared with other states. The landholdings in the Albemarle
and Pamlico regions were generally smaller in 1784 than in any
other section of the state. In this vicinity only 3.8 per cent of the
population making tax returns in 1784 owned over 1,000 acres
of land while only 15.2 per cent owned over 40 acres. In 1784
the average size of landholdings in Pasquotank was 166.3 acres ;
in Perquimans, 229.7 acres ; in Camden, 169.5 acres ; in Chowan,
359.3 acres; and in Halifax, 463.6 acres. Thus, right in the
heart of the Federalist stronghold, the average landholdings
were among the lowest in the state four years before the Hills-
boro convention. It is safe to assume that the average holdings
remained about the same during the interval. 19
Only one western and three interior counties — Sumner in Ten-
nessee, Robeson, Cumberland, and Lincoln — favored ratification.
In all of these except Sumner the vote was split. There is no
ascertainable explanation on geographical or occupational
grounds for this Federalist attitude.
The vote was divided in eight other counties located in the
southern and eastern Piedmont belt, but the Anti-Federalists had
the majority. All the remainder of the counties of the west, the
Piedmont, and the southern tidewater area were solidly opposed
to ratification. Yet it is impossible to draw a clear-cut line be-
tween the plantation-dominated, commercial-business tidewater
and the interior counties. For example, in the Cape Fear River
section, a solid Anti-Federalist area, 12.2 per cent of those mak-
ing tax returns in the mid-1780's owned over 1,000 acres of land
and 35.9 per cent owned 400 or more acres — indicating that this
was the region of the largest number of great landowners. The
average landholding for New Hanover County in 1784 was
933.7 acres, for Brunswick, 803.6 acres. These two counties —
both in opposition to ratification — ranked first and second re-
spectively in the state with regard to the average size of land-
17 R. D. W. Connor, North Carolina, Rebuilding an Ancient Commonwealth, 158U-1925,
I, 9 ff (hereafter cited as Connor, North Carolina).
18 C. C. Crittenden, "The Seaeoast in North Carolina History," North Carolina Historical,
Review, VII (1930), 433-438.
19 Francis G. Morris and Phvllis Mary Morris, "Economic Conditions in North Carolina
about 1780," North Carolina Historical Review, XVI (1930), 120, 130.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 125
holdings. 20 The historian who attempts to explain the geograph-
ical distribution of the vote in terms of economic interpretation
runs into insurmountable difficulties.
Of the six borough towns represented at the convention — Hali-
fax, Edenton, New Bern, Salisbury, Wilmington, and Hillsboro —
all voted in favor of ratification except Hillsboro, represented
by Absalom Tatom, a surveyor, contractor, and tobacco agent.
The members from the towns tended to follow the professions, 21
were well educated, and possessed considerable personal and
real property.
A breakdown into classifications based upon the size of land-
holdings is necessary to a complete economic interpretation of
the vote on the Constitution. The percentage and number of land-
holders of both parties can be shown by the following table :
Acres
Not
Known
Per
No. cent
Under
100
Per
No. cent
100
499
No.
Per
cent
500
999
No.
Per
cent
1000-
4999
Per
No. cent
Above
5000
Per
No. cent
Fed.
9
10
4
4
16
19
10
12
34 40
11 14
A-F
14
8
49
27
33
18
69 37
19 10
The results of the table, based on incomplete records, indicate
little or no difference in the amount of landholdings represented
by the membership of the convention.
The slaveholders of the convention and the number of slaves
owned can be broken into similar classifications. The number
and percentages of slaveholders — both Federalist and Anti-
Federalist — are represented by the table below :
Not
Known
Per
No. cent
No
Slaves
Per
No. cent
1-9
Slaves
Per
No. cent
10-19
Slaves
Per
No. cent
20-49
Slaves
Per
No. cent
Over 50
Slaves
Per
No. cent
Fed.
15
18
2
2
19
23
17
20
24 28
7 8
A-F
56
30
12
7
49
27
39
21
25 13
3 2
The table above reveals that those favoring and those opposed
to ratification owned approximately the same number of slaves.
A great majority of the slaveholders in North Carolina owned
20 Morris and Morris, "Economic Conditions in North Carolina about 1780," North
Carolina Historical Review, XVI (1939), 120, 130.
21 Iredell of Edenton, Davie of Halifax, Sitgreaves of New Bern, and Maclaine of
Wilmington were all lawyers of considerable reputation while John Steele of Salisbury
was a merchant (see sketches on page 127 ff. for property holdings).
126 The North Carolina Historical Review
less than 10 slaves in 1790, the average for all of the counties
was around 7, and New Hanover, where the average holding was
9, led the state. 22 A comparison of the figures of the Morris sur-
vey to the slaveholdings of the members of the Hillsboro conven-
tion shows that 125 delegates out of 268, or 46 per cent, owned
more than the average number of slaves.
Extensive political experience was represented by the delegates
at Hillsboro. Of the Federalists, 55 out of the 84 voting, or 59
per cent, had been members of a legislative body at some time;
of the Anti-Federalists, 115 of the 184, or 62 per cent had served
in one or more of the popular assemblies between 1776 and 1790.
These figures indicate that, regardless of party, the members of
the Convention of 1788 represented a group active in local and
state politics.
The inescapable conclusion, therefore, is that an analysis of
the personal and real property holdings of those who supported
and opposed the Constitution shows that there was no line of
property division at all; that is, that men owning substantially
the same amounts of the same kinds of property were equally
divided on the matter of adoption or rejection. In this connec-
tion the debtor class was by no means confined to the small farm-
er group. The line of cleavage for and against the Constitution
was not, as the original economic interpretation has implied, be-
tween the substantial property interests on one hand and the
small farming and debtor class on the other. A similar analysis
of the Fayetteville convention only adds additional weight to the
argument.
Economic Interests of the Federalists
The economy of North Carolina in 1788-1789 centered around
two major elements: (1) land and (2) slaves. In making a study
of the economic interests of the eighty-four Federalists at the
convention of 1788, it is necessary, in the beginning, to note
that the property totals presented in the pages to follow are
incomplete. The property listed under the name of each individ-
ual delegate represents only the property which he possessed
within the bounds of the county from which he was elected to the
convention. Many of the members owned property in other sec-
tions of the state as well ; and when it was possible to find rec-
28 Morris and Morris, "Economic Conditions in North Carolina about 1780," North
Carolina Historical Review, XVI (1939), 308-309.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 127
ords of the holdings outside a delegate's home county, they have
been listed. However, the statistical evidence presented in many
cases represents minimum figures.
In order to avoid confusion on the part of the reader, the
eighty-four Federalists voting at the Hillsboro convention, July
21 to August 4, 1788, are presented in an alphabetical arrange-
ment based on the counties which they represented. The names
of the delegates have been spelled as they appear in the Journal
of the Convention of North Carolina, 1 788.
Beaufort County
Thomas Alderson represented Beaufort County in the house of
commons, 1783-1787; his property interests included two town
lots and 20 slaves. 23
John G. Blount, a member of the state assembly, 1782-1796,
was a merchant at Tarboro and Washington, operating the firm
of John G. and Thomas Blount. Blount was an extensive land-
owner with lands in Bladen and Wake counties. He also main-
tained an extensive coastal and foreign trade and vast landhold-
ings in the interior counties. Blount's land in Tennessee totaled
approximately 200,000 acres, all held with associates. In 1793
John G. and Thomas Blount purchased 3,000 acres of land from
Robert Blackledge, Esq., who had received the original grant
from the state. Blount owned 74 slaves and 183 town lots. 24
Nathan Keais represented Beaufort County in the house of
commons, 1777; in 1784 he was granted 1,000 acres of land;
by 1789 this acreage had increased to 2,000 ; no slaves are listed
for 1790. 25
Bertie County
William J. Dawson, member of the house of commons in 1791,
owned five slaves in 1790. 26
John Johnston, planter, possessed a plantation of 1,012 acres
"lying in the Indian Woods" ; he also has 105 acres listed in Bertie
23 Legislative Papers (hereafter cited as L. P.), Tax Lists, Beaufort County, 1789;
Bureau of the Census, Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken
in the Year 1790, North Carolina (hereafter cited as Census of 1790); John H. Wheeler,
Historical Sketches of North Carolina from 15SU to 1851, II, 29 (hereafter cited as Wheeler,
Historical Sketches). All manuscripts cited in this article are in the State Department of
Archives and Histoi-y. Raleigh.
2 *John Gray Blount Papers, 1788-1789, 1794-1812; Military Papers, 1776-1825; L. P.,
Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Beaufort County, 1789; Index of Land Grants of North Carolina
and North Carolina Land Grants in Tennessee, Secretary of State Papers (hereafter
cited as Land Grant Index); Census of 1790.
25 Land Grant Index, L. P., Tax Lists 1786-1790, Beaufort County, 1789; Wheeler,
Historical Sketches, II, 29.
28 Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, S3.
I
128 The North Carolina Historical Review
County in 1789 ; later on there is evidence that Johnston owned
many more acres of plantation land in Chowan County and the
Cape Fear section. No slaves are listed in 1790, but his will men-
tions 16 slaves plus "all my other negroes." Johnston served in
the senate, 1789-1790. 27
Andrew Oliver represented his county in the house of com-
mons, 1784-1788. In 1790 he owned only one slave and listed only
three in his will, which provided that his debts be settled and his
lands equally divided. 28
David Turner represented Bertie County in the house of com-
mons, 1780-1784. In 1785 and 1786, 2,130 acres of land were
granted him ; this acreage was expanded to 3,770 by 1789. He had
12 slaves in 1790. 29
Bladen County
Goodwin Elleston owned 3,478 acres of land in the mid-1780's.
In 1787 and 1789 he purchased an additional 2,000 acres, bring-
ing his total acreage to 5,478. Elleston was not politically promi-
nent prior to the convention of 1788. 30
Thomas Owen, a Revolutionary soldier and representative in
the state senate, 1778-1785, held 3,135 acres of land and 37
slaves. 31
Brunswick County
Benjamin Smith owned 221 slaves and 1,153 acres of land.
There is some confusion of names in 1782 ; two Benjamin Smiths
are listed in that year, one with 6,120 acres of land, the other
with none. Will records indicates the two were father and son.
Smith represented Brunswick County in the state senate during
1783. 32
Burke County
Charles McDowall owned 4,884 acres of land prior to the con-
vention; an additional 400 acres was held in partnership with
Joseph McDowall. Charles McDowall held ten slaves in 1790. He
27 Land Grant Index; Bertie County Records, List of Taxables, 1757-1791; Bertie County
Records, Wills, 1749-1844, V, 12-13; Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 33.
28 Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 33; L. P., Bertie County Records,
Wills, 1749-1844, VI, 39.
29 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Bertie County Records, List of Taxables, 1757-1791;
Bertie County Records, Wills, 1794-1844, VIII, 21; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 33.
30 L. P., Tax Lists 1786-1790; Bladen County, Land Grant Index.
81 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 44.
32 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists 1780-1782, Brunswick County,
1782; Brunswick County Will Book, 1822-1827; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 49.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 129
represented Burke County in the state senate, 1782-1788, and was
a distinguished soldier in the Revolutionary War. 33
Camden County
Henry Abbott possessed 6 slaves, had 300 acres of land before
the convention, and an additional 100 acres of land were added
after 1790. 34
Peter Dauge held 12 Negro slaves in 1790. It is impossible to
make a concise estimate of his other personalty. During the
Revolutionary War, Dauge attained the rank of major. He was a
member of the house of commons, 1786-1790, and of the state
senate, 1790-1794. 35
Charles Grandy held 23 Negro slaves and 500 acres of land.
From 1790 to 1793 he represented Camden County in the house
of commons. 36
Isaac Gregory owned 623 acres of land and possibly another
100 acres by 1790. During the Revolutionary War he was colonel
of the 2nd Regiment of Pasquotank and later became a general.
From 1778 to 1790 Gregory was elected annually to represent
Camden County in the state senate. 37
Enoch Sawyer had ten slaves in 1790 ; no land grants are re-
corded for him in Camden County until 1795 when he received
1,000 acres. He was three times a member of the house of com-
mons, 1787, 1788, and 1789. 38
Carteret County
William Borden, a Federalist without previous political ex-
perience, was a man of considerable property including 11,254
acres of land, 43 Negro slaves, one yoke of oxen, four steers, six
"yews" and lambs, and 20 hogs. At his death Borden left $500 for
each of his two daughters. An additional 2,112*4 acres plus other
small acreage was granted after 1790; both William Borden
Junior and Senior are listed after that year. 39
William Sheppard had 10 acres of land listed as "an island on
the north side of Crab Point" in the land grant records. He was
33 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 62.
^Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists 1786-1790, Camden County, 1790.
35 Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 70f.
38 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 70f.
37 Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists 1786-1790, Camden County, 1790; Wheeler Historical
Sketches, II, 70f.
38 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 70f.
39 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Carteret County Records, Miscellaneous Papers, 1717-
1844; Carteret County List of Taxables, 1784; Carteret County Records, Wills and Inventories.
I, 22.
130 The North Carolina Historical Review
a member of the house of commons, 1788, indicating the owner-
ship of not less than 100 acres. 40
Wallace Styron, a man of no apparent political experience,
owned no slaves in 1790 and no taxables in 1784. 41
Chatham County
George Lucas, a representative in the house of commons in
1789, owned a total of 68 slaves in 1790 ; considerable personalty
is indicated but no specific information is available. 42
Chowan County
Nathaniel Allen, a person of no significant political experience
prior to 1788, owned 17 slaves and two town lots valued at £500
in 1785. 43
Edmund Blount, delegate from both Chowan and Tyrrell
counties, was a leader in state politics before and after the
Revolutionary War. He owned land in Perquimans and Chowan
counties, and the tax lists for 1784 reveal that he owned some
216,174 acres. He had 34 slaves. 44
Stephen Cabarrus, four times member of the house of commons
for the town of Edenton and twelve times for the county between
1784 and 1805, was six times speaker of the house. He was a
merchant "of active mind, generous feelings, and liberal senti-
ments." Cabarrus held 1,600 acres of land, three town lots valued
at £350, and 74 slaves. 45
Charles Johnson, eight times member of the state senate from
1780 to 1792, had 200 acres of land listed in the land grant
records; in 1790 he held 35 slaves. Johnson's realty interests
were probably greater than the records reveal. He died as a
member of the Seventh Congress. 46
Michael Payne held seven town lots valued at £400, 950 acres
of land, and 25 slaves. Payne represented his county in the house
of commons from 1781 until 1782 and in 1784. 47
40 Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 76.
41 Census of 1790; Carteret County Records, Miscellaneous Papers; Carteret County, List
of Taxables, 1784.
43 Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketclws, II, 83.
** Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Chowan County, 1785.
** Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Chowan County, 1785;
L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Tyrrell County, 1784; Trenholme, Ratification in North Carolina,
151, n.
46 Trenholme, Ratification in North Carolina, 147; L. P., Tax Lists 1783-1785, Chowan
County, 1785; Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 94.
46 H. M. Wagstaff, ed., The Papers of John Steele, I, 85n (hereafter cited as Wagstaff,
Steele Papers); Land Grant Index; Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 88.
« 7 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Chowan County, 1785.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 131
Craven County
Joseph Leech, planter, had no significant political experience
prior to the Hillsboro convention. He was an extensive land-
owner; in the period from 1755 to 1790, Leech received grants
totaling 16,352 acres. After 1790 he received 7,495 acres. Leech
held 15 slaves in 1790. 48
Abner Neale, member of the house of commons in 1785 and
1786, owned 20 slaves and had a property evaluation of £6,360
in 1779. There is some confusion of names, with senior and junior
both appearing in the land grants; however, 3,500 acres is ap-
proximately the amount held by this delegate. 49
Richard Dobbs Spaight, a leading advocate of ratification, was
born at New Bern, North Carolina, March 25, 1758. Educated in
Ireland and in Scotland at the University of Glasgow, Spaight
returned to North Carolina and entered military service. He
represented North Carolina in the Continental Congress, 1783-
1785, and Craven County in the house of commons, 1785-1787.
In 1787 Spaight represented North Carolina at the Philadelphia
convention. He was chosen governor of the state, 1792-1795, and
was elected to the Fifth and Sixth Congresses. Spaight was killed
in 1802 in a duel which grew out of a political controversy with
John Stanly — Spaight was a Republican, Stanly a Federalist.
Spaight was an extensive property owner having 71 slaves and
landholdings valued at £6,500 in 1779. 50
Cumberland County
George Elliot had varied property interests. His will mentions
5,000 silver dollars and 694 acres of land. Other holdings include
"sawmills, farm, and business." Elliot owned 35 slaves and re-
ceived grants for 1,780 acres of land between 1786 and 1789;
additional grants were received after 1790. 51
William Barry Grove, after representing Cumberland County
in the house of commons, 1787-1790, and the two state ratifying
conventions, 1788 and 1789, was elected to the Second Congress
of the United States and served continuously from 1791 to 1803
in that body. In politics and opinions, Grove was a warm Federal-
49 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
49 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 122; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax
Lists 1779, Craven County.
^Wagstaff, Steele Pavers, I, 85 n, 103 n, 314, 318 n; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II,
109; Trenholme, Ratification in North Carolina, 73f; Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1779,
Craven County.
01 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Cumberland County Records, Wills, 1757-1869, III,
21-23.
132 The North Carolina Historical Review
ist. He was a man of extensive property, living in a fine mansion
"superior to all other houses of the neighborhood." The records
show that Grove received grants for 1,233 acres of land between
1791 and 1793. He also owned 520 acres and two town lots in
1787 ; the census lists 17 slaves under his name. 52
James Porterfield, member of the house of commons from
Fayetteville in 1791, was appointed commissioner for purchasing
tobacco for the state by resolution of the General Assembly, De-
cember, 1788. His property was valued at £600 in 1786, and he
held 28 slaves. 53
Currituck County
Joseph Ferebee owned property valued at £1,148 in 1779,
1,371 acres of land in Tennessee in 1786 (no evidence of specula-
tion), and 283 acres in Currituck County were added in 1791.
Ferebee owned eight slaves in 1790. He was active in local poli-
tics prior to the Hillsboro convention as a member of the house
of commons from 1782 until 1788. 54
William Ferebee, member of the house of commons in 1778 and
of the state senate from 1782 to 1784, owned a considerable
amount of property which was evaluated at £10,996 in 1779.
William Ferebee, senior and junior, are confused in the records
after 1786. The delegate seems to have held about 1,300 acres of
land prior to the convention and an additional 3,062 acres in
Tennessee. In 1790 he held 17 slaves. There is no evidence that
Ferebee was speculating in Western lands. 55
John Humphries owned 23 slaves and personalty with a total
evaluation of £6,917. His political experience consisted of repre-
sentation in the house of commons, 1779-1782, and 1786-1788. 56
James Phillips held 1,028 acres of land in 1783 and a total of
four slaves in 1790. He represented Currituck County in the
house of commons from 1780 to 1781 and again in 1783. In 1784
Phillips was a member of the state senate. 57
52 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Cumberland County Records, List of Taxables,
1787; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 124.
53 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 124; Census of 1790; Cumberland County Records, List
of Taxables, 1777-1787, 1786; Samuel Johnston Letterbook, 1788-1789, 23.
5* Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists 1779, Currituck County; Wheeler,
Historical Sketches, II, 134.
55 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 134; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax
Lists, 1779, Currituck County.
56 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 134; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax
Lists, 1779, Currituck County.
67 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 134; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 133
Gates County
William Baker held 35 slaves and 1,892 acres of land in 1790.
In 1782 Baker represented his county in the state senate ; he held
no other political position prior to 1790. 58
James Gregory had an interest in shipping. His will reveals
the ownership of the boat Ruba and other indications of com-
mercial interests are found. Gregory received grants for 682
acres of land in Gates County and held 29 slaves. He represented
his county in the state senate from 1780 to 1782 ; no other politi-
cal positions are indicated. 59
Thomas Hunter was an extensive property holder. His land
grants totaled 2,930 acres in Gates, Halifax, and Chowan counties.
In his will he mentions three "plantations and mills." Hunter did
not hold a political office before 1786 and owned 33 slaves in
1790. 60
Joseph Reddick held 2,126 acres of land in Gates County, 189
acres in Tyrrell, and 640 acres in Cumberland in 1789 ; he owned
15 slaves in 1790. Reddick gained considerable political experi-
ence through service in the house of commons, 1780-1784, and in
the state senate where he served continually from 1785 to 1811. 61
Hertford County
Samuel Harrell, who had no political experience at all prior to
the Hillsboro convention, possessed 334 acres of land "on White-
oak Branch" and six slaves. 62
George Wynns had not held public office prior to 1788. In 1790
he owned 34 slaves ; land records do not indicate extensive hold-
ings in Hertford County. 63
Thomas Wynns listed 33 slaves in 1790 ; no other information
is available concerning his property holdings. Wynns, not active
in politics until 1787, represented Hertford County in the house
of commons during that year. In 1790 he was elected to the state
senate and served uninterruptedly until 1800. He was a planter
by profession and lived near Winton at "Barfield's" ferry. 64
68 L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Gates County, 1789; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790;
Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 159.
59 Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Gates County, 1789; Gates County Records,
Wills, 1762-1805, I, 56; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 159.
60 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Gates County, 1789;
Gates County Records, Wills, 1762-1805, I, 73.
61 Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 159; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax
Lists, 1786-1790, Gates County, 1789.
62 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
63 Census of 1790.
84 Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 207.
134 The North Carolina Historical Review
Hyde County
John Eborn, representative in the house of commons, 1783-
1788, and in the state senate, 1789-1792, received land grants for
300 acres in 1782, 1,040 acres along with other small grants in
1786 and 1787, and owned 17 slaves in 1790. Eborn's property
totaled 1,188 acres plus the Negroes and movables in 1796. He
inherited two Negro men and 440 acres of land in "Bofort"
County from James Eborn. 65
Caleb Foreman received 200 acres of land in 1765 and 100 acres
in 1786. The land records also show other entries for 700 acres
in 1779 and 1784, making a total acreage of about 1,000. Fore-
man's political experience was limited to county politics ; he held
no state political positions. 66
Seth Hovey had received a grant for 286 acres of land prior to
1786 ; in 1787 he was granted an additional 300 acres with "Eph.
Elsbre in the Devils Woodyard" ; he possessed five slaves. 67
James Jasper, whose political career begins with membership
in the Hillsboro convention, owned only seven slaves and 840
acres of land. 68
Abraham Jones possessed 640 acres of land in Tennessee and
1,280 acres in Hyde County; he held only five slaves in 1790.
Jones's political career began as a state senator, 1784-1788, and
seems to have ended at the Hillsboro convention. 69
Johnston County
William Bridges (perhaps Bridgers) , Johnston County's repre-
sentative in the house of commons, 1787, owned only 300 acres
of land in his home county. 70
Lincoln County
William Maclaine is not listed in any of the available records ;
therefore, no conclusions can be reached concerning his economic
status. As his name is spelled M'Laine in some of the records of
the convention, it is possible that the correct spelling was never
given. A William McLean represented Lincoln County in the
house of commons from 1788 to 1791. 71
65 Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 212f; Land Grant Index; Hyde County
wills.
8fl Land Grant Index; Hyde County Wills; Hyde County Records, Land Entries.
67 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
68 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
69 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 212f.
70 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 219; Land Grant Index.
71 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 247.
Ratification op the Federal Constitution 135
John Moore, who represented Lincoln County in the house of
commons, 1788-1790, is listed with 100 acres of land prior to the
convention ; he was granted an additional 262 acres after 1788. 72
John Sloane, member of the house of commons from 1781 to
1785, owned 2,350 acres of land granted in the 1780's ; he held no
slaves. 73
Martin County
Whitmel Hill, one of the more extensive property owners
among the Federalists, was born in Bertie County, North Caro-
lina, February 12, 1743, and received his education at the Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania. Hill, a Revolutionary patriot, had a dis-
tinguished political career. In 1776 he was a delegate to the pro-
vincial congress at Halifax which organized the state military
departments and framed the state constitution. Member of the
house of commons during 1777, Hill was elected delegate to the
Continental Congress in 1778 and served until 1781. At the same
time he represented Martin County in the state senate; in 1784
he returned to the senate and served until 1786. Hill's property
interests are difficult to determine. In 1790 he owned 140 slaves
but grants for only 1,280 acres of land are recorded for him in
Lincoln County. 74
William M'Kinzie is listed as the owner of eight slaves in 1790 ;
it is impossible to determine his other property holdings. 75
Nathan Mayo, member of the house of commons in 1778 and
1784 and of the senate from 1786 to 1792, held land grants for
1,493 acres prior to 1791. 76
William Slade had limited political experience before 1788 as
a member of the house of commons in 1777. He was granted 2,670
acres of land in the 1780 , s ; he owned 28 slaves in 1790. 77
Mecklenburg County
Robert Irwin, Mecklenburg's lone Federalist member at the
convention, was born in Pennsylvania and moved to North Caro-
lina in 1763. His extensive political career included representa-
tion in the state senate, 1778-1784. Irwin held a grant for 600
acres of land on "both sides of Fair Forest Creek" and additional
72 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 225 f.; Land Grant Index.
73 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 225 f .; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790.
74 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 252; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790.
75 Census of 1790.
76 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 253; Land Grant Index.
77 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 253; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790.
136 The North Carolina Historical Review
grants for 1,000 acres — a total of 1,600 acres. In 1790 he owned
three slaves. 78
Pasquotank County
Devotion Davis, member of the Halifax convention of 1776
which framed the state constitution and member of the house of
commons in 1788, held six slaves in 1790. His other property
holdings cannot be determined accurately ; 160 acres of land are
listed in the land grants. 79
Edward Everegain held 27 slaves and at least 200 acres of land.
He had been a Revolutionary patriot and represented Pasquo-
tank in the senate from 1782 to 1784 and in the house of commons
from 1785 to 1790. 80
John Lane owned five slaves, six town lots, and some small
acreage. He does not appear an extensive property holder. 81
Thomas Reading possessed 17 slaves in 1790 and held grants
for 1,420 acres of land. He also held other land grants in partner-
ship. Reading's political career includes service in the house of
commons in 1779, from 1782 until 1785, and in 1786. 82
Enoch Relfe, a person of limited political experience, owned at
least 425 acres of land and 17 slaves. 83
Perquimans County
Thomas Harvey, member of the house of commons from 1786
to 1787, held 1,374 acres of land, 18 town lots, and other small
land grants. His will reveals that he was a debtor and the owner
of a plantation. 84
Samuel Johnston, statesman of the transition period from
colony to statehood, member of the Continental Congress, 1780-
1782, governor of North Carolina, 1787-1789, and United States
Senator, 1789-1793, was a native of Scotland. He came to North
Carolina at an early age and resided in Chowan County. Johnston
was an outstanding Federalist and presided over both the Hills-
boro and Fayetteville conventions. He owned 96 slaves and at
least 4,554 acres of land in denominations of 635 acres in Chowan,
78 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 254 f .; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790; D. A.
Tompkins, History of Mecklenburg County, II, 75.
79 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 339 f.; Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790,
Pasquotank County, 1789; Pasquotank County Records, Wills 1720-1804, II, 34.
80 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 339f; Census of 1790; Pasquotank County Tax Lists,
1786-1790.
81 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Pasquotank County, 1789.
82 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Pasquotank County,
1789; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 339f.
88 Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists 1786-1790, Pasquotank County, 1789.
84 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 341 f.; Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Perquimans County; Per-
quimans County Records, Wills, 1711-1800, II, 72.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 137
114 acres in Bertie, 440 acres in Pasquotank, 2,800 acres in
Halifax, and 563 acres in Northampton. It is also known that
Johnston, who had suffered losses in paper money in North Caro-
lina, asked a friend in 1784 to invest £1,000 for him outside of
the state so that he might have a secure fund for the education
of his boys. He also owned a splendid library. 85
John Skinner, member of the house of commons in 1783 and of
the state senate from 1784 to 1788, owned 38 slaves and 850 acres
of land. 86
Joshua Skinner, representative for Chowan in the state senate,
1790-1794, possessed a plantation of 830 acres, 20 slaves, and
"other personal property." 87
William Skinner, commissioner of the Continental Loan Office
in North Carolina and Revolutionary patriot, received grants for
1,399 acres of land between 1779 and 1785. He owned 47 slaves in
1790 and his will mentions 50 silver dollars, debts, and that
through his marriage his estate was "more than Two Thousand
Pounds the worse." 88
Pitt County
David Perkins held 625 acres of land before 1790 and owned
nine slaves — not an extensive property owner. 89
Robeson County
Elias Barnes owned eight slaves and 250 acres of land in 1790.
In 1795 he was granted 2,280 acres and hundreds of acres more
between 1790 and 1800. Barnes represented Robeson County in
the house of commons from 1787 to 1791 and later served several
terms in the state Senate. 90
Neil Brown, member of the house of commons from 1787 to
1789, owned two slaves and had no land entries in Robeson
County before 1790. After 1790 he was granted 1,210 acres, and
his will lists "1,042 acres, 3 surveys, and [one] still." 91
John Cade had been granted 2,050 acres of land in Bladen
County and 448 acres in Robeson County before 1790. He owned
85 Trenholme, Ratification in North Carolina, 32 n, 146; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785,
Chowan County, 1785.
89 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 341 f.; Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790,
Perquimans County.
87 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 341f; Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790,
Perquimans County.
88 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Perquimans County;
Perquimans County Records, Wills, 1711-1800, V, 38-39; Samuel Johnston Letterbook, 1788-
1789, 23.
89 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
90 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 352 f.
91 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 352 f,
138 The North Carolina Historical Review
17 slaves, and his will mentions "a plantation, 5 other parcels of
land," and "debts." 92
John Willis, member of the state senate from 1787 to 1792,
owned 14 slaves in 1790 and 200 acres of land were entered in
1779. Willis received an estimated 6,000 acres between 1790 and
1795. 93
Sumner County (Tennessee)
William Stokes is listed in the available records as holding 200
acres of land in Craven County. 94
James Winchester owned 1,268 acres of land in partnership
with George Winchester by 1795. The available records are not
sufficient to warrant an estimation of his property interests in
1788 and 1789. 95
Tyrrell County
Edmund Blount represented both Tyrrell and Chowan counties
and is credited with a vote from each county. 96
Josiah Collins, with extensive property interests, acquired title
to 58,086 acres of land in Tyrrell County and 650 acres in Ten-
nessee between 1788 and 1789. After 1790 the interest of Collins
in western land was increased by additional grants amounting to
25,000 acres with an equal addition in Tyrrell County. He also
held many thousands of acres in partnership; before 1790
"Josiah Collins and others" received grants for an estimated
126,624 acres. 97
Simeon Spruill was granted 854 acres from 1752 to 1779. Later
records indicate smaller holdings. He owned nine slaves in 1790. 98
Thomas Stewart received grants for 1,000 acres of land be-
tween 1781 and 1782; tax lists indicate he "held 1,200 acres in
1784. His will mentions a plantation, Negroes, cattle, hogs, horses,
tools, lands in Montgomery County, saw and grist mills, 1,000
acres, four Negroes, lands in Halifax County, $300, £50, land in
the town of Plymouth, and land in South Carolina. The Census
of 1790 lists four slaves for Stewart. He had little political ex-
perience prior to his participation in the Convention of 1788. 99
M Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Robeson County Records, Wills, 1783-1851, I, 52.
93 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 352 f.; Census of 1790: Land Grant Index; Trenholme,
Ratification in North Carolina, 158 n, reports that John Willis later acquired 30,000 acres.
94 Land Grant Index.
95 Land Grant Index.
08 Journal of the Convention of North Carolina, 1788.
87 John G. Blount Papers, 1788-1789; Land Grant Index.
88 Census of 1790: Land Grant Index; Tvrrell County Records, Wills, 1744-1836, III, 39;
L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Tyrrell County, 1784.
09 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Tyrrell County, 1784;
Tyrrell County Records, Wills, 1744-1836, III, 40.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 139
Wake County
Thomas Hines, member of the house of commons in 1779 and
1789, held 1,544 acres of land in 1785. 100
Nathaniel Jones, delegate to the house of commons in 1780,
received grants for 1,712 acres of land prior to 1790 and owned
17 slaves. 101
Edenton (town)
James Iredell, lawyer and one of the outstanding Federalists
of North Carolina, was born in Lewes, Sussex County, England,
October 5, 1751, the son of a Bristol merchant. Iredell came to
North Carolina, where his uncle, Henry McCulloch, owned a large
tract of land. In 1768 he was a customs official at Port Roanoke
(Edenton). He studied law under Samuel Johnston and was
licensed to practice in 1770 or 1771. An active Revolutionary
writer, Iredell drafted the state judiciary law in 1777, and he was
appointed one of the first judges. In 1779 he became attorney
general. In the debates of the Hillsboro convention, Iredell was
the ablest defender of the Constitution. In 1788 Iredell County
was named for him, and in 1790 he was appointed associate jus-
tice of the Supreme Court of the United States by George Wash-
ington.
In 1787 James Iredell held 1,500 acres at "Tuckahoc on Trent
River in the County of Jones" ; 300 acres by estimation "near the
above grant"; 200 acres on "Beaver Creek" in Jones County;
2,130 acres in Anson County; a 400 acre island "lying in the
Chowan River" ; a house and lot in Edenton, and eight slaves. His
will reveals that he was also a debtor. 102
Halifax (town)
William R. Davie, lawyer and Revolutionary soldier, was born
in Cumberland County, England, in 1756. He was brought to
this country by his father in 1763. Davie was educated at the
"Queens Museum," a well known Charlotte academy, and at the
College of New Jersey. After graduation Davie began the study
of law at Salisbury. He represented Halifax in the house of com-
mons from 1786 to 1787 and again in 1789, and for several terms
after 1790. Davie also took a leading part in the establishment of
ioo Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 414 f.; Land Grant Index.
1<n -Cen.«us of 1790: Land Grant Index.
102 Johnson manuscripts. Miscellaneous, List of Taxable Property of James Iredell, 1787;
L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Chowan County, 1785; Chowan Countv Records, Wills, 1694-
1808, III, 23 f.; McRee, Life of Iredell, I, 1-196; Trenholme, Ratification in North Carolina,
119-121.
140 The North Carolina Historical Review
the University of North Carolina. In 1787 he was one of the
delegates to the Philadelphia Convention called to frame the
Federal Constitution. After returning to North Carolina at the
conclusion of the Philadelphia Convention, Davie became an out-
standing Federalist. Beard says that Davie "quickly accumulated
a large estate," including an excellent plantation at Tivoli in
South Carolina. Davie owned 36 slaves in 1790. 103
New Bern (town)
John Sitgreaves, lawyer of New Bern, served his state as an
officer in the Revolution, member of the Congress of the Con-
federation, 1784-1785, member of the house of commons, 1786-
1790, and speaker of the house, 1787-1788, and as United States
judge for the District of North Carolina from 1790 until his
death in 1802. Sitgreave's property interests included personalty
valued at £1,500 in 1779, 23 slaves, and 5,000 acres of land in the
eastern district of Tennessee. 104
Salisbury (town)
John Steele, prominent merchant, represented Salisbury in the
state assembly in 1787 ; served as commissioner to deal with the
Cherokee and Chickasaw Indians, 1788; was a member of the
Congess of the United States, 1790-1793 ; and was comptroller of
the United States Treasury, 1796-1802. Steele possessed business
energy and ability that brought him "considerable material
rewards." Inheriting some property, he increased this to a valu-
able estate for the times — mostly in land and slaves. 105
Wilmington (town)
Archibald Maclaine, one of the best known lawyers in the Cape
Fear region, if not in the whole state, was born in Scotland. He
came to America and settled about 1750. He was a member for
Wilmington of the Third Provincial Congress, August 20-Septem-
ber 10, 1775, and a member of the Committee of Public Safety
for the Wilmington District, 1776. Maclaine advocated mild
measures against the Tories and thus subjected himself to charges
of disloyalty. After the Revolution, Maclaine was a strong
Federalist. In 1777 and 1780 he was state senator for Brunswick
103 William R. Davie Papers, 1778-1817; Census of 1790; Samuel A'Court Ashe and others,
Biographical History of North Carolina, VI, 88.
104 L. P., Tax Lists, 1779, Craven County; Land Records, North Carolina Grants in
Tennessee, 1778-1791, microfilm; Census of 1790.
105 Wagstaff , Steele Papers, I, xxv-xxviii.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 141
County and represented Wilmington in the house of commons
from 1782 to 1786. Little specific information is available con-
cerning Madame' s personalty. It is known that he had a large
library and was a member of the Episcopal Church. When he
first came to America Maclaine was engaged in the mercantile
business : he turned to law after a business failure. 106
106 Wagstaff, Steele Papers, I, 16-17, gives Northern Ireland as Maclaine's birthplace —
this may be an error; Trenholme, Ratification in North Carolina, 122 n, 153 n, 154 n, 165 n.
[To Be Continued']
CONTEMPORARY EVIDENCE— SALEM BOARDING
SCHOOL, 1834-1844
By Marian H. Blair
It is not often that a historian who attempts to reconstruct
events after a hundred years is able to call to his assistance
more than six hundred eye witnesses qualified to speak on con-
ditions of the day. For the Salem historian this is made possible
by the letters preserved by the Reverend John Jacobson and now
in the Salem College library. 1 Most of the letters bear the dates
1836, 1837, 1841, 1842, although there are scattered ones cover-
ing the ten years of Dr. Jacobson's administration. There are
also a few personal letters written by Dr. Jacobson and his wife
which are now in the possession of Bishop Howard Rondthaler,
their grandson. The majority of the letters are from parents
desirous of placing their daughters in Salem Academy, and it
is possible to put together, from comments by those who knew
the school, a picture of life within Salem walls and to give
glimpses of general conditions throughout the South which to a
greater or lesser degree affected the growth of the institution.
The original spelling and the punctuation, or more often the
lack of it, have been retained, as they add a flavor of the times
and suggest, perhaps, why the rapidly growing number of female
seminaries for "higher education" found it necessary to lay stress
upon fundamentals of English grammar and composition.
In 1834 the Reverend John Jacobson, then pastor of the Beth-
ania Church, was called to Salem Academy as inspector or
principal. The number of letters of application gives evidence of
the growing reputation of the school. In 1835 the enrollment
increased from 77 to 137, and by the end of 1839 the enrollment
had reached 174 with out-of-state students from Virginia, South
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Louisiana, Kentucky, and
Arkansas. There were also from time to time students from
Mississippi. 2 By 1836 the buildings were crowded to capacity,
and applicants were being turned away or placed on a waiting
1 The letters are among the unclassified documents in the Salem College library vault.
2 For a list of the numbers enrolled from 1808 to 1856 see Rev. Levin T. Reichel, The
Moravians in North Carolina (Philadelphia, 1857), 130-131.
[142]
Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 143
list. Richard Watson of Fairfield District, South Carolina, wrote
on June 24 that since the application of his daughter could not
be accepted, he was sending her to the female academy at Wains-
borough, and a certain Kearney of Warrenton was forced to send
his sister to Prince Edward Academy in Virginia since "he could
not wait so long" for an opening at Salem. 3 On January 27, 1837,
Martha Morgan of Wadesboro wrote concerning her daughter
Mary:
On arriving as far as Salisbury I learned that others had been
refused. I therefore left her at Salisbury at School with Mrs.
Hutchinson a lady with whom I was highly pleased, I think her
an accomplished and pious woman, but having been partly edu-
cated at Salem myself I feel greatly prepossessed in favor of that
institution I am also unwilling to risk my Daughters health in
so unhealthy a place as Salisbury. 4
Now and then requests came to the principal to make arrange-
ments for girls to "be furnished with boarding" in private homes
until a vacancy should occur in the academy, and occasionally
girls were left at the tavern under the care of Colonel Gotts in
the hope that they could later be received as boarding students
in the school. 5
By 1837 applications were being made months in advance.
Julian E. Leach of Randolph County wrote on January 23 :
Understanding that your Female School is in a highly pros-
perous condition and so crowded that some who go at the begin-
ning of each Session for the purpose of joining the School cannot
be admitted, I take this early opportunity of informing You that
I wish to send my Sister to your School the ensueing Session
and hope by this means I shall secure a situation for her.
Absolom Jones of Watson's Grove Post Office, Greene County,
Georgia, in a letter dated November 3, 1837 wrote :
As you cannot receive any pupils until next June, I now inform
you that I wish to enter My daughter, Nancy W. Jones about 12
years of age and expect her to remain at your institution, about
three years.
3 Dated December 18, 1837. Unless otherwise stated all letters used in this article were
to John Jacobson.
* Other schools mentioned in the letters are Edgworth Academy in Greensboro and
Cokesbury in Abbeville District, South Carolina. See letters from Charles H. Rice, Beach
Island, Georgia, December 13, 1837, and from Jos. Halsy, Columbia, August 28, 1841.
B See letter from S. D. Moore, Mount Airy, January 8, 1841.
144 The North Carolina Historical Review
Edmund Ruff in of Petersburg, Virginia, writing on December
15, 1837 stated:
I should not hesitate to enter my daughter but for the long and
uncertain delay to be encountered before she can be admitted.
You state that "the prospect of being able to receive any more
pupils before next June is very doubtful, and even at that period
far from certain"
Urgent and sometimes amusing arguments were presented by
parents who felt that their daughters should receive particular
consideration. John Rice of Chester District, South Carolina,
when informed that he would have to wait until fall or later to
place his daughters at Salem, wrote on April 30, 1837, that they
ought to be accepted earlier because "it will not doe to take
children from the South to that cold climate in the fall or winter."
W. F. Leak of Rockingham in a letter dated May 13, 1837, wrote
hopefully that he was applying for his daughter because he
thought it "probable that the pressure in the money market
might cause some Gentlemen from the cotton growing States not
to fill up their application," and J. Erwin of Livingston, Ala-
bama, said on September 28, 1841 :
From the very liberal patronage your School has received from
Alabama, we feel that we have some claim on you to make some-
thing more than exertion to provide for the reception of our
daughters.
Not many of the letters of application mention the preparation
of students before entering Salem, but Mrs. E. F. Whi taker of
Enfield, North Carolina, who had herself been a student at the
academy, in a letter dated September 6, 1837 to Francis Fries
included the report of her daughter as given by a tutor :
She has completed in the North American Arithmetic the four
elementary principles Simple Interest, Discount Percentage and
Fractions, Vulgar and Decimal-Part second and third of North
American Arithmetic to the twenty fifth article comprising the
elements of Arithmetic Int, Discount, Banking, Fractions etc.
Progress in Latin highly flatering for the time devoted to it,
having given oral translations of Sallust oral and written trans-
lations of the Bucolics (Virgil) , Olney's Geography accompanied
Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 145
by the map will be completed by the close of the year. Reading,
English, grammar, Orthography tolerably correct.
Instructions as to the work to be pursued at Salem are more
frequent ; and the following excerpts from letters show the vary-
ing attitudes of parents toward the academy curriculum:
Beauford Bridge Barwell District, S. C.
12th, February 1837
I wish my Daughter to Studdy the different branches of the
English Language, together with Drawing and painting plain
and Ornamental needle work and music.
Charles H. Rice
Tumbling Shoals, S. C.
Aug. 16th 1837
I wish my daughter [s] taught the solid branches first viz Arith-
matic, English Grammar. Geography and to write well. They
read and spell pretty well, write tolerable and have a smattering
of Arithmetic and Grammar. After getting perfect in the above
branches, I should have no objection to their spending a few
months, in other branches of another order, also I should wish a
part of their time devoted to domestic affairs.
Joseph Sullivan
Middedgeville, (Geo)
2nd Dec. 1837
I wish them [my daughters] both thoroughly instructed in all
the useful and ornamental branches of femal education. Intellec-
tual accomplishments even in a lady are preferable to personal
attractions. The former will last and improve with time subserve
all the valuable purposes of our being, while the latter soon fade
and perish. I wish them to be brought up as to be made useful
members of society and to this end I commit their course to your
good judgement. ... I have directed them to purchase a bible
a piece, and to read it — I will thank you to see that they attend
to this request.
Charles J. McDonald
Livingston, Sumpter Co. Alabama
August 13th 1841
I shall wish her [my daughter] confined to the higher branches
of Female Education and particularly to the ornamental Branch-
es.
Willis Crenshaw
146 . The North Carolina Historical Review
Surry, N. C.
Sept. 19th 1842
I wish her [my daughter] to study geometry, Arithmatick, geog-
raphy, natural and moral philosophy. (May lands moral philoso-
phy I prefer) English Grammer, reading writing and musick.
Nathaniel Boyden
One parent with an eye to finances writes from Oxford, N. C.
as follows :
Your terms you say is five dollars entrance — Board washing
and Tuition including Reading Grammer Writing Arithmetick
Geography the use of the Globe Composition Natural philosophy
Chemistry Botany Latin French Drawing and painting plain
needle work Etc. per quarter Thirty dollars.
Instruction in music per quarter five dollars.
Instruction in Ornamental Needle work three dollars p. q. for
the use of Library one dollar per quarter. As I have no wish
that she [my daughter] should study Latin French nor Painting
should be glad to know what the charge would be including all
the rest of the studys above stated. 6
The Moravian love of music found a ready response on the
part of the patrons of the school who were eager to have their
daughters learn to play an instrument, and it is pleasant to
think how many pianos were set tinkling throughout the South
by female pupils of Miss Crist's popular music classes. 7 In 1842
a member of the faculty was sent to New York to buy a new piano
from Samuel Gilbert's Boston firm which had a ware room kept
by Freedom Hill at 329 Broadway. Although the price was listed
at $325.00, 8 a subsequent letter from Mr. Hill indicated that he
had made the school a special price. 9
Organ and guitar were also taught. John Parkhill writing from
Tallahassee, Florida, on September 4, 1837, said:
Rebecca Copland wishes to learn to play on the Guitar — I have not
the least objection — and I beg of you to have them [my daugh-
ters] taught as if they were your own children — but above every
thing teach them the way to everlasting life — I am very fond of
Sacred Music — If the children have good voices I wish their
Singing cultivated — If they can learn to execute well on the
Piano or Guitar have them taught.
6 From Robert Taylor, October 11, 1842.
7 See letter from T. F. Napier, New York, June 7, 1839.
8 See letter from Lemuel Gilbert, New York, August 13, 1842.
e From New York, June 10, 1842.
Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 147
W. G. Taylor of Elizabethton, Tennessee, wrote somewhat whim-
sically on January 24, 1841, concerning his niece, "If Mary thinks
(as she doubtless will) that thruming on the guitar will conduce
to the restoration of her health, she is at liberty to take lessons."
On January 5, 1841, A. I. Lawton of Robertville, South Carolina,
gave the following specific instructions in regard to his daugh-
ter's musical education:
If convenient, if not previously learned, I will thank you to have
my daughter taught the following pieces of music the Echo,
Strike the Cymbal, The Hunter's Horn, The Minstrel's Return
from the War, The Meeting' of the Waters and There's a Health
to thee, Tom More. Perhaps I have named too many, but she may
have practiced some of them already.
Although there was no special course planned for those de-
siring to teach, the academy was recognized as giving adequate
preparation for the profession, and requests for teachers were
not infrequent. Green B. Montgomery, Sr., of Chester District,
South Carolina, in a letter concerning his granddaughter said
that he would "Like she should Become a Teacher if Her Talent
would admit it." 10 and John Haralson of Haywood, Chatham
County, North Carolina, wrote when his daughter had completed
her course, "I presume she is sufficiently advanced to be able
to instruct in a Female School in a private family or in some
village." 11 On February 9, 1837, Henry Jones of Athens, Tennes-
see, wrote an appeal for a teacher:
We are destitute of a teacher in music and painting, but wish
to procure one if possible. Our teacher that was here last session
went to the South to spend the winter and we understand she
has married. She had a good class last session and we think
that a lady may make from 500. to 700. or 800 dollars a year if
she can teach both music and painting. . . . We have a good piano
and wish to have it in use as our girls have attended to music
only one session. We should much prefer one that is pious and
sturdy. If such a teacher can be had from your school as we want,
you would do us a great favour by informing us.
J. E. Dawson of Madison, Morgan County, Georgia, sent the fol-
lowing request on October 27, 1841 :
10 Dated December 5, 1837.
11 Dated April 12, 1842.
148 The North Carolina Historical Review
A lady who is well qualified to give instruction in Drawing,
Painting, Plain and Ornamental needle work can find a desirable
Situation in the Seminary at La Grange Geo. . . . The Situation
is one of the most desirable in the South and is uninteruptedly
healthy.
In spite of the flourishing condition of the school and the fav-
orable business conditions in the South during the 1830's, means
of collecting tuition fees from patrons outside the state were
often exceedingly difficult. United States currency was frequent-
ly not available, and there was a high rate of exchange on cur-
rency issued by state banks. The following letter throws interest-
ing light on the financial problems of the school arising from an
unstable currency.
Pickensville, Alabama
Feby. 27th, 1838
You will herewith find enclosed the right hand half of a One
hundred dollar bill on the State Bank of South Carolina dated
Jany 2 1834. Letter B. No. 150. Wm. Lee Prest and Samuel
Wraggsby Cashier — Also the right hand half of a Fifty dollar
bill Bank of Charleston So. Carolina dated Nov 19 1835. No. 40
Letter B. Hawltok Prest A G Rose Cashier.
You will please write me on the receipt of this and I will for-
ward the left hand halves.
The impossibility of getting it has prevented me from sending
United States money some time ago. Alabama or Mississippi
money, such as is only in circulation here would be at too heavy
a discount to send to you, I have therefore sent the next best
to U.S. which is South Carolina.
Silas Wood
The enclosing of parts of bills had its disadvantages, however,
as James B. Erwin of Erwinton, South Carolina, upon being
notified that his money had not arrived expressed the fear that,
"some postmaster between us have taken out the two half Bills
and [is] no doubt waiting for the other halves — of which how-
ever I am sure he will be disappointed." The letter continues,
"There are many waggoners from your state who trade here. . . .
If you could safely send an order by any of them it would be
Punctually Paid on sight." 12
In 1842 letters which found their way to the principal's desk
mention general hard times throughout the South. One from
» Dated January 17, 1837.
Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 149
Florida comments on the "Unexpected fall of property and the
great depreciation of our currency with the great difficulty of
procuring the proper funds except at an enormous exchange." 13
A writer from Georgia says, "I should have sent you some money
before this time if it had not been for the derangement of the
currency of Georgia I made an effort to get a check for you some
time agoe and the[y] ask me Eighteen per cent and I could not
stand it." 14 A patron from Alabama regrets "not being able to
procure a draft that would suit you at this time, but this could
not be done for less than 25 to 33 V3 per cent." 15 From South
Carolina the report was : "Times just now are very tight in this
state, several men of large fortunes — to all appearance — and
men of first standing have recently failed and I fear the Crash
is not yet over." 16
The South continued to feel economic pressure throughout the
year. Charles Temple of Jackson, Madison County, Tennessee,
in a letter dated October 10, 1842, wrote :
I wish you to say what kind of money will be required. Our Banks
are all paying specie, if our money will go at par with you it
would be most convenient to send it if not you will please say the
discount and if too great will get a check on the East so as to
save exchange and to suit you.
On November 8, 1842, a letter from Jesse Gibson of Greensboro,
Alabama, ended on an optimistic note :
Dear Sir
I Send by Maj. J. N. Winston for my Daughter as he is going now
for his and others. I hope you will be so good as to forward my
account by him and will Send you a Draft payable in N York by
some Merchants this winter or Spring when they go on for goods
or by mail as soon as our cotton Market is fully opened We have
no chance of giting N. C. funs hear now. I am excedingly Sorry
that I have it not in my power to send you the money at present,
but you are aware that our money has been at such a discount
that it would have been ruinous to loos the difference in Exchange
heretofore but from the present prospects I think that in a very
Short time that we will be able to get northern funs at a very
small discount.
13 From D. A. Gaillard, Tallahassee, Florida, May 2, 1842.
14 From Jesse Pope, Forsyth, Georgia, February 25, 1842.
15 From J. Gibson, Greensboro, Alabama, June 9, 1842.
16 From James D. Erwin, Erwinton, South Carolina, March 1, 1842.
150 The North Carolina Historical Review
In North Carolina also times were difficult, and N. L. Williams
wrote on December 14, 1842:
I have six or seven very good beef cattle, which I have been
trying to sell to apply the proceeds towards Mary Louise's edu-
cation, and can not get an offer from the butchers — I have there-
fore concluded to ask the favour of you to receive the beef for
the Academy. . . . The hides will more than pay me for butcher-
ing, and sending the beef to Salem — It is very good beef, and I
will deliver it nicely butchered at 2*4 cents.
In spite of delayed payments that resulted in reduced income
during the early 1840's, however, Mrs. Jacobson was able to
write to a friend in the spring of 1844, "Scholars are constantly
coming in and we are quite full."
The principal of a female seminary was responsible not only
for the educational training of the pupils under his charge and
the detailed and often burdensome business administration of
the school, but also for innumerable paternal functions. The let-
ters give delightfully human touches, evidence of the concern
of parents for the children who would remain at school for two
or three years without returning home, but one wonders how the
principal retained any semblance of calm in the face of the de-
mands made upon him. Occasionally he was expected to arrange
for transportation. William Lyon of Alabama, who was interested
in two girls in Nashville, Tennessee, wrote : "I wish you to have
some clever respectable sober Honest Dutchman to take a one
Horse Carry all and go after them. ... I should suppose you
could get some one to make the trip and Deliver them to you
for $150." 17 When students arrived on horseback there was often
a request similar to the one that read, "Her two daughters rides
two horses, if it is possible please take care of them and sell
them for what they will bring and give her credit for the pro-
ceeds." 18 Once the students were settled in the school there were
constant parental instructions:
I have only one or two particulars on which I desire you would
let my wish control — The first is that my daughters especially
Martha and Sarah be required to make their own garments, and
that Elizabeth after this year be required to do the same. . . . My
17 From Demopolis, Alabama, March 26, 1842.
M From Peter Miller, Bolivar, Tennessee, June 28, 1841, for Mrs. Berry.
Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 151
other rule is that no article should be sold them except such as
are necessary. . . . idleness carelessness and extravgance are
among the causes of ruin to many families. 19
I would recommend flannel drawr's under her other garments,
and I will be quite obliged to you, Sir, if you would be so kind as
to request her tutoresses, to have them made for her. 20
I send by the stage 3 flannel shirts which I wish you to make
her put on and see that her shoes are thick enough to keep her
feet warm and dry. 21
I shall leave in 6 or 8 days fgr New York if nothing prevents
and now think of calling and taking Frances on with me. Will
you be so good as to have her a riding or traveling dress made. 22
By the advice of Doc. Baker long our family physician and one
of the most eminent in our State we introduced in Rowema's
case the use of the Indian's Panacea sl purely vegitable prepara-
tion for the purifying of the blood, composed mainly of sassofras,
Sasaparille and Syrup of Sugar. I have no doubt it contributed
mainly to the eradicating the disease from her constitution and
I have great confidence that it will do so again. I wish you with
the consent of the Physician in whose hands you have placed
Rowemas case to send to your agent in New York or Charleston
which ever place you can get it from the soonest an order for
half a dozen bottles — let her take two or three bottles & and
then cease for fifteen or twenty days and resume its use to the
extent of two or three bottles more. 23
I am extremely anxious that their tutoresses should be pious
ladies that would take a deep interest in leading them to the
Saviour. Make them Holy, Grave and Aimable. 24
I know Sir that my daughter — had imbibed considerable fondness
for dress before she left home I have no wish to encourage her
in an undue degree — in her attachments for dress — and want to
leave it to your understainding to say what she should have —
your village I presume affords the necessary materials or articles
of dress — Please see she is supplyed properly with clothing which
may suite her age or Size. 25
There were many other duties besides providing adequate
clothing for students. Although mail was not so abundant as
19 From T. W. Williams, Jr., Yorkville, South Carolina, October 5, 1836.
20 From Rachel M. Maner, Tallahassee, Florida, December 28, 1836.
21 From Maria B. Owen, Halifax Court House, Virginia, November 21, 1842.
22 From A. D. Gatewood, Eatonton, Georgia, May 26, 1842.
23 From N. C. Munroe, Macon, Georgia, April 13, 1842.
24 From John Parkhill, Tallahassee, Florida, February 18, 1837.
25 From F. T. Napier, Macon, Georgia, February 18, 1837.
152 The North Carolina Historical Review
today, the reading of all personal correspondence, whether writ-
ten by students or addressed to them, was an added burden, for
parental requests such as the following were not unusual : "I must
therefore request you to open all letters addressed to her [my
daughter] before handing to her to read." 26 Sometimes letters
contained the news of illness or death, and in 1842 there were
references to epidemics in the state. M. W. Alexander of Alex-
andria, North Carolina, wrote as follows:
When I left Salem at the examination I confidently expected
to have returned in 4 weeks with Isabella and Sophia, but Isabella
was taken suddenly bad in a week after we came home with the
congestion fever. . . . Our county is prostrate in Sickness — 4
Burials at Hopewell our church in 2 days & our beloved pastor
one of them had only 30 Hours Rev Jno Williamson a most ami-
able man 10 Buried in our grave yard in a very short time. 18
children in Charlotte besides grown persons in 3 weeks. 6 I
learned in one day in Steel Creek churchyard — no family exempt
& some families all down 27
J. Medley, writing from Demond Hill, Anson County, N. C, on
October 19, 1842, said, "The people in this region of Country has
and are now very Sickly a great many cases of Billious and Inter-
mitant fever." When Martha Ring died at the school in 1836, she
was buried in the Moravian graveyard and the principal was
requested to see that a tombstone was placed upon the grave.
One parent wrote that his daughter seem dissatisfied and con-
tinued :
I have a Little negroe Girl that she Claims that I should be glad
to Hire out. I thought perhaps that you would Hire her, and if
you do please to Inform me of it I think that it would be some
company to Ann and I would let her go on Fair Terms a while. 28
That meticulous accounts were kept of the expenditures of
each pupil is shown by a receipted bill for Harriet Early. Follow-
ing the regular charges for tuition were listed:
Other entries
April 1 to Sundry printed Music 2.87%
5 of worsted 1.50 2 pocket chefs 1.00
26 s ee letter from R. F. Yarborough, Louisburg, N. C, April 5, 1841.
27 Dated September 23, 1842.
38 From G. D. Holcomb, C — (?) Town, North Carolina, July 14, 1837.
Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 153
April 14 two pair of stockings 1.20 pocket book 12^
Stationary 2
May 1 to pocket money 1.00 Sundry postage 25
May 12 Shoes 1.40 2% yd. black muslin 50
The purchase of supplies required extensive correspondence.
School books were not easily obtainable and were sometimes
purchased from Boston or Philadelphia firms. This meant that
boxes were sent by boat to Petersburg or Norfolk and from there
by wagon or stage to Salem. The date of arrival was uncertain
and frequently supplies were not obtainable. Mrs. Jacobson while
on a visit to her parents in Bethlehem wrote to her husband:
"Shall I procure Geography books at Philadelphia, and how
many? MitcheFs seems to be liked more than any other."
There is a bill dated June 21, 1837, from Turner and Hughes
for textbooks:
To : 1 doz. worcesters elements of History at 1.25 15.00
To : i/2 doz. Worcester geography and atlas 1.50 9.00
Postage to Raleigh and Return .25
Paid Stage Fare .50 .75
24.75
J. H. Whitney of Boston wrote : "Rand's Introduction to Penmen-
ship I could not find. Our book sellers, indeed, had never heard of
the work." 29
A bill submitted by the firm of Humphreys and Gaither of
Lexington gives interesting glimpses of the variety of articles
which were ordered:
1840 Nov 1 Large plaid Shawl 2.75
1841 Oct 19 3 pr Nit Drawers 4.50
Oct 25 1 cloth cap 1.50
Nov. 6 4 shirts 7.00
1 Blk Satin Vest Pattern 4.35
Nov 15 1 Fur Hat 5.50
Nov 17 1 yd Blk Silk Velvet 5.00
30.60
On May 15, 1837, Samuel Gaither, agent for the firm, wrote as
follows :
29 Dated August 7, 1837.
154 The North Carolina Historical Review
I send 4 doz Baskets 1 Ream fancy letter paper the best I could
procure either in New York or Philadelphia. I was informed that
it could not be made as fine as the white paper also 22 Nuca
and 28 Ribbonbound Whitney Blankets and (pg) cloth which
Mr. Warner informed me would be devided between you and him-
self the pg. cloth contains 39*4 yds.
2 Doz Baskets @ $4.00
2 ditto @ $5.00
1 Ream Letter Paper $4.37
22 Nuca Blankets $2.60
28 Ribbon Bound Whitneys $2.90
Supplies for "ornamental needle work" came from Boston, and
J. H. Whitney, formerly of the firm of Whitney and Sanford,
wrote :
The Cheneille cords are an article never inquired for or at the
least very seldom and we have none of them on hand.
The marking Silk is another article never asked for and this we
have not.
The dickers Silk floss is an article much used with us for em-
broidering this we have a large assortment of . . . . The reason
why we have not the other articles is that they are not used
here. Frequently the work most done in one place is not known
in another — at one time the rage is for beads at another for
embroidery — at another worsted work. Some Ladies with us
are at this time working carpets one would suppose it would
take a moderately long life time to accomplish this — In Phila-
delphia animals and birds are almost the only designs used for
working in Worsteds while with us [in Boston] it is impossible
to sell anything but flower pieces.
It might be supposed that with the multiplicity of details
which must have exhausted the time and energy of the principal
he would have known little of the actual work being done in the
classroom, but it was his responsibility to hold private examina-
tions in order to test the knowledge of each pupil before the
public examinations which came at the end of the term. The
public examinations were held about the middle of June and
brought many visitors to Salem, some of whom were doubtless
entertained in the principal's home. John Mclver of Society Hill,
South Carolina, wrote on January 7, 1842: "It is with pleasing
anticipation that I look forward to your examination in June
at which time I hope to be permitted once more to visit Salem.
Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 155
For I felt myself well paid for my ride last June in attending
your examination." A delightfully reminiscent letter from Jane
Crawford of Gladdens Grove, Chester District, South Carolina,
reads as follows:
How pleased should I be to visit you this summer particularly
at the time of your examination which is one of the most pleasing
and also exciting periods in a school girls life, pleasing if she
is prepared to see her Parents and friends with an assurance that
she has improved her time and done her duty, but if the reverse
who can describe the anguish of a person. . . . Accept the best
wishes and humble respects of your ever devoted pupil Jane to
her beloved Inspector and Inspectress and excuse me for ad-
dressing one so far my superior in every respects.
Your Ever Attached Pupil
J. M. Crawford 30
The end of the term did not bring a long and needed rest to the
principal and tutoresses, as there was a vacation of only two
weeks during which time most of the pupils remained at the
school. The new term usually began on the first Monday in July.
Students who had completed their training at Salem often left
immediately after the public examinations accompanied by their
own parents or those of other girls from the same section, but
occasionally it fell to the lot of the principal to conduct a pupil
to her home. When Jacobson was returning a pupil to her parents
in Charleston, he wrote to his wife a letter mailed from Raleigh
but undated. It shows the time and energy consumed in travel in
the state.
I have ascertained here that to-morrow at 7 we leave in a 4 hour
stage for Goldsboro 45 miles where we arrive in the evening at
7 — the road is good — at 2 the next morning the cars arrive at
that place from the North and we go on to Wilmington where we
arrive at eight that same morning — go immediately on board
the Steam boat and arrive at Charleston the next morning at
8. . . . The first day at Greensboro and the succeeding night in
Hillsboro where we arrived about 10 this morning were very cold.
In spite of the fact that distances made travel difficult and
that the demands of the academy and the small community in
which it was located were many, the principals of the school,
80 Dated February 17. No year given, but the letter is marked "arrived March 2, 1842.'
156 The North Carolina Historical Review
educated as they were in the North, had traveled abroad and
maintained contacts that were wide and varied. Mention has
already been made of the relations with business firms in Boston,
New York, and Philadelphia. The frequent correspondence with
Lewis Williams, North Carolina representative in Congress,
brought comments on political affairs of the day. A letter dated
February 18, 1837, runs as follows:
Gen. Jackson has indeed shattered the constitution and broken
it into pieces and there is no longer any proportion in its several
departments. All power is absorbed in the Executive hands and
the other branches are reduced to mere cypher. . . a perfect
nullity. If Mr. President orders the Senate to Expunge from the
journal, they do it as good and dutiful subjects — If he orders
the House to stop all pursuit of rogues all investigation after
frauds and peculations upon the public treasury, they do that
also — Whitney and all his confederates may now laugh at the
efforts of the House to keep watch over the public coffers without
fear they may perpetrate just as many acts of plunder as they
please — What a deplorable condition we are in What a frightful
state of political pollution, of servile degradation we are involved
in at the present moment — Fortunate for the country Jackson's
time is mainly expired, and it would have still been more fortu-
nate, I think, if he had never lived — The battle of New Orleans
will be no atonement for the overwhelming evil of the destruc-
tion of the government — Such has been the course of all military
chiefs — They gain popularity by fighting for their country, and
then turn that popularity to the destruction of their country.
In another letter dated January 17, 1837, he wrote from Wash-
ington, "I take the liberty to send you a specimen of the sort of
printing for the Education of the Blind," and commented on the
progress being made in teaching the blind. On February 19,
1842, he wrote again from Washington :
I must refer you to the papers for all the news we have at this
place. There is nothing to excite much interest since old Mr.
Adams routed the body of assailants that conspired to a make war
upon him. It was indeed enough to raise a smile of derision, if not
of contempt, to see the Nullifiers profess such horror of disunion
when for the last twelve or fifteen years we have never had a
tariff discussion without threats of a dissolution of the Union
from some members of the South, If Adams case does no other
good, it will stop the mouths of Southern members on the sub-
ject of disunion.
Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 157
Other interesting glimpses of conditions appear in the letters.
Samuel Daniel of Charlotte County, Virginia, wrote on April 21,
1841 : "It appears that we are threatened with war with Eng-
land."
On February 16, 1837, William Mann wrote from Tallahas-
see, Florida, of the disturbances with the Seminole Indians :
Your esteemed favour reached by due course of mail and at a
time when I was out on a Indian excursion. Some of those savages
had approached within a few miles of our city and committed an
outrage on some wagons burning two and stealing the drivers
who were Negroes and taking the mules to carry off their plun-
der. We persued them about 80 or 90 miles recovered all the
property but they escaped after being fired upon, though without
the loss of any life.
The Moravians from the early days of the Indian mission in
Georgia had been concerned about the welfare of the Indians,
and because of the missionaries stationed in the Cherokee Res-
ervation, there were, from time to time, Indian girls at Salem.
A letter from Lewis Ross, "grand Salim" of the Cherokee nation,
written on April 10, 1842, stated that a certain Cooly was coming
to enter his daughter and that Sarah McDonald, then in school,
should return with Cooly. When she returned to the reservation
it was his intention to place her to live with Mrs. Vogler, wife
of the Moravian missionary. A letter from William S. Cooly,
cousin of the Salem girl, written from Washington City, July
24, 1842, shows the discouragement with which the Indians were
often confronted:
Our object in coming to Washington was to form a new treaty,
and [we] had the written promise of President Tyler (given last
year to the delegation) that he intended to enter into a new treaty
with us embrassing all of the important points named by the
Cherakees, but I am apprehensive that we shall be entirely un-
successful.
Thus the principal was kept in touch with problems more
far-reaching than the immediate ones of the academy, and met
with intelligent understanding the changing conditions of the
time.
In spite of political uncertainties of the nation as a whole and
the financial uncertainties of the South, the academy continued
158 The North Carolina Historical Review
to maintain its reputation for thoroughness and sincerity of
purpose. It is interesting to note for what reasons the patrons
valued the institution, and quotations taken at random from the
letters throw light on the matter:
I have always understood that strict injunction is held over the
virtuous morals of all whom may be trusted to your charge. . . .
This confidence cherished will give the Parents or guardians a
calm repose either by day or by night. 31
I have been in Salem twice and the order I have observed in the
transaction of every department of business far surpasses any-
thing I have ever saw in any place in my travels. 32
May your school ever sustain the character which it has long
had of being one of the best disciplined Schools in the South. 33
I have for sometime past looked at the Seminary of which you
have the Superintendance as the best place for them [my daugh-
ters] in which at the same time that they are receiving the em-
bellishments of their sex they will be taught the principles of
morality, virtue, and religion. 34
One great inducement I had for sending them to your Institution
was the well known reputation that your people have for prudence
and Economy. 35
I know from having one daughter heretofore educated there that
every attention is paid to the students both in sickness and in
health, and that the institution is conducted with more order and
regularity than is to be found in some others. 36
I am extremely anxious they should be instructed well in the
great principles of our holy religion, but not made sectarians. I
have a very exalted opinion of your form of religion, your purity
or morals and simplicity of manners. 37
I could never think & never for a moment entertain the idea of
placing her [my daughter] in a boarding school where the Edu-
cation of the heart and Christian sympathy and kindness were
not the ruling motives of education. 38
31 From Daniel Murray, Raleigh, N. C, July 7, 1837.
82 From James H. Reagan, Facility, McMinn County, Tennessee, October 11, 1837.
88 From J. S. Graves, Covington, Georgia, April 22, 1842.
34 From Charles J. McDonald, Macon, Georgia, September 28, 1837.
35 From Joseph Medley, Beverley, N. C., September 17, 1837.
86 From Alex Gray, Randolph County, N. C, May 8, 1837.
37 From John Parkhill, Tallahassee, Florida, March 23, 1834.
88 From N. C. Munroe, Macon, Georgia, April 13, 1842.
Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 159
On April 4, 1841, I. Nelson of Greensboro, Alabama, who had
been impressed with the work being done at Salem Academy,
offered to give eighty acres of land on which to start a Moravian
school either in Alabama or Mississippi, and wrote :
If your Society should accept the donation I propose they can have
the liberty of establishing either a Male or Female school. The
tract of land in Mississippi is admirably situated for a school,
being on top of a high ridge supposed to be one of the healthest
situations in the state, nor far distant from large settlements
of wealthy planters. The tract in this state would be similarly
situated both some 6 or 8 miles from any village. If you should
accept the proposal I should require your society to establish a
school within the space of three years or sooner if practical.
Apparently the undertaking of establishing a school so far away
from a Moravian settlement seemed too great, and the offer was
declined.
In spite of the favorable comments that poured in from all
over the South, there were, as is to be expected, criticisms, and the
rapid rise of seminaries and female institutions of higher learning
meant that there was growing competition. Mrs. John Blandin
in her book, Institutions of Higher Learning in the South Prior
to I860, 39 lists thirty-two schools that opened their doors between
1834 and 1844. Some of the schools were poorly financed and
quickly passed out of existence. It is not surprising, therefore,
that the desire for pupils sometimes led to criticism of older and
long established schools. A. G. Hughes of Mecklenburg County,
Virginia, wrote to Jacobson a letter undated but postmarked
December 1, 1836 :
There is an opinion abroad in this State, how extensive I know
not, it however exists, that the discipline of your school is too
rough for the tenderness of the female constitution ! To be more
particular That you require of young Ladies that performance of
duties which might more properly be assigned to servants. Now
if you will trouble yourself so much as to furnish me with proper
information as to these things I will pledge myself to stop the
mouth of slander wherever I meet it. For I am a North Carolinan
and am unwilling to hear our institution, one of the oldest and
most respectable of the kind in the southern states thus rudly
espoiled — to hear its . . . well earned and dignified character
impeached by the friends of every little mushroom Seminary that
39 (Washington, D. C), 1909.
160 The North Carolina Historical Review
is daily springing up and which are as volatile and shortlived as
that vegitable itself.
C. J. Orrell of Presbyterian Fayetteville, writing on August
22, 1837, said:
Col. Andrews visits Salem with his two Daughters for the pur-
pose of leaving them in your care and tuition. ... I do hope you
will take those Young Ladies in, as they are the first of Several
years from this Section of the State and you are perhaps well
aware that in this Section of the State there are some prejudices
existing against the manners and customs of the good people
of Salem — the tuition of a few Young Ladies is all that is want-
ing to remove that prejudice.
Criticism of schools in other sections also appears. Joseph
Sullivan of Tumbling Shoals, South Carolina, wrote in 1837,
"There is a good many Academies in this State, but none but
one that I should be willing to send to, that is at Columbia, a fine
institution but a very extravagant place," and a patron from
Clinton, Alabama, wrote, "We have female schools here principal-
ly under the patronage of Yankee teachers who visit the South
for health or some other foreign motive from that of giving in-
struction." 40 A certain Yarborough of "Lewisburg" (Louisburg) ,
North Carolina, said in 1841, "My principal objection to our
female school here is that everything is taught superficially."
One gentleman writing from Madison County, Tennessee, ended
his letter with the sad lament : "There seemed to be considerable
inquiry respecting the management of Salem Boarding school,
the more so as many but too plainly see how very much the im-
provement of the mind is neglected while vanity and pride is
fostered beyond conception in our village." 41
In spite of criticism and competition Salem Academy received
the loyal support of patrons, and families often sent as many
as three daughters at one time to remain in the school until their
education was completed. They were normal, fun-loving girls,
most of them between the ages of twelve and fifteen, who later
went out to take their places in Southern homes of their own. "I
have seen Mary Shepherd since her return," wrote Virginia
Parkhill of Tallahassee. "She is much improved She gives a party
40 From D. Harrison, Clinton, Greene County, Alabama, June 19, 1842.
41 From Peter Transou, February 28, 1842.
Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 161
to-night visits a great deal She is not the plain Salem girl I
expected to see," and adds, "but that may be accounted for by
her fashionable relations." 42 Mrs. Caroline Berry, who had once
herself attended the Academy, expressed with sincerity — that
is evident in spite of the ornate rhetoric — the gratitude that
many parents must have felt for the kindly supervision given
their daughters at Salem :
Bolivar [Tennessee] August 25, 1842
Permit me, now dear Sir to thank you and the Tutress of Salem
Institute, for the great kindness to my daughters, since they
have been placed under your guidance and protection, and oh
may heaven shower its choicest blessings on you is the prayer
of a Mother whose greatest object in life has been to fit her
children by education and by morral precepts, to fortify their
minds against all that is impure or degrading to an intelligent
and rational being.
The letters preserved by Dr. Jacobson, when read in their
entirety, reveal a South struggling under the burden of economic
difficulties, totally inadequate educational opportunities, bad
health conditions, impassable roads, and meager facilities for
transportation, but they also reveal a South of homes and close
family ties where parents had a deep concern for the moral and
spiritual welfare of their children. Dr. Jacobson was respected
in the South as a wise and liberal educator, and Salem Academy
during the years 1834-1844 was recognized as making an im-
portant contribution to the education of Southern women.
42 Dated January 27, 1842.
PAPERS FROM THE FORTY-NINTH ANNUAL SESSION
OF THE STATE LITERARY AND HISTORICAL
ASSOCIATION, RALEIGH, DECEMBER 2, 1949
INTRODUCTION
By Christopher Crittenden
The forty-ninth annual session of the State Literary and
Historical Association was held at the Hotel Sir Walter in
Raleigh, Friday, December 2, 1949. Meeting concurrently with
the Association were the North Carolina Folklore Society, the
North Carolina State Art Society, the North Carolina Society
for the Preservation of Antiquities, and the North Carolina So-
ciety of County Historians. At the morning meeting of the Asso-
ciation, with President W. T. Bost of Raleigh presiding, the fol-
lowing papers were read: "Fort Macon: Its History," by Rich-
ard S. Barry of Durham; "A Mythical Mayflower Competition:
North Carolina Literature in the Half-Century Following the
Revolution," by Roger P. Marshall of Raleigh; "The Bicenten-
nial of Printing in North Carolina," by William S. Powell of
Raleigh ; and "Review of North Carolina Books of the Year," by
William T. Polk of Greensboro. A business session followed.
At the evening meeting, with Vice President Paul Murray of
Greenville presiding, Mr. Bost delivered the presidential address
and Mrs. Thomas Jefferson Byerly of Winston-Salem, governor
of the Society of Mayflower Descendants in the State of North
Carolina, announced that the annual Mayflower Cup award had
been made to Mr. Phillips Russell of Chapel Hill for his book,
The Woman Who Rang the Bell. The meeting was brought to a
close by an illustrated address, "The Restoring of Colonial Wil-
liamsburg," by Dr. Thomas J. Wertenbaker' of Princeton, New
Jersey.
All of these papers and addresses are included in the pages
that follow, and it is believed that they will be read with interest
both by those who did not have opportunity to hear them in
the first instance and also by those who, though they were pres-
ent when the papers were delivered, will nevertheless be grate-
ful for the opportunity to refresh their memories as to what was
said. In most cases the authors have made certain revisions and
the usual editing has been done, but in no instance has the
original meaning been materially altered.
[162]
FORT MACON: ITS HISTORY
By Richard Schriver Barry*
The objective of this paper i.s to render a brief historical sur-
vey of Fort Macon, which is located on Bogue Point in Beaufort
Harbor, N. C. This fort had only two predecessors : Fort Dobbs
and Fort Hampton. Fort Dobbs was a brush work, erected in
1756, but it was never armed or properly manned. 1 No fort exist-
ed to close Old Topsail Inlet during the troubled days of the
American Revolution. 2
Growing tension with England concerning the British naval
policy of impressment upon the high seas caused the agrarian-
minded supporters of Jefferson to adopt a policy of coastal de-
fense in preference to a large navy. 3 As a result, Fort Hampton,
the second fortification on Bogue Point, was built in 1808-1809.
This was a small, semi-circular masonry work, with brick bar-
racks for sixty-five artillery men. 4 Throughout the war years
(1812-1815) Beaufort Harbor, made secure by the eight smooth-
bore cannon of Fort Hampton, 5 became a leading southern port
from which fast sailing privateer vessels operated. The success
of this privateer navy tremendously enhanced the national
prestige of the twin policies of coastal defense and commerce
raiding. Consequently, a comprehensive system of defense stress-
ing complete and adequate coastal fortifications was developed
by 1819 for our maritime frontier. 6 As a component part of this
system, surveys and plans for a new fort on Bogue Point were
completed between 1822 and 1824. 7
* Mr. Richard Schriver Barry, a graduate student at Duke University, secured the material
for this paper while employed as senior archivist for the Division of State Parks of the
North Carolina Department of Conservation and Development.
1 William L. Saunders, ed„ Colonial Records of North Carolina, V, 596-599; VI, 24, 614-615.
2 Walter Clark, ed., State Records of North Carolina, X, 516, 546, 739; XII, 177-178; XXII,
742.
3 Harold and Margaret Sprout, The Rise of American Naval Power, 1776-1918 (Princeton,
1939), 50-72.
* United States Congress, American State Papers, Military Affairs, 7 vols. (Wash., D. C,
1832-1861), I, no. 74, 220; no. 84, 237; no. 89, 247; no. 106, 311. (Hereafter cited as Military
Affair 8.)
6 National Archives, Washington, D. C, Record Group 156, Ordnance Office, Report on
Fort Hampton, North Carolina, Jan. 1, 1814. (Hereafter cited as N. A. Rec. Gr. followed by
the number and name of the department.)
6 Military Affairs, 1, no. 169, 811; II, no. 83, 51; no. 206, 305.
7 Military Affairs, II, no. 247, 567; no. 262, 714.
[163]
164 The North Carolina Historical Review
Fort Hampton was abandon after 1820, and within five
years had been swamped into the depths of the ever-widening
channel of Old Topsail Inlet. 8
United States Army Engineer Lieutenant William A. Eliason
arrived in Beaufort early in December, 1825, 9 to take charge of
the construction of the new fort. This station was to be known,
after 1826, as Fort Macon, in honor of Nathaniel Macon, North
Carolina's prominent statesman of the post-Revolutionary era.
From its conception Fort Macon was plagued with delays. First,
the small group of landholders owning Bogue Point refused to
sell their plots. To end all bickering, the North Carolina legisla-
ture seized the 405 acres required. Ultimately, a jury of eighteen
freemen set the value of the land at $1,287, which the United
States paid. 10 Lieutenant Eliason started from the proverbial
"scratch." He issued notices for supplies of brick and stone. He
advised the local slaveowners of the opportunity to employ their
slaves as laborers. 11 Construction, which was begun in March,
1826, was abruptly halted by dangerous encroachments of the
sea. While a new site was being surveyed Eliason set his carpen-
ters to work erecting laborers' shacks, cook houses and bake
ovens, store sheds, stables, a lime kiln, and several flat-bottomed
scows. In August he ordered a wharf built on Bogue Sound. Short-
ly thereafter his supplies of tools, cement, iron work, and non-
perishable foodstuffs, previously ordered in Baltimore, began to
arrive by boat. 12 Ten laborers, engaged at a cost of $16 each per
month, commenced gouging a canal from Bogue Sound into the
site. The earth scooped from this canal was hauled by horses to
the fort site and heaped up to form the glacis,- that is, the sloping
outer sides of the pentagon. 13 The foundations, both of the inner
and outer defenses, had been laid by May, 1827, but now that it
was time to begin work on the masonry Lieutenant Eliason was
unable to obtain locally a sufficient number of skilled mechanics.
8 Military Affairs, II, No. 170, 818. This is the last year that Fort Hampton is carried on
army station records. See also N. A. Cartographic Section, Drawer no. 61, sheet no. 58-1, Lt.
Geo Dutton's map of Fort Macon area showing Fort Hampton in channel. N. A. Rec. Gr. 77,
Engineer Dept., letter L 280, Capt. Robert E. Lee's report of his Inspection of Fort Macon
Jan. 7, 1841.
9 N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., letter E 1, Lt. Wm. Eliason to Gen. A. Macomb, Jan.
1, 1826.
10 Acts passed by the General Assembly of North Carolina, 1825, ch. XXV, 15-16; 1826, ch.
XX 12-13.
U N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., E 1, Lt. Eliason's report to Chief Engineer, Jan. 1,
1826. „ „
" N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., E 24, Lt. Eliason's report for Sept., 1826.
18 N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., E 9, Lt. Eliason to Chief Engineer Gen. Macomb,
April 28, 1826.
Fort Macon: Its History 165
More than a month of delay followed while he imported several
northern masons. 14 Conflicting brick contracts entailed further
delay. Lieutenant Eliason favored one local brick manufacturer,
Dr. James Manney, as his chief source of supply. When Captain
J. L. Smith relieved Lieutenant Eliason in October, 1827, he evi-
denced preference for bricks made by Captain Otway Burns, to
the exclusion of Dr. Manney. The doctor then attempted to get
other local manufacturers to combine with him against Captains
Smith and Burns. Thereupon, Dr. Manney was relieved as
surgeon to the fort laborers. 15 In retaliation, Manney published
a derogatory article about conditions at the fort in the New Bern
Sentinel. This nearly led to a duel between Smith and Manney.
Ultimately, Dr. Manney was forced to appeal to Congress for
restitution of the loss he suffered in making bricks for Fort
Macon. 16 By the end of 1829 satisfactory contracts with the
Beaufort manufacturers and others in nearby areas resulted in
a constant and adequate supply of bricks.
The fort had taken shape by August, 1830, only to have a vio-
lent gale rip up the glacis, clog the canal, and make breeches in
the beach. Thereafter, more attention was paid to the preserva-
tion of the fort site. Nearly all the brick work was completed by
December, 1832 ; 17 only the copings of Connecticut free stone
remained to be set on top of the masonry and placed on the three
stairways leading from the parade to the parapets.
Captain Smith turned the Fort Macon project over to Lieu-
tenant George Dutton in 1833. The War Department was pre-
pared to garrison the station at this time, but Lieutenant Dutton
advised that to make the casemates inhabitable it would be nec-
essary to alter the original plans by laying wooden floors on
the brick decks and plastering the casemate archways. 18 This
work required another year. Fort Macon was finally completed
at a cost of approximately $350,000. 19 Unfortunately, the artil-
lery company which arrived as the fort's first garrison on Decem-
ber 4, 1834, 20 was never able to practice artillery drill, for the
^ Military Affairs, III, No. 360, 628.
15 N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., S 304, Capt. Smith to Gen. Macomb, Oct. 30, 1827.
16 N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., Letters Received Index, Aug. 1, 1830-Dec. 31, 1834, M
895, James Manney's letter, Jan. 12, 1832.
17 N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., S 1766, Capt. J. L. Smith to Gen. Gratiot, Dec, 13,
1832.
18 N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., D 1083, Lt. Geo. Dutton to Gen. Gratiot, Nov. 1, 1833.
19 Military Affairs, V, no. 613, 655.
20 N. A. Rec. Gr. 94, Adjutant General's Office, K 74, Brevet Major R. N. Kirby to Gen. R.
Jones, Dec. 4, 1834.
166 The North Carolina Historical Review
fort remained unarmed. Fourteen months later this company was
ordered to Florida, there to serve as an infantry company, aiding
in the suppression of an Indian uprising.
The fort remained ungarrisoned and in the care of an ordnance
sergeant from 1836 to 1842. Within this period the engineers
made alterations and improvements such as building a hot-shot
furnace on the parade, and installing counterforts to relieve the
pressure of the weight of the glacis, in the hope of halting the
cracks which were opening in the masonry as the supporting
piers settled in the sand. 21 The completion of this work caught
the engineers napping, for only nine casemates were ready to
receive a company from the 3rd United States Artillery Regi-
ment when it arrived from the Seminole Indian Wars on July
28, 1842. 22
With colors flying and drums beating, Captain Wall's Com-
pany "F" stood at attention upon the ramparts one February
morning in 1844 to welcome the addition of a half company and
a new commanding officer. Captain John Rogers Vinton had ac-
cepted the command of Fort Macon "in spite of its sand and
dreariness" 23 in the belief that he would have a permanent com-
mand and more time for his leisure pursuits. Vinton presided
over the limited society of the fort with a paternal mein. As the
station was not assigned a chaplain, Vinton arranged for the
Methodist minister of Beaufort to cross over each Sunday and
deliver a sermon to the men. 24 By March the captain had taken
upon himself the task of educating the two little music boys of
the garrison. 25 These boys became the playmates of Vinton's
nine-year-old son, Frank, who arrived at the fort in July. In
one of this lad's descriptive letters to a sister he wrote, "Father
has given me a playroom in the third story of our house [the only
one on the island] . Father is playing on his piano [that recently
arrived from Boston] while I am writing. We have two servants.
One has a screeching infant, and it gives us music enough with-
out the piano." 26
21 N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., L 273, Capt. Robert E. Lee to Chief Engineer, Dec.
9, 1840; D 1969, Capt. Geo. Dutton to Chief Engineer, July 8, 1842.
22 N. A. Rec. Gr. 92, Quartermaster Dept., I 56, Capt. J. R. Irwin to Gen. Jessup, Report on
Fort Macon, June 18, 1842. See also United States Congress, Executive Documents, 27 Cong.,
third sess., doc. no. 2, Report of the Sec. of War, Nov. 26, 1842, 199b. (Hereafter cited as
Exec. Doc, followed by number and session of Congress.)
m Duke University, Durham, N. C, Manuscript Collection, John Rogers Vinton Papers,
cabinet 21, Vinton to his mother, Feb. 2, 1844. (Hereafter cited as D. U. Vinton Papers.)
24 D. U., Vinton Papers, cabinet 21, Feb. 19, 1843.
25 D. TT., Vinton Papers, cabinet 21, Vinton to his mother, Mar. 29, 1844.
26 D. U., Vinton Papers, cabinet 21, Frank Vinton to his sisters, Oct. 29, 1844.
Fort Macon: Its History 167
Captain Wall's company was ordered to artillery school at
Fort McHenry, Maryland, early in October, 1844. As a result
Vinton's garrison was so depleted that even the necessary duties
could not be performed. He then recommended that the remain-
der of his troops be united with those at Augusta Arsenal,
Georgia. This recommendation was accepted by the War Depart-
ment. 27 Following Vinton's departure in November, engineering
activities were resumed with vigor. Lead roof -joints were re-
soldered, masonry cracks were cemented, magazines were made
moisture-proof, a second hot-shot furnace was erected in the
ditch, new wooden gates were hung, fourteen out of seventeen
cannon traverses were completed, several cannon were mounted,
and new jettees were thrown out against the sea. 28 Probably at
this time, 1844-1846, Fort Macon reached its physical peak. Dur-
ing these years she came nearest to fulfilling her purpose in the
chain of Atlantic fortifications. Her limited armament could still
successfully close Beaufort Harbor to the sailing craft of the
era. After 1847, when all engineering activities had ceased, her
decline began.
The end of the Mexican War, in 1848, made available many
regular army units for garrison duty. To Fort Macon came a
small company of forty-one officers and men for an eleven
months' tour of duty, ending September 12, 1849, when they left
to assist in quelling the Billy Bowlegs Indian Uprising in
Florida. 29
During the decade prior to the War between the States three
ordnance sergeants 30 endeavored to hold back the inevitable
deterioration which accompanied disuse. Severe storms, for-
aging cattle, and vandals wreaked havoc. By 1860 the fort was
in very poor condition. Nearly all the masonry cracks had re-
opened as the piers continued to sink. The sundial in the north-
east angle of the parade had toppled over. The two hot-shot
furnaces required complete rebuilding. The cannon had been
dismounted. The casemates required replastering and painting.
27 D. U., Vinton Papers, cabinet 21, Vinton's Letter Book, April, 1844-April, 1846, letter
dated Nov. 1, 1844. See also N. A. Rec. Gr. 94, Adjutant General's Office, V 300, Capt. Vinton
to Adj. Gen., Dec. 2, 1844.
28 Exec. Doc, 29 Cong., first sess., doc. no. 2, Report of Chief Engineer to the Sec. of
War Dec. 2 1845 254.
29 N. A*. Rec. Gr. 94, Adjutant General's Office, Letters Received, S 991, Oct. 13. 1848. See
also Exec. Doc. 31 Cong., first sess., doc. no. 1, Report of Sec. of War, Dec. 24, 1849, 188c.
80 Ordnance Sergeants Peter D. Stewart, Thomas Dailey, and William Alexander, United
States Army.
168 The North Carolina Historical Review
The woodwork was rotting. Most of the wharf had washed
away. 3 " Yet no attempts were made to halt this disgraceful con-
dition.
Strife was imminent throughout the South in the early days
of 1861. The forming Confederacy lacked both a navy and the
facilities with which to build one quickly. This left but one
course open to the makers of Confederate strategy: adopt the
policy established in 1820 of coastal defense and privateer cruis-
ing. The coastal defenses at least were available, waiting only
for occupancy.
At 3:30 p.m., April 14, 1861, Captain Josiah Pender, acting
upon his own initiative, directed the movement of a volunteer
corps from the Beaufort area, across the harbor to Fort Macon.
The only United States soldier at the Fort, Ordnance Sergeant
William Alexander, was removed unharmed to Beaufort. 32
Two days later Captain H. T. Guion arrived at the Morehead
City terminal of the recently completed Atlantic and North
Carolina Railroad. With him were sixty-one slaves and free
Negroes. On the 17th these laborers loaded aboard the schooner
George S. Handy the supplies which had been donated to Fort
Macon by the citizens of New Bern. 33 The next two weeks were
full of turmoil. Captain Croatan replaced Captain Pender, only
to be replaced by Colonel Tew. 34 Upstate troops, using Fort
Macon as a rendezvous, poured into the reservation, delaying
such work as the unloading of provisions and ammunition and
the construction of a railroad from the wharf to the fort. More
slaves were proffered ; more free Negroes volunteered. The labor
force soon mustered at 207 persons. 35 During the first week this
labor unit worked until midnight. The overcrowding of case-
mates — forty men to a room thirty-five feet by fifteen feet — was
partially relieved when Governor Ellis redirected many units
to inland training camps. The laborers lifted buoys from the
31 Exec. Doc, 36 Cong., second sess. (Senate), vol. 2 doc. no. 1, Report of Chief Engineer
to Sec. of War, Nov. 14, 1860, 263.
33 N. A. Rec. Gr. 156, Ordnance Dept., A 108, Sgt. Wm. Alexander to Chief of the Ordnance
Dept., April 14, 1861. See also United States Congress, The War of the Rebellion, — A Com-
pilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 53 vols, in first series,
1894-1898, series 1, LI, telegram to Gov. Pickens of South Carolina, 11.
83 Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill, N. C,
Alexander Justice Papers, Account Book of Fort Macon, April 15, 1861-Jan., 1862, 1-4. (Here-
after cited as U. N. C. Justice Account Book.)
84 North Carolina Department of Archives and History, Raleigh, Governor's Letter Book No.
45, John W. Ellis, 401, April 20, 1861. (Hereafter cited as N. C. Archives, followed by book or
box, or when Governor's Papers are used, by the number of the papers and the name of the
governor. )
85 U. N. C, Justice Account Book, 19.
Fort Macon: Its History 169
channel, threw down the lighthouse, cleared the glacis of all ob-
struction, and leveled the sandhills to the westward for a distance
of five hundred yards. Sand bags were made, filled at the beach,
and carried to the parapet. The moat was dug out, and the wharf
was strengthened so that heavy guns brought from Charleston
and Richmond could be unloaded. The traverse circles were re-
aligned. The old gun carriages were removed from their storage
space in the arches and the available twenty-four and thirty-two
pound cannon were cleaned, lubricated, and mounted. 36
After Colonel Tew assumed command the troops ceased to be
independent units shifting for themselves. A regular system of
military training commenced, with emphasis on small arms and
close order drill, until mid-May when artillery practice began.
Earlier in May, probably on the fifth or sixth, "several ladies
from Morehead City brought over a Southern Confederacy
flag/' 37 which was unfurled to a salute of nine guns.
At the end of May the fort ordnance department took stock of
its condition. The list of deficiencies was long, impressive, and
desperate. The inadequacies were mainly gun carriages of proper
size and strength, fuzees, sabots, shells, loading and cleaning
gear, sighting instruments, and powder. 38 After June 15 most of
the heavy repairs on the fort had been completed. Captain Guion,
as engineer in charge, relieved about 100 of the slave laborers.
Those remaining assisted in the gunmounting details, aided the
carpenters in their repair work, unloaded coal, and served as
cooks and bakers. On August 20 the free Negroes were paid off.
Thereafter the engineering department had to rely for work
details upon the garrison. 39 Several of the fort's guns, including
the big ten-inch Columbiad, were transferred to Fort Hatteras
or other batteries on Bogue and Harkers islands. 40 Nevertheless,
by September twenty-one guns were mounted and preparations
were in progress to mount twenty-one more. 41
The command of Fort Macon changed hands four times during
the summer months. 42 Late in August Lieutenant Colonel J. L.
36 U. N. C, Justice Account Book, 12, 13, 14, 17.
37 H. M. Wagstaff, ed., The James A. Graham Papers, 1861-188U, James Sprunt Historical
Studies, XX (1928), J. A. Graham to his mother, May 8, 1861, 104.
38 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 151, Ellis, box May-July, 1861, May 31, 1861.
89 U. N. C., Justice Account Book, 96.
40 N. C. Archives, Civil War Papers, Military Board, box 200, May-Sept., 1861, Capt. H. T.
Guion to Warren Winslow, Aug. 21, 1861.
41 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 153, Ellis; Col. Bradford to W. Winslow, Aug. 20, 1861.
42 Major DeRossett, Capt. Pride- Jones, Lt. Col, J. L. Bridgers, Lt. Col. Moses J, White,
170 The North Carolina Historical Review
Bridgers, a prominent North Carolinian from Tarboro, assumed
charge. He, of all the commanding officers, appears to have per-
ceived clearly the strategy the Union forces could be expected
to follow, for he wrote: "The attack, when it comes, will be
combined, but principally by land." 43 Curiously, no attempts were
made to alter the fort's original gun pattern to provide for an
attack by land.
The Union forces struck at Cape Hatteras in September.
Colonel Bridgers demanded more ammunition. All furloughs were
cancelled. Officers and men worked day and night, fully expecting
Fort Macon to be the next position the Union would attempt to
seize. Morale was high ; the garrison was fully confident it could
"whip Old Abe out when he comes," 44 but this attack did not
materialize. Instead, the garrison watched boatloads of Hatteras
refugees fleeing through Morehead City. The old routine of drill
and guard settled once more upon the post. Bogue Island, over-
crowded, was plagued with an epidemic of mumps and measles, 45
which accompanied the stormy autumn weather. The garrison
did not fully comprehend the weak condition of the fort, which
had only a thirty-day supply of food rations 46 and a meager
35,000 pounds of powder, 47 but several British officers, detained
at Beaufort Harbor, rendered the opinion that "the fort, in its
present condition, would be wholly unable to withstand attack." 48
There was not a single experienced gunner among the troops,
not a rifled cannon or mortar. Long seige guns were needed, for
the twenty-four and thirty-two pounders could be of no service
against the Federal blockade steamers now cruising a mile and
one-third away.
Lieutenant Colonel Bridgers, an elderly man, resigned 49 after
he became ill late in September, 1861. Lieutenant Colonel Moses
J. White, C.S.A., was transferred to the command. On October
22 Colonel White received a report that a large fleet was on its
* 3 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 153, Clark; Lt. Col. J. L. Bridgers to Gov. Clark, Aug.
29 1861.
44 U. N. C., Frank Nash Papers, 1861, folder no. 10, David Thompson to Miss Mary Thomp-
son, Sept. 1, 1861. (Hereafter cited as U. N. C. Nash Papers.)
45 TJ. N. C., Nash Papers, 1861, folder no. 9, Sept. 13, 1860. (Date should be 1861, according
to events Thompson is recounting in his letter.)
48 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 153, Clark; J. L. Bridgers to Gov. Clark, Aug. 29,
1861.
47 U. N. C, Nash Papers, folder no. 10, 1861, David Thompson to Miss Mary Thompson,
Sept. 1, 1861.
48 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 154, Clark; H. K. Burgwyn to Gov. Clark, Sept. 16,
1861.
49 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 154, Clark; Conferedate States of America, War Dept.
Headquarters, Richmond, Va., to Gov. Clark, Sept. 29, 1861.
Fort Macon: Its History 171
way to attack Fort Macon. This proved to be a second false alarm.
This everlasting waiting for an attack to come began to irritate
the men. 50 As winter set in many of the soldiers, disgruntled with
the preparation of their food, began to draw rations and do their
own cooking. 51 Attempts to supplement their larder with food-
stuffs purchased in Beaufort were frustrating to the men, for
some of the troops on the Beaufort Harbor Station had received
no pay since June l. 52 The mumps epidemic gave way to pneu-
monia, as the fuel supply was insufficient to drive away the cold
and dampness from the overcrowded casemates. Morale struck
a low ebb. One soldier wrote, "I used to think that Dr. was
a splendid doctor . . . but ... he wouldn't care if every blamed
private was to die in the Fort, so he gets his pay." 53
Despite these conditions, efforts were made to improve the
seige status of the fort. Colonel White succeeded in getting four
thirty-two pound cannon rifled, 54 although he had only 205 shells
for these weapons. 55 By December 27, 1861, thirty-six guns defi-
nitely mounted (possibly thirteen more), while at least thirty-
seven others lay unmounted in the sand. 56 At the turn of the year
Captain Guion discharged the few remaining laborers and car-
penters, since all the engineering activities on the fort were
finished. Through Colonel White's efforts a six months' store of
provisions was attained. 57 Lieutenant Thaddeus Coleman, the
fort's ordnance officer, finally secured iron parts to repair the hot-
shot furnances. 58 These oven-like structures, about six feet high,
five feet wide, and ten feet long, were vital aids when the fort
was under attack. Cannister balls or grape shot were placed in
long-handled ladles and held in the furnace until they reached a
cherry heat. This heated shot could be counted on to start many
fires aboard the wooden decks of enemy ships. Despite all these
50 U. N. C, Hollingsworth Papers, folder no. 1, B. G. Hollingsworth to his cousin, Oct.
15, 1861.
51 U. N. C.j Nash Papers, folder no. 10, David Thompson to Miss Mary Thompson, Oct. 24,
1861.
52 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 155, Clark; Jasper Rumley and others to Gov. Clark,
Oct. 24, 1861.
53 U. N. C, Nash Papers, folder no. 10, 1861, David Thompson to his mother, Dec. 16, 1861.
54 U. N. C, Bryan Papers, folder no. 292, 1862, Lt. T. Coleman's note of certification for
works performed, Oct. 31, 1861.
155 N. C. Archives, Personal Correspondence, 408, Gen. Dan Hill Papers, Gen. Hill to J. D.
Whitford, Oct. 25, 1861, "I learn from Col. White, commander of [this] Post that there are
but seven shells here belonging to the 32 pounder." U. N. C, Bryan Papers, folder no. 292,
1862, Lt. T. Coleman to Lt. Bryan, Jan. 7, 1862.
56 U. N. C, Justice Account Book, 105.
57 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 157, Clark; Gen. L. O'B. Branch to Gov. Clark, Feb.
24, 1862.
68 U. N. C, Bryan Papers, folder no. 292, Lt. T. Coleman to Lt. Bryan, Jan. 13, 1862,
172 The North Carolina Historical Review
improvements at the fort, the supply of ammunition remained
inadequate to the very day of attack. 59
During February, 1862, the four Confederate regiments on
the Beaufort Harbor Station were withdrawn to hastily erected
batteries on the outskirts of New Bern. Fort Macon's ordnance
department was further taxed to equip several of these batteries
with cannon and ammunition. 60 Colonel White, as directed by
General Branch, selected five heavy artillery companies, 61 total-
ling approximately 439 officers and men, to remain as Fort
Macon's garrison.
Five United States naval cruisers had gathered off Bogue
Point by March 12, 1862. General Parke's third brigade was
allotted the execution of the final step in Burnside's North Caro-
lina campaign — the capture of Fort Macon. The United States
required a secure southern Atlantic anchorage for provisioning
her blockade cruisers.
Between March 22 and March 25, Carolina City, Morehead
City, and Beaufort were occupied by Union troops moving down
from New Bern. Signal stations were set up in each city. 62 Com-
panies of the Eighth Connecticut Regiment knocked together
crude barges, and on March 29 secured a beachhead on Bogue
Island about six miles west of the fort. A battle line was thrown
across the island. As this line advanced eastward several hot
skirmishes took place behind the sand dunes, until April 12-14
when all pickets withdrew into the fort. 63 Fort Macon was now
under seige, but she still managed to send an occasional boat to
Beaufort.
Three weeks of Union preparation followed. Heavy guns were
floated to Bogue Banks on two-masted scows. Under cover of
darkness, these cannon and mortars were formed into batteries
1,200 to 1,400 yards from the fort. Rifle pits were dug about 2,000
feet from the fort, after attempts to move closer were quelled by
59 U. N. C, Papers of Colonel Herman Biggs, United States Army, folder no. 2 (1860-62),
no, 351, letter to Mrs. Herman Biggs from Capt. Biggs (Gen. Burnsides Quartermaster), April
27, 1862, written aboard the Army Steamer Alice Price off of Beaufort. "We captured . . .
twenty-two thousand pounds of powder." This was hardly even one full supply for a week.
(Hereafter cited as U. N. C, Biggs Papers.)
60 U. N. C, Bryan Papers, folder no. 292, Lt. T. Coleman to Lt. Bryan, Jan. 15, 1862;
folder no. 301, 1862, Gen. L. O'B Branch's directives to Lt. Bryan.
61 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 157, Clark; Gen. L. O'B. Branch to Gov. Clark, Feb.
24, 1862.
« 2 N. A. Rec. Gr. Ill, Office of Chief Signal Officer, M 39, Lt. Wm. Andrews to Maj. A. J
Meyer, May 17, 1862, received at Signal Office June 14, 1862.
63 W. A. Croffett and John M. Morris, The Military and Civil History of Connecticut During
the Recent War (New York, 1868), 179. (Hereafter cited as Military and Civil History of
Connecticut.)
BOG
U E
BAN
Fori* Macon
• < /
'""""""'*'""""<" "^».*L,L„,
»«W//»|lM»||Wfl>«WlI»W"]]jL*4
Jl r / a n /- j c Ocean
MAP OF THE FORT MACON RESERVATION
House Executive Documents, 51st Cong., second sess., 1890-91, vol. IV. Report of the
Sec. of War, vol. II, 1890, Engineer Department, part 2. Appendix M, 1136.
o
o
o
Ph
^— ^fBfj
'/ Ui
V
*£
3
o
(m^
UJ
It.
3*
J
5
o
S?
s
1
z
<
in
CO
00
O
o
Eh
O
Ph
ft
O
H
55
ft
P
P5
<!
PQ
S
O
n
o
<H
a>
s
o
*•£ •
^<S 5
^»
^> 5 -
£ S S
CH g
3 «*"
*^ a
s ? ^
.3 a>tJ
^ id! to
„ £^
as 3 S
w <u a)
■p « >
jj +■> i— <
2 h 2
^ 3 5
. 72 ?H
flj ^ «
C 5 O
s o g
Ph fl-f
• i— I "r-c jj
"^ qj be
© +» — ■
&0 e
•t-H 3
» 5
a)*H,
(M
00
tei
o
0)
o
?H CS n*
SftOi
.sSS
<jpqo
^! : M!ili
Fort Macon: Its History 173
accurate cannister fire from Colonel White's cannon. 64 During
this period both Union and Confederate troops suffered severely
from sickness and exposure, but it was to be within the fort that
this factor would cause a most dangerous manpower deficiency.
The complaints concerning the poor food increased among Colonel
White's garrison and finally caused General Robert E. Lee to
authorize the abandonment of the fort on April 15, 65 but of course
by this time such an action was impossible.
General Parke offered Colonel White an opportunity to sur-
render, but the colonel politely refused, although he probably
had fewer than 300 men fit for duty. 66
In the clear dawn of Friday, April 25, 1862, the Union troops
scraped away the tops of the sandhills hiding Captain Morris's
thirty-pound Parrott guns. At 5 :40 a.m. fire was opened upon
Fort Macon. Ten minutes later the fort replied. 67 An eleven-hour
bombardment ensued, but without mortars it was impractical
to expect the horizontally-fired fort cannon to bracket satis-
factorily the Union emplacements. Union steamers, unaware that
the attack would begin on that day, did not enter the fray until
8:20, but a combination of the fort's hot, accurate fire, and a
strong sea forced their retreat at 9 :50. 68 The gun boat Ellis and
her gun barges played no part in the attack. Fatalities were
relatively light — seven Confederate and one Union. The most
notable fact of the bombardment is the accuracy of the Union
batteries. Eleven hundred shots were fired; five hundred sixty
were direct hits upon the fort, nineteen fort guns were disabled. 69
The credit for this must properly rest with the Union signal
officer in Beaufort. This officer, having an understanding of
artillery fire, was able to observe the impact patterns, then to
forward his corrections by flags to the batteries on Bogue
Island. 70
A flag of truce, displayed about 4:15 Friday afternoon, was in
effect throughout the night. Saturday morning about 7 :30 Colonel
64 Military and Civil History of Connecticut, 180.
65 Walter Clark, ed., Histories of the Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the
Great War, 1861-65, Lt. J. W. Sanders' account of the 10th Regiment, 507.
66 Walter Clark, ed., Histories of the Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the
Great War, 1861-65, Sanders' account of the 10th Regiment, 504.
67 N. A. Rec. Gr. 24, Bureau Naval Personnel, Log of U. S. S. State of Georgia, April 25,
1862, 4-8 watch.
68 N. A. Rec. Gr. 24, Bureau Naval Personnel, Log of U. S. S. Propellor Daylight, April
25, 1862, 8-12 watch.
69 U.N.C., Biggs Papers, folder no. 2, 1860-62, no. 351, Capt. Biggs to his wife, April 27, 1862.
70 N. A. Rec. Gr. Ill, Office of Chief Signal Officer, 1862, Letters Received Book 10,
B 7, 51, May 2, 1862; F 6, 53, May 2, 1862; F 8, 57, May 17, 1862.
174 The North Carolina Historical Review
White went aboard General Burnside's Army schooner, the Alice
Price for breakfast, after which the articles of capitulation were
drawn and signed. 71 Between 9 :30 and 10 o'clock troops from the
Fifth Rhode Island Regiment marched into the Fort, much to
the chagrin of the Eighth Connecticut Regiment which had done
the close fighting on Friday. At 10:10 the Confederate flag was
hauled down the seventy-five foot flag pole. This standard was
awarded to the leaders of the Rhode Island regiment, who in turn
forwarded it to their state legislature. 72 Captain Guion's Com-
pany of 100 men was sent aboard the steamer Alice Price as
prisoners, to be carried to New Bern. 73 One hundred fifty other
prisoners, including Lieutenant Colonel White, were carried on
the U. S. S. Chippewa to the Confederate Fort Caswell near
Wilmington. 74 These prisoners were allowed to retain their per-
sonal property and were immediately paroled. Until the end of
the war Beaufort Harbor filled the purpose of a coaling depot
for Union blockade ships in southern waters.
From March, 1867, when the post records were resumed, until
July, 1876, Fort Macon served as a place of confinement for civil
and military prisoners of the second United States Military
District. The casemates, located immediately to the right of the
main entrance, were used as prison rooms. One hundred thirteen
prisoners was the largest number ever detained at the fort at
one time. 75
The garrison, usually two artillery companies of about forty
men each, dwelt in the casemates to the far left of the main gates.
Each casemate was occupied by about twenty men (which was
overcrowding). The men slept in two-story double bunks, and
"were much troubled by bedbugs." 76 Four casemates were set
aside for cooking. Bake ovens were set up in the first and second
magazines. Drinking water was obtained from wells on the
island. This source often became polluted by sea water, however,
and then it was necessary to haul water over from Beaufort.
There were no wash rooms: the men did their washing out of
71 Benjamin Perley Poore, The Life and Public Services of Ambrose E. Burnsides (Provi-
dence, 1882), 146.
72 Military and Civil History of Connecticut, 181. Height of flag pole is an estimate made
from a photograph in the office of the Superintendent of North Carolina State Parks.
73 U. N. C, Biergs Papers, folder no. 2, 1860-62, no. 351, Capt. Biergs to his wife, April 27, 1862.
74 N. A. Rec. Gr. 24, Bureau of Naval Personnel, Log of U. S. S. Chippewa, April 27-28,
1862.
75 N. A. Rec. Gr. 94, Adjutant General's Office, Post Returns, box 337, June, 1868.
79 N. A. Rec. Gr. 159, Inspector General's Office, A 11, 1870, Report on Inspection of Fort
Macon, 23.
Fort Macon: Its History 175
doors with cistern water. Sanitation facilities were located with-
out the walls, beyond the glacis. The fort had no • chapel* - nc
library (except -for a small 270-volume reading ' room and four
weekly newspapers) , and no garden. There were four laundresses
per company — each laundress received $1 per month per man,
and her quarters. 77 Few and limited were the repairs made on
the fort in these years, for the Army strategists were debating
the wisdom of rebuilding Fort Macon. 78 Her evident weakness —
the inability to withstand a land attack by modern rifled arma-
ment — ultimately led the makers of the postwar strategy to con-
clude that Fort Macon had no further use in an era when strong
long-range naval craft became the pattern of the future. The
old station was permitted to deteriorate. Rather than build new
officers' quarters, second-hand shacks were moved from the
Goldsboro barracks to the fort. 79 The wharf was gone completely
by 1870, and thereafter all supplies had to be lightered ashore.
Throughout most of this period the post was without an adequate
hospital. The garrison was withdrawn on September 25, 1876. 80
After 1880 Fort Macon was virtually abandoned; even Ord-
nance Sergeant Adolph Smith was withdrawn. Not until the
Spanish-American War did the fort receive further considera-
tion. A letter from the editor of the Beaufort newspaper on April
1, 1898, called public attention to the fact that Beaufort Harbor
was defenseless. 81 By April 15 the Federal reservation was closed
to all visitors and 100 men labored to put the fort once again into
a state of readiness against attack. The moat was filled in with
sand. Sandbags were put in place on the parapets. 82 At a cost of
$3,000 the Federal government installed two 100-pound Parrott
guns and two ten-inch mortars. 83 The North Carolina State Ad-
jutant appointed Fort Macon as the place of rendezvous for the
colored troops of the Third North Carolina National Guard Regi-
77 N. A. Rec. Gr. 159, Inspector General's Office, 1703 — A. G. O., 1871, Report of Inspec-
tion of Fort Macon, April 18, 1871.
78 Exec. Doc, 39 Cong., second sess., doc. no. 1, Report of Chief Engineer to Sec. of War,
20, 1866, 427; 42 Cong., second sess., vol. II, doc. no. 1, Report of Chief Engineer to Sec. of
War, Oct. 20, 1871, 19.
79 N. A. Rec. Gr. 92, Quartermaster Dept., I, box 597, A 29, Extract of Report of Br. Maj.
Gen. D. B. Sacket, Inspector General, June 13, 1870. N. A. Rec. Gr. 94, Adjutant General's
Office, Feb. 8, 1871, forwarded report on Fort Macon from Quartermaster General's Office,
no. 481.
soN. A. Rec. Gr. 94, Adjutant General's Office, Post Returns, box 337, Sept., 1876-May,
1877. (Although the main garrison was withdrawn on this date, a detachment of 17 men
remained until May, 1877.)
si The News and Observer, Raleigh, XLIV, no. 23, Friday, April 1, 1898, p. 4, col. c.
82 The News and Observer, Raleigh, XLIV, no. 37, Friday, April 15, 1898, p. 2, col. a.
83 Exec. Doc, 55 Cong., third sess., vol. II, doc. no. 2, part 1, Chief Engineer's Report to
Sec. of War, July 1, 1898, Appendix 4J, 692.
176
The North Carolina Historical Review
\ irientX 4 This unit- remained stationed at Fort Macon from June 1
:untij after -the war ended. On September 8, 1898, the Third Regi-
-inent was\ordered to Knoxville, Tennessee, and Fort Macon was
again abandoned. 85
From 1900 to 1924 Fort Macon squatted sphinx-like on the tip
of Bogue Banks, her guns dismounted and sold. No garrison was
sent to put her in readiness when World War I began. 86 In the
aftermath of this conflict the War Department determined to rid
itself of surplus forts and reservations. A list of these stations,
including Fort Macon, had been compiled by 1923. Throughout
the state of North Carolina popular interest was sufficiently
aroused to urge the governor to procure Fort Macon. As the state
had no funds available with which to make such a purchase, the
governor directed that a subscription to raise the funds be con-
ducted before the state's six month's option elapsed. 87 The sub-
scription was unneeded, however, for North Carolina's Senator
Simmons and Representative Abernathy successfully induced
Congress to return the fort to the state without cost, upon the
provision that the reservation be used only for public purposes. 88
On June 4, 1924, Fort Macon's 402 acres (with the exception of
the 400-yard strip retained by the United States Coast Guard)
became North Carolina's second State Park. Because the State
Parks System was in its infancy little repair work was done on
the fort at this time. The greatest amount of restoration occurred
in 1934-35 when the Civilian Conservation Corps regraded the
glacis, refinished the woodwork, and built a road to connect Fort
Macon with Morehead City. 89 Several recreation facilities also
were installed at that time, and by 1940 Fort Macon had become
one of North Carolina's most prominent State Parks. With the
opening of World War II the United States War Department
again obtained a lease for the reservation. Fort Macon served
as the hub for all protective installations on Beaufort Harbor.
8 * The News and Observer, Raleigh, XLIV, no. 54, May 3, 1898, p. 5, col. b.
85 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 300, Russell; Col. James Young to Gov. Russell, Sept.
8, 1898.
86 U. S. Army, Historical Division, Pentagon, Washington, D. C. Order of Battle Section,
folder 25-709-816, Southeastern Division, Foi't Macon is listed as an inactive station during
period of World War I.
87 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 426, Morrison; Gov. Morrison to J. H. Pratt, Dec. 12,
1923: Governor's Papers, 435, Morrison; Thomas P. Ivy to Gov. Morrison, Feb. 25, 1924.
88 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 436, Morrison; telegram from Rep. Abernathy to Gov.
Morrison, May 21, 1924.
89 N. A. Rec. Gr. 79, National Park Service S. P. 1, F. P. Shore's narrative reports of
progress of C. C. C. unit at Fort Macon, Oct., 1934-Aug., 1935.
Fort Macon: Its History 177
A coast artillery garrison continued at the fort from September
11, 1942, until April 1, 1945. 90 The Federal government's lease
terminated on October 1, 1946, and the fort again became a North
Carolina State Park.
90 U. S. Army Organization and Directory Section, Pentagon, Washington, D. C, Operations
Branch, Adjutant General's Office, Historical Data on Fort Macon, organization cards.
A MYTHICAL MAYFLOWER COMPETITION: NORTH
CAROLINA LITERATURE IN THE HALF-CENTURY
FOLLOWING THE REVOLUTION
By Roger Powell Marshall
"But little heed is taken of that which men hold to have been
surpassed," says Dante Gabriel Rossetti; "it is gone like time
gone, — a track of dust and dead leaves that merely led to the
fountain."
Virginia Woolf, on the other hand, says that it is absorbing
"now and again to go through the rubbish-heaps and find rings
and scissors and broken noses buried in the huge past."
One may allow that the early literature of our state has been
surpassed, and yet maintain that pursuit in the huge past of
rings and scissors and broken noses— or a pirate's treasure, a
doorkeeper's queue, and a head of Medusa — may be both fasci-
nating and rewarding.
That portion of our North Carolinian past to which I invite
your attention is the half -century following the Revolution, or —
for convenience — the fifty years beginning with 1781 and end-
ing with 1830. Within those years I propose that we examine a
variety of separate publications from pamphlets of verse to
two-volume histories, and from law digests to novels. The authors
were natives or sometime residents of North Carolina, and their
works in some measure give evidence of conscious literary aspir-
ation. From the much larger number of North Carolina publica-
tions belonging to the period, the number selected for this study
has been limited, with reluctance, to twenty; and since three
writers contribute two works each, the number of personalities
represented is seventeen. It is suggested that the twenty items
upon this narrow shelf be identified as if they were being con-
sidered for a Mayflower Cup — for a mythical half -century award.
By way of further preface, I mention briefly such matters as
chronological distribution, literary form, places of publication,
and places of authors' nativity.
As to chronological distribution, seven of the entries were
published in the first twenty years of the fifty, seven in the sec-
ond twenty, and six in the last ten.
£178]
A Mythical Mayflower Competition 179
As to literary form, fourteen are in prose and six in verse. Of
the fourteen prose works, nine are non-fiction and five fiction.
Included in the non-fiction are a book of sermons, a school geog-
raphy, a household medical book, a treatise on climate, two his-
tories of North Carolina, a volume of agricultural essays, and
two of the many law books belonging to the period. Of the five
works of prose fiction, two are novels and three are plays. Brief
information on most of the authors accompanies comment on
their works. One profession, by the way, is represented with
conspicuous frequency. No fewer than eight of the writers were
trained in the law, though some turned to other fields.
Ten of the entries were published in North Carolina: five in
Raleigh, three in Halifax, one in Salisbury, and one in New Bern.
Three were published in Philadelphia; two in New York; and
one each in Boston; Wilmington, Delaware; Washington City;
and New Orleans. For one the' place of publication is unknown.
Biographical data are available for thirteen of the seventeen
writers. Six of these were born in North Carolina, and one each
was born in Scotland, England, France, Massachusetts, New
Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia. The six native sons all left
their mother state somewhere along the years after attaining
maturity, and not one resided in North Carolina at the close of
his life. Most of the incoming seven remained permanently,
though two elder statesmen removed to other states after
many years of residence in North Carolina.
Whatever may be the defects of the strangely assorted com-
pany upon our little shelf, lack of variety is not one of them.
The first writer of the "sub-Revolutionary period" to be men-
tioned here is the Reverend Henry Pattillo, who is represented
by two books. A native of Scotland, this heroic Presbyterian
minister preached and taught in North Carolina, principally
in Orange and Granville counties, for about thirty-six years
(1765-1801).
His volume of Sermons was published at Wilmington, Dela-
ware, in 1788. Some of his subjects are "The Divisions among
Christians," "The Necessity of Regeneration to Future Happi-
ness," and "The Scripture Doctrine of Election." A note tells
of his work with Negroes, a work for which he needed "plain"
books, such as "spelling-books, catechisms, testaments, and
180 The North Carolina Historical Review
Watts's hymns." "Are the channels entirely shut up," he asks,
"by the independence of America, through which so many good
books were conveyed about thirty years ago? I reside," he con-
tinues, "an hundred miles from Petersburg, our center of trade,
and nearest tide of water ; and so am out of the way of books."
Pattillo's second work, said to be the first textbook written in
North Carolina, was published at Halifax in 1796. A part of the
title-page follows :
A Geographical /CATECHISM,/
To assist those who have neither maps nor Gazetteers, To Read
/News-Papers, History, or Travels;/ With as much of /The
Science of Astronomy, and the Doctrine of the Air,/ as is
judged sufficient for the Farmer, who wishes /to understand
something of/ The Works of GOD, around him;/ and for the
studious Youth, who have or have not a prospect of /further
prosecuting those Sublime Sciences./ 1
Erudition and humor, patriotism and piety are mingled. The
story of the Revolution is touched briefly but eloquently. The
paragraph on North Carolina contains a reference to the State
University, then in its infancy, which, according to Mr. Pattillo,
"must prove an extensive blessing as well as an honor to the
state."
Two years later than the Geographical Catechism, a fifty-page
book on home medicine was published for the author at Salis-
bury: Every Man His Own Doctor; or the Poor Man's Family
Physician, by Thomas Johnson. "Prescribing," we learn from
the title-page, "plain, safe, and easy means to cure themselves,
of the most disorders incident to this climate;' with very little
charge, the medicines being the growth of this country, and about
almost every man's plantation."
The genial doctor says, "I have been cautions of not talking
like an apothecary, that is, of using hard words that neither my
patient nor I myself understands." He "makes no question" that
some of his "brothers Quack will make themselves merry" with
some of his prescriptions, but he hints "that they may do by
some of these medecines [sic], just as the English do by the
French fashion, laugh at them first and make use of them after-
1 A reprint of the Catechism was published forty years ago: N. W. Walker and M. C. S.
Noble, eds., Pattillo's Geographical Catechism, University Reprints, Number One (Chapel
Hill, N. C: The University Press, December, 1909).
A Mythical Mayflower Competition 181
wards." Besides numerous "cures" for the ills of mankind, sev-
eral remedies are recorded for diseases of horses.
From the quack-doctor we turn to a physician, scientist, philos-
opher, and patriot of international eminence — Hugh Williamson,
M.D., LL.D. Although Pennsylvanian born, his greatest services
to his country were performed while he was a resident of North
Carolina, 1776-1793. He was one of the three signers of the Con-
stitution of the United States for North Carolina. His 200-page
Observations on the Climate was published in New York in 1811 ;
his two- volume History of North Carolina was published in Phila-
delphia the following year. The title-page of the first manifests
a relation to the second, as follows —
OBSERVATIONS/ on the/ CLIMATE/
In Different Parts of America,/ compared with the / Climate in
Corresponding parts of the Other Continent./ To which are add-
ed,/ Remarks on the Different/ Complexions of the Human
Race;/ with some account of the/ Aborigines of America./
Being/ An Introductory Discourse/ to the/ History of North-
Carolina.
The History, with map and appendices, brings the narrative
of North Carolina only to 1776. Writing in June 1812, the author
explains that the history had been prepared many years before.
The task of publication might have been entrusted to his oldest
son: "A young man, whose moral and christian virtues, could
not be praised above his merits. But," continues the bereaved
and aged parent, "it pleased his heavenly Father lately to re-
move him to 'a house not made with hands/ In this case I deemed
it proper to have the work published without further delay."
Seventeen years after the appearance of Hugh Williamson's
History, Francois-Xavier Martin's History of North Carolina,
From the Earliest Period, was published in New Orleans.
The long career of Martin as printer, editor, translator, and
jurist can only be mentioned. He was born in Marseilles in
1762, came as a boy to Martinique, then to Virginia, where he
served for a short while in the Continental army. In 1783, when
he was twenty-one, he settled in New Bern, and his success was
soon assured. After more than a quarter of a century in North
Carolina, he was commissioned by President Madison as a Fed-
eral judge. After a year in Mississippi he was commissioned to
182 The North Carolina Historical Review
serve in New Orleans. He lived until 1846, having amassed al-
most $400,000 to be wrangled over in the courts of Louisiana.
A biographer says that Judge Martin was "unbelievably par-
simonious, grasping and hard . . ."; and that he "was able to
leave behind him the reputation of never having been swayed by
an improper motive or of having succumbed to a generous im-
pulse." 2
Martin's history like Williamson's comes only as far as the
Revolution. For the two volumes published, Martin had gathered
the materials before he left New Bern in 1809. He explained that
materials were ready for volumes three and four, if his fellow
citizens in North Carolina were desirous that they should appear.
The fellow citizens in North Carolina were not sufficiently
desirous.
Williamson is said to have a fondness for the trivial, and Mar-
tin to incorporate much that is dull ; yet one seeking "rings and
scissors and broken noses" is interested here and there by for-
gotten and curious phenomena — trivial, perhaps — but neither dull
nor disappointing, such as Williamson's "small explosion of a vol-
canic nature . . . observed about 1793, in Anson County"; and
Martin's earthquake of 1663, which was most violent in Canada,
but was felt for twelve hundred miles. "A very large and rocky
one [mountain] occupying upwards of two miles, sunk, leaving
in its place a wide and extensive plain : lakes were formed on the
spot where high and inaccessible mountains had hitherto stood."
The two North Carolina law books upon our mythical shelf may
be neither better nor worse than a dozen others of their times.
Both authors, however, after leaving North Carolina, attained
further distinction by writing notable books that lie beyond the
range of this review.
The first of the two law books is John Haywood's Report of
Cases Adjudged in the Superior Courts of Law and Equity of the
State of North Carolina, from 1789 to 1798. (This John Haywood,
by the way, is not to be confused with his contemporary of the
same name, who for forty years was State Treasurer.) With
clarity and compression the learned jurist reports term by term
the cases tried. Sometimes courtroom drama revives from the
fine print of a stained page, as when His Honor explains — "The
2 Edward Larocque Tinker. "Jurist and Japer: Francois Xavier Martin and Jean Leclerc.
Bulletin of the New York Public Library (September, 1935), 675-697.
A Mythical Mayflower Competition
183
cause of reporting this case with so much minuteness is that the
public opinion ran very high against the prisoner before and
after his trial, and he was pronounced guilty of murder by many
who were present at the trial." Nevertheless, the jury "found
the prisoner not guilty of murder, but guilty of manslaughter;
and he was burnt in the hand and discharged."
In 1808, when about fifty years old, Judge Haywood moved to
Tennessee. There he was to write his Civil and Political History
of Tennessee and Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee.
Bishop Joseph Blount Cheshire quotes a law preceptor of his
as saying "that the greatest lawyer North Carolina ever pro-
duced was John Haywood of Halifax." 3
Our second book of law — extending, as Haywood's did, to more
than five hundred pages— is the work of a twenty-eight year old
"Counsellor at Law," native of New Bern and resident of Hills-
boro, who was soon to abandon the law for the Episcopalian
ministry, and in other states to pursue a career in which for
nearly forty years authorship and editing were to have an im-
portant place. The young counselor was Francis Lister Hawks,
and his book — A Digested Index of the Reported Cases Adjudged
in North Carolina, From the Year 1776 to 1826. The Work is
"Respectfully Dedicated by Their Obedient Servant" to "the
Honorable, the Judges of the Supreme Court of North Carolina."
"The object," Mr. Hawks explains, "was to present, in a digested
form, the points of law decided in North Carolina, and scattered
through fourteen books of reports." He modestly adds, "While
this book can have no claim to be one of those, the reading of
which is 'the right way to perfect knowledge/ it is believed to be
not without merit, as a table by which the student and the prac-
titioner may be guided to those 'books at large/ in which alone
trust can be safely reposed."
Years later, as editor of The New York Review, he became ac-
quainted with Edgar Allan Poe, who — Hervey Allen relates —
was "at some pains to proclaim Dr. Hawks' sermons boresome."
In a blast at yet another editor, Poe himself declares that the
object of his scorn "is as smooth as oil or a sermon from Dr.
Hawks ; he is noticeable for nothing in the world except for the
3 Nonntilla (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1930), 131.
184 The North Carolina Historical Review
noticeableness by which he is noticeable for nothing." 4 Poe's
ingenious cushion-shot at Dr. Hawks may be discounted in view
of competent testimony that the latter was "the most eloquent
pulpit orator in the Episcopal Church." 5
Of our non-fiction, there remains one small volume, published
by Joseph Gales in 1819 : A Series of Essays on Agriculture &
Rural Affairs, in Forty-seven Numbers, by "Agricola," "A
North-Carolina Farmer" identified as George W. Jeffreys. The
essayist is concerned with application of scientific principles to
North Carolina farming. "Agricola" laments that — "In North-
Carolina the state of agriculture is at the lowest ebb," and dis-
courses upon such subjects as improvement of land, horizontal
ploughing, livestock, irrigation, orchards, and cider. He attribu-
ted the deplorable condition of North Carolina agriculture to two
causes: to "a neglect in the state of rendering her rivers navi-
gable — and to a want of knowledge among farmers as to the
best modes of cultivating the soil — and a zeal and emulation to
effect improvements therein."
Turning to fiction, we consider next the two novels. One was
written by William Hill Brown, a Bostonian, born in 1765. He
is remembered principally as the author of "the first regular
American novel," The Potver of Sympathy, published anony-
mously in 1789, and long attributed to another writer. After the
publication in Boston of The Power of Sympathy, Brown moved
to North Carolina to study law with General Davie, and died at
Murfreesboro in September, 1793, at the age of about twenty-
eight. He left another novel, Ira and Isabella, "a novel founded
in fiction," which some scholars conjecture was written in North
Carolina. This novel was posthumously published in Boston in
1807.
Since portrayal of characters and events in The Power of Sym-
pathy brought sorrow and humiliation to acquaintances of
Brown, the book was almost entirely suppressed. The editor of a
modern reprint 6 advances the theory that in the second novel,
Ira and Isabella, Brown "attempted to salvage his plot by re-
writing the story entirely, disguising its identity with the original
4 Hervey Allen. Israfel: The Life and Times of Edgar Allan Poe (New York: Farrar and
Rinehart, 1934), 549.
5 Appletons' Cyclopaedia of American Biography (New York: D. Appleton and Company,
1887), III, 122.
"Milton Ellis, ed. The Power of Sympathy, by William Hill Brown (New York: Columbia
University Press, for The Facsimile Text Society, 1937), 2 vols.
A Mythical Mayflower Competition 185
form, omitting the illustrative episodes which proved so injudi-
cious at first, and substituting a happy ending for the more
appropriate tragic one."
A curious feature of Ira and Isabella is a preface in which the
young novelist discusses the fashions of the then modern novel.
He presents a "Scale of Novelists" in which he has graded eight-
een British and European novelists upon — genius, satire, knowl-
edge, intelligence, imagination, pathos. According to the scheme
employed, Dr. Samuel Johnson, with a total score of 122, noses
out Jonathan Swift for first place by one point; and Daniel
DeFoe comes in last with a score of 66.
A humorous verse-narrative by Brown, "The Lion and the
Terrapin," is authentically North Carolinian. It is preserved in
Wood-Notes, the collection of North Carolina poems edited by
Mrs. Mary Bayard Clarke in 1854.
The other novel upon our shelf was written by the only woman
in our group of seventeen, a North Carolina citizen of British
antecedents: Winifred Marshall Gales. She was the wife of the
printer, Joseph Gales, who was also the liberal editor of the
Raleigh Register.
The title-page of Mrs. Gales's novel bears these words : Matilda
Berkely, or, Family Anecdotes; By the author of The History of
Lady Emma Melcombe and her Family, etc. Raleigh (N. C).
Printed by J. Gales, Printer to the State. 1804.
So far as substance reveals, Matilda Berkely might have been
written before Mrs. Gales left England. Lord and Lady, General,
Marquis, and Duke are conspicuous personages in Mrs. Gales's
make-believe world of English society.
Teen-age Misses of the teen-age town of Raleigh must have
been enraptured by the emotional versatility of the oft-distraught
heroines who came to life in the pages of Matilda Berkely — with
their "feeble frames," "plaintive, tremulous voices," "accumu-
lated grief," "happy insensibility," "mental faculties steeped in
oblivion," "glowing indignation," "purest benevolence," and
"sweet deliriums of joy."
Our quest for drama takes us to the New Bern of 1809, the
year that F. X. Martin departed for Mississippi. In that year a
comedy in five acts, Nolens Volens, or the Biter Bit, by Everard
Hall, was printed at New Bern by John S. Pasteur,
186 The North Carolina Historical Review
Hall was an erstwhile Virginian engaged in the practice of
law. He may be the same Everard Hall who represented Beaufort
County in the Legislature in 181 1. 7
In the preface he explains that he was occupied eight or ten
hours a day in compiling a legal work, and that his farce, as he
allows the play may be called, was "written at night for the sake
of relaxation alone."
In an epilogue the playwright concedes that "his plays may
rank with useless lumber," but continues —
To foster virtue, he is e'er inclin'd
A foe to vice, in whate'er shape combin'd,
Ever awake to friendship's pleasing call,
To gen'rous friendship, he'd devote his all.
The Comic Muse long chain'd to Britain's shore,
At length has cross'd th' Atlantic's boist'rous roar,
On plumy wings she leaves her sea-girt Isle,
On Carolina's happy shores to smile.
Clad in homely garb, a homespun dress,
She hopes her precepts will not please the less.
Nolens Volens has an English setting and might be taken for
a minor Eighteenth Century comedy. A few of the tag-names in
the dramatis personae are Sir Christopher Classic, Farmer
Downright, LeTrifle, Scoredouble, and Miss Maskwell.
When Everard Hall's Comic Muse was smiling "on Carolina's
happy shores," another young lawyer not many miles away was
about to make a much more insistent bid for fame as statesman
and man of letters. He was Lemuel Sawyer, native of Pasquo-
tank, one of the earliest students at the University of North
Carolina (1799), and member of Congress. His somewhat eccen-
tric "Auto-Biography," his life of John Randolph, and his novel,
Printz Hall, were published after 1830. Only his two plays have
places upon our mythical shelf.
The more meritorious is Blackbeard, a Comedy in Four Acts,
Founded in Fact. This play, or perhaps an abridged version of it,
was presented at a Charleston theatre in 1811. In 1824 Sawyer
had the play published in Washington, and sold copies among
his Congressional colleagues at thirty-seven and a half cents
apiece.
7 John H. Wheeler. Historical Sketches of North Carolina (Philadelphia, 1851), II, 30.
A Mythical Mayflower Competition 187
The scene of Blackbeard is Currituck County, "Principally at
Beech Ridge." The supposed events belonged to the author's own
time. The plot is* concerned in part with efforts of two New Eng-
land sharpers to defraud the natives by means of a scheme to
recover the alleged buried wealth of the pirate Blackbeard. As
evidence of the natives' credulity, one sharper cites a local story
that, after the fatal encounter with Captain Maynard at Ocra-
coke, "Blackbeard swam around the vessel three times, after
his head was off."
Sawyer seems to have had misgivings that his comedy might
offend a discriminating audience, for at the end of one scene he
appended— "If the above scene is too vulgar for representation,
it may be omitted."
Sawyer's other play, The Wreck of Honor, is a five-act melo-
drama, laid — as the author puts it — "in Paris, and different
places." The tone and atmosphere of the play are suggested as
the curtain rises upon the first scene: "A Dark Lane in Paris,
discovering three Robbers lurking." The play ends upon the bat-
tlefield of Waterloo, where the character whose honor has been
wrecked, eagerly meets death upon a British sword. He exclaims,
as a soldier runs him through, "That was a merciful touch! I
thank you most heartily." A British officer replies, "You are wel-
come. Thank us for killing you!"
The six writers of the poetry upon our shelf are as strangely
assorted as their verses. These poets — or would-be poets — are a
Scottish planter, a United States Senator who had been Governor,
a professor of medicine, a "Door-Keeper to the Honourable Coun-
cil of State," a slave who was to be free, and a representative in
Congress. Of the six, only the slave with "The Hope of Liberty"
is known as a writer of verse to a fairly large number of modern
readers.
The first of the poetic publications in point of time was issued
as a broadside in 1791. An unknown North Carolina planter
addresses "A Petition and Remonstrance to the President and
Congress of the United States." In 425 lines of rhymed couplets
and triplets, this North Carolinian contemporary of Robert
Burns poetized in Scottish dialect against the excise upon whis-
key. Four lines directed specifically to our first President deserve
a place in a thesaurus of quotations :
188 The North Carolina Historical Review
Washington ! I needs must wail
You're but a man ! a' flesh is frail,
The cleanest wheat has ay' some chaff in,
The wisest hae their fits o' daffin.
The "Petition and Remonstrance'' is reprinted in the late
Dr. W. K. Boyd's collection entitled Some Eighteenth Century
Tracts Concerning North Carolina. 8
The United States Senator among our poets was Alexander
Martin, native of New Jersey, Revolutionary officer, twice gov-
ernor of North Carolina, and senator from 1793 to 1799. His
contribution consists of a scene in verse appended to a play about
Columbus by another author (Thomas Morton, 1764-1838). The
characters in this "scene the last" are Columbus and the Genius
of America. The Genius reveals to Columbus a vision of future
centuries, warns against "divided councils," pleads for a nation
"firm united," and — as if heralding the showmanship of Florenz
Ziegfeld or Billy Rose — "ascends, followed by a blaze of light."
The title-page proclaims that the scene was — "lately perform-
ed with applause at the New Theatre in Philadelphia." Two edi-
tions were brought out by different Philadelphia printers in the
same year, 1798. The second edition contained revisions by the
author.
Performance of this dramatic work composed by a resident
of North Carolina parallels in some respects a performance in
Philadelphia thirty-one years earlier, of a verse-drama by an-
other sometime resident of North Carolina, Thomas Godfrey,
Jr., whose Prince of Parthia has the distinction of being "the
first printed American tragedy to be produced on the professional
stage in this country." 9
Dr. Kemp P. Battle wrote that Alexander Martin "was a good
patriotic man and a friend of the University, notwithstanding he
wrote poetry which was doggerel."
Also in Philadelphia, less than two years after the appearance
of Senator Martin's scene supplementary to Morton's Columbus,
"An Elegiac Poem on the Death of George Washington" was
printed in pamphlet form at the office of "The True American."
The poet was Charles Caldwell, A.M., M.D., a young physician
8 A publication of the North Carolina Historical Commission (Raleigh: Edwards and
Brouorhton, 1927).
9 Frank Pierce Hill. American Plays Printed 1714-1830 (Stanford University, California:
Stanford University Press, 1934), 44.
A Mythical Mayflower Competition 189
and professor at the University of Pennsylvania. He was born
in Caswell County, 1772, and in 1792 left North Carolina to pur-
sue his studies. Destined to be renowned as teacher, scientist, and
author, he lived until 1853.
Twelve lines are quoted as a fair sample — in both vigor and
absurdity — of the 332-line tribute to Washington:
When Heaven's last trump creation's bonds shall break ;
And nature tumble one stupendous wreck,
In lawless tumult worlds together rush,
Suns fall on suns, and systems systems crush,
From bursting craters flames resistless rise,
And fiery ruin waste through worlds and skies,
An angel, darting from the realms of day
To Vernon's mount shall wing his trackless way,
Snatch the bright plate [the silver escutcheon on the
coffin of Washington] that holds our hero's name,
Preserve from wreck and rescue from the flame,
To heaven's vast hall the prize immortal bear,
To burn on high, the brightest trophy there.
Such information as we have upon our next versifier, Archi-
bald Wills, has been obtained from the odd twelve-page pamphlet
bearing his name. Here is the title-page :
A Poem/ on Door-keeping,/ Addressed to the Members of the
Honourable, the General/ Assembly,/ A Dialogue / between/
Gen. Arnold and Lord Cornwallis,/ A Dialogue between / A
Miser and Spendthrift, / An Elegy/ on the Death of Michael
Young, / and a Fable on / Two Cats and a Monkey,/ in the
Division of a Cheese./ Compiled by Archibald Wills,/ Haber-
dasher and Grocer of Small Wares, Constable of / the District
of Raleigh, Crier of the Federal Court/ and Door-Keeper to the
Honourable Council/ of State, &c. &c. &c./ Raleigh, December
17, / 1808.
The date, by the way, precedes the birth of Andrew Johnson by
twelve days.
Addressing the members "Of the Honourable, the General
Assembly," Wills hopes that he may be elected door-keeper at
the next session. He has not three heads like the fabulous watch-
dog at the Plutonian portal,
190 The North Carolina Historical Review
But [says he] I have one good head and a very long queue;
To every member I can quickly open the door,
And when a message comes can to the Speaker roar,
I can kindle, and keep — warm and very good fires,
And when you are dry with good water quench your desires,
Now gentlemen, I take my leave of you that are here,
And am content, if you please, to be elected next year,
God bless you all with good eating and good swills,
So prays your very humble servant
Archibald Wills.
Fifth among the writers of verse is George Moses Horton, a
Negro who lived for many years in the vicinity of Chapel Hill.
Mrs. Caroline Lee Whiting Hentz, a popular novelist of the
thirties, forties, and fifties, was a resident of Chapel Hill for a
few years before Horton's first volume of verse, The Hope of
Liberty, was published by Gales and Son in 1829. Mrs. Hentz
writes that she "often transcribed stanzas which he would dictate
with quite an air of inspiration ; and has marveled at the readi-
ness with which he would change a verse or a sentiment, which
was objected to, as erroneous in expression or deficient in poetical
harmony." In her first novel, LovelVs Folly, published in 1833,
Mrs. Hentz quotes from three of Horton's poems.
One of the passages follows :
Oh, liberty ! thou golden prize,
So often sought by blood,
We crave thy sacred sun to rise,
The gift of Nature's God!
Bid Slavery hide her meagre face,
And barbarism fly —
I scorn to see the sad disgrace,
In which enslaved I lie.
Dear liberty! upon thy breast
I languish to respire,
And like the swan unto her nest,
Fd to thy smiles retire.
A Mythical Mayflower Competition 191
At the close of the Civil War, Horton left Chapel Hill with a
Union officer and moved to Philadelphia. He died in 1883 at the
age of about eighty-five.
In recent years his poems have been favorably mentioned or
represented by selections in such works as Walser's North Caro-
lina Poetry t Brawley's Negro Builders and Heroes, and a well
edited anthology called The Negro Caravan.
Youngest of our six poets is Robert Potter of Granville Coun-
ty. Here is a "damaged soul" that would have been a fit subject
for one of Gamaliel Bradford's psychographs. Potter speaks
from soul-searing experience in such lines as —
Hearts are not steel, and steel is bent —
Hearts are not rocks, and rocks are rent —
He claims a place here by reason of a thirty-six page booklet
published in Halifax in July 1827 : a mock-heroic poem entitled
The Head of Medusa. More space is filled by the explanatory
prose than by the denunciatory verse. The purpose is to excoriate
Potter's enemies. Only a few graceful verses escape the pervad-
ing hatred. In the vocabulary of invective, in the invention of
scurrilous metaphor, the author is comparable to William Cowper
Brann the Iconoclast. There is another point of similarity in
the careers of Potter and Brann : in their early forties both met
death in Texas at the hands of personal enemies.
Potter's stormy life cannot be treated here beyond mere men-
tion of his being a legislator, member of Congress from North
Carolina, convicted lawbreaker, signer of the Texas declaration
of independence, and Secretary of the Navy of the Republic of
Texas. He was murdered in 1842, when about forty-two years
old. A clipping which reports the "Terrible Death of Colonel
Potter" is reprinted in Dickens's American Notes.
Whatever his transgressions, Potter deserves a wreath of re-
membrance in North Carolina for one altruistic proposal. In
1827 he introduced a legislative bill that would have provided
for the establishment of a so-called "Political College" 10 — a
military and agricultural college under the terms of the bill —
in Wake County.
i° "Potter's Political College Bill" and "Potter's speech on His Political College Bill.'
The Beginnings of Public Education in North Carolina (Charles L. Coon, ed. Raleigh:
Edwards and Broughton, 1908), I, 300-307 and 308-329.
192 The North Carolina Historical Review
If the measure had passed, State College might have come into
being sixty years earlier. The measure failed, not for want of
merit, but rather because Potter's political enemies were pre-
judiced against any proposal that he might initiate.
Our excursion into a remote era of the life and culture of our
state reminds me, in closing, of a fable mentioned by Robert
Louis Stevenson: "the fable of the monk who passed into the
woods, heard a bird break into song, hearkened for a trill or two,
and found himself on his return a stranger at his convent gates ;
for he had been absent fifty years. . . ."
To pursue the metaphor — we in the Twentieth Century can
hearken to nobler harmonies than the sparse trills that fell upon
the ears of our predecessors when the Republic was much young-
er. Moreover, with the passing of the year 1950 yet another
half -century will be completed ; and for those who would survey
the literary bounty of this latest fifty years, the challenge and
the opportunity are even now at hand.
THE BICENTENNIAL OF PRINTING
. IN NORTH CAROLINA 1
By William S. Powell
This seems to be a most opportune time to try a little experi-
ment — to begin an historical address with a Biblical text. In
Ecclesiastes occurs this widely quoted phrase : "Of making many
books there is no end." It is good to have this positive statement
from so important a source.
But I want to go backwards in time a bit and tell you about one
of the beginnings of the making of many books. This year — 1949
— marks the 200th anniversary of the establishment of the print-
ing press in North Carolina.
Incidentally, many other years which have ended in nine have
been important in the annals of printing. It was in 1539, 410
years ago, that Juan Pablos is known to have established what
is believed to have been the first press in the New World, in
Mexico City. One hundred years later, in 1639, Stephen Daye
in Cambridge, Massachusetts, began operating the first press
in English-speaking North America. The year 1949 also is the
400th anniversary of the printing of the Book of Common Prayer
in England. And among the states, North Carolina is not the
only one celebrating an important anniversary of the establish-
ment of a first press. In Connecticut it is the 240th anniversary ;
the 160th in what is now the District of Columbia ; the 130th in
Arkansas ; the 110th in Idaho ; the 100th in Minnesota and Utah ;
and the 90th in Arizona and Colorado. All told, there are a dozen
such anniversaries being noted this year.
We are concerned for the most part, however, with the events
in North Carolina. The press came late to North Carolina; nine
others of the thirteen colonies had received it earlier. The need
for more accurate copies and wider distribution of the laws of
the colony was the immediate cause of its introduction. The pro-
ceedings of the North Carolina House of Burgesses in 1740 were
1 This paper is condensed from the introduction to the facsimile edition of The Journal of
the House of Burgesses, of the Province of North-Carolina, 1749, published by the State De-
partment of Archives and History to mark the 200th anniversary of printing in North Caro-
lina.
[198]
194 The North Carolina Historical Review
printed at Williamsburg, 2 and in 1745 John Hodgson of Bertie
County had offered in the assembly a bill to "Enable and en-
courage the persons hereinafter mentioned to print the laws of
this Province," but his bill failed to pass and we have no record
of the persons being considered as printers for the colony. There
are a great many references in our colonial records to the need
and desire for a printer. Between 1735 and 1744 Governor
Gabriel Johnston many times called the attention of the people
to the deplorable state that existed: copies of the laws used at
county courts were handwritten, and seldom it was that two
copies agreed. "Magistrates are often at a loss how to discharge
their Duty," it was said, "and the People transgress many of
[the laws] through want of knowing the same."
Finally a commission was appointed in 1746 to revise and
print the laws. To pay for this work a tax was laid on wine, rum,
distilled liquors, and rice. This commission seems to have worked
at its assigned task for nearly three years, because it was not
until early in 1749 that they began to seek a printer. James
Davis, a printer of Williamsburg, seems to have applied for this
job — at least he submitted a sample of his work to the commis-
sioners. On April 6, 1749, Rufus Marsden, of New Hanover Coun-
ty, introduced into the assembly a bill for the "encouragement" of
Davis. Following the usual three readings the bill was passed
on April 10 and approved by Governor Johnston on the four-
teenth.
Almost nothing is known of the early years of James Davis.
The late Stephen B. Weeks seems to have found evidence that he
was born in Virginia, October 21, 1721, 3 and he- appears to have
been living in Williamsburg as early as 1745. Davis' training
probably was received at the press of William Parks, one of
Virginia's pioneer printers.
The assembly, in employing Davis, agreed to pay him a yearly
salary of £160, proclamation money, for a period of five years.
For his part, Davis was required to reside in New Bern and,
using the same type as that used in his petition for the job, to
print the speeches and addresses delivered at the opening of
2 Charles Evans, American Biblionraphy (Chicago, 1904), II, 165. Evans, page xii, describes
this as "the first work printed in this country bearing wholly upon events in" North Carolina.
Onlv one copy of this work, that located at the Massachusetts Historical Society, is recorded.
3 Stephen B. Weeks, "James Davis," in Samuel A. Ashe and others, editors, Biographical
History of North Carolina (Greensboro, 1905-1917), VIII, 140.
Bicentennial of Printing in North Carolina 195
each session of the assembly, the journals and proceedings of
the House of Burgesses, all the laws passed at each session, and
all public proclamations and acts of the government. In addition
it was to be his duty to deliver these printed works to the various
county courts, individual justices, members of the assembly, and
the governor's council, and to see that copies were sent to all the
proper officials in England. 4
A tax of four pence was levied for five years on "every Taxable
Person within the Province" as a means of raising funds for this
new work.
James Davis came to North Carolina and by June 24, 1749,
had set up his press in New Bern at the foot of Broad Street
near the Neuse River.
I think it would be very interesting to know where Davis got
his equipment, but the few remaining records of the establish-
ment of the press in North Carolina make no mention of that
aspect of the business. I have, however, compared very carefully
several of Davis' earliest imprints with products of Parks' press
at Williamsburg issued just before Davis came to North Carolina.
By comparing these works letter for letter it seems apparent that
the same type was used. Parks died shortly after Davis came to
North Carolina, and although his press was continued it seems
to have used a different type after 1749. My conclusion is that
Davis acquired part, though probably not all, of Parks' equip-
ment to bring to North Carolina with him. 5
In the very beginning Davis may have done some minor work
for the assembly and the governor, such as proclamations or
public notices and bills of credit, though evidence of this is
wanting. The first known product of Davis' press is The Journal
of the House of Burgesses, of the Province of North-Carolina
which appeared before the end of the year 1749. This Journal
contains the proceedings of the House of Burgesses for the period
between September 26 and October 18 of that year. The copy of
this now in the British Public Record Office, London, is the only
one known to have survived to the present. In size it is slightly
* "Legislative Papers, 1689-1927." State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh. ("An
Act for the Encouragement of James Davis to set up and Carry on his Business of a Printer
in this Province. . . .")
B This thesis is illustrated and explained more fully in The Journal of the House of Bur-
gesses, of the Province of North-Carolina, 17+9, Reproduced in Facsimile in Celebration of
the 200th Anniversary of The Establishment of the Printing Press in North Carolina, With
an Introduction by William S. Powell (Raleigh, 1949), ix-x.
196 The North Carolina Historical Review
larger than eight by twelve inches; the typography is interest-
ing, and in format it is quite good.
It was at this autumn session of the assembly that the work of
the commission in revising and compiling the laws was approved.
But it was not until 1751 that Davis finished printing them. They
are now known as "Swann's Revised" or the "yellotv jacket" be-
cause of the faded yellow color of the binding or jacket of the
volume. For a great many years it was believed that this volume,
issued in 1751, was the first book published in North Carolina.
We now know of three earlier ones, however — all Journals, and
issued in 1749, 1750, and 1751. Of each of these only one copy
is in existence, and those are in England. 6 I expect these were
official copies sent to some board or agent in London.
James Davis worked as a printer in North Carolina for thirty-
three years : from 1749 until 1782. This, of course, enabled him
to see and know the times of the Revolution, and the establish-
ment of the state of North Carolina as well as the beginning of
the Union. Today there are in existence, or there are reliable
references to, no less than ninety-nine titles issued from Davis'
press. This is a remarkably large number, especially in view of
the fact that the next largest number of imprints from any one
press of the eighteenth century in North Carolina is only
thirty-six. 7
Several times during the course of Davis' career as official
printer there was dissatisfaction with the way in which he car-
ried out his part of the contract. The greatest difficulty seems to
have been in distributing the printed matter throughout North
Carolina. On one occasion Governor Arthur Dobbs took matters
into his own hands and in 1764 appointed Andrew Steuart to
replace Davis, giving him the high-sounding title of "His Majes-
ty's Printer." The governor's actions, however, displeased the
assembly, whose power it was to choose the printer, and at their
hands Davis received back his old position.
Apparently these first came to public attention in 1827 after the General Assembly of
North Carolina authorized the governor to procure copies of "papers and documents" in
London pertaining to the colonial history of North Carolina. A list of documents, in which
were listed the printed Journals of 1749, 1750, and 1751, was published under the title Indexes
to Documents Relative to North Carolina During the Colonial Existence of Said State
(Raleigh, 1843). One wonders that for so many years it was believed the first book printed
in North Carolina was "Swann's Revisal" of 1751, when this volume of Indexes contains such
an obvious clue to the 1749 Journal. These printed journals were mentioned in the minutes of
the Bonrd of Trade for November 22, 1752, as having been received. William L. Saunders, editor
The Colonial Records of North Carolina (Raleigh, 1886-1890) IV, 1316.
7 Douglas C. McMurtrie, Eighteenth Centum; North Carolina Imprints, 1749-1800 (Chapel
Hill, 1938), passim.
Bicentennial of Printing in North Carolina 197
Later, shortly after the adoption of the first state constitution,
the assembly appointed a new printer, John Pinkney. Strangely
enough, this time the governor expressed sympathy for Davis
and in just a few months, when Pinkney died, he was again
made printer for the state.
Not all of Davis' printing was official. What seems to have
been his first private publication appeared in 1753. And this,
incidentally, is believed to be the first book compiled by a native
of North Carolina. It was called A Collection of Many Christian
Experiences, Sentences, and several Places of Scripture Improved
and was written by the Reverend Clement Hall, rector of St.
Paul's Church in Edenton. 8 According to the account books kept
by Benjamin Franklin late in 1752 and in 1753 Davis purchased
from him some paper, pasteboard, and parchment. 9 So it may be
that this important early North Carolina imprint was made up
of material supplied by Benjamin Franklin.
Later Davis published several sermons, political essays, text-
books, a popular law book, and reprints of half a dozen out-of-
state publications, mainly political in nature.
To James Davis also belongs the honor of establishing the
first newspaper in the colony of North Carolina. It was called
The No. th Carolina Gazette and seems to have been begun on
August 9, 1751, although the earliest extant number is dated
November 15 of that year. This earliest North Carolina news-
paper is in the newspaper collection of the State Department of
Archives and History, Raleigh. The title of Davis' paper was
changed several times, but he seems to have published one more
or less continuously for the next 27 years.
As a private citizen James Davis played no small role in the
affairs of state during the unsettled years leading up to and
during the Revolution. One of his first public positions, aside
from his post as printer, was that of postmaster in New Bern.
This appointment came in 1755, when Benjamin Franklin was
deputy postmaster general for the American colonies. It was
also in 1755 that Davis entered into a contract to carry the mails
8 No copy of this book is recorded in the Union Catalogue of the Library of Congress. The
title was furnished Weeks by C. R. Hildeburn. Stephen B. Weeks, The Press of North Caro-
lina in the Eighteenth Century (Brooklyn, 1891), 55. Hildeburn, who was librarian of the
Philadelphia Athenaeum, had purchased this volume in England, but recent efforts to locate
it have been without avail.
9 George S. Eddy, editor, Account Books Kept by Benjamin Franklin (New York, 1928-
1929), II, 52.
198 The North Carolina Historical Review
from Suffolk, Virginia, to Wilmington, an undertaking which
he continued for at least three years.
In 1754 Davis had been elected to represent New Bern, one of
the colony's borough towns, in the assembly, but as he was then
sheriff of Craven County he was declared ineligible. The follow-
ing year he was again elected and represented the county of
Craven for a year. In 1766 he was one of eleven commissioners
appointed to lay out and oversee the construction of the Club-
foot and Harlow's Creek Canal. During the ten years following
1768 Davis was five times chosen one of the justices of the peace
for Craven County, an important position, since the justices
were largely instrumental in conducting the affairs of the county.
The movement for independence also received Davis' support.
His signature was first on a proclamation calling for a meeting
of the Friends of American Liberty in Craven County in 1774
to consider the "present alarming state of British America and
the late Acts of Parliament.' '
He was a member of the Committee of Safety in New Bern
and in 1775 was appointed one of eight commissioners for Port
Beaufort, which included New Bern, whose duty it was to fit
out immediately an armed vessel to help protect the trade of that
region.
In the Provincial Congress which met at New Bern in April,
1775, and in the one at Hillsboro in August, Davis represented
New Bern. At the second of these he was chosen a member of a
committee to prepare "a plan for the regulation of the Internal
peace, order and safety of [the] Province."
In 1776 he was one of three commissioners supervising the
collection and exportation of certain goods and supplies necessary
for shipment abroad to secure funds for purchasing salt, arms,
and ammunition. The following year he was judge of the court
for the New Bern district and also one of four court of admiralty
judges for Port Beaufort.
Finally to climax his career, he was elected a member of the
council of state in 1780 and served until 1781. 10
It was during the next year, 1782, that Davis turned over his
printing business to his son, Thomas. As the beginning of Davis'
10 Walter Clark, editor, The State Records of North Carolina (Winston and elsewhere,
1895-1906, 16 volumes), and William L. Saunders, editor, The Colonial Records of North
Carolina (Raleigh, 1886-1890, 10 volumes), passim.
Bicentennial of Printing in North Carolina 199
life is obscure, so is the end. His will, probated at the March,
1785, term of court, indicates that he died at New Bern probably
in February or March of that year, having accumulated large
holdings in both land and slaves. 11
By the time of Davis' death the press was firmly established
in North Carolina as a very necessary institution. It was largely
due to his persistence that it had survived many severe tests dur-
ing the period before the Revolution. By the end of the century
there were presses as far west as Salisbury and Lincolnton, then
near the state's western frontier, and altogether North Carolina
could count more than thirty printers who had been at work in
her nine leading towns at one time or another during the fifty
years following the establishment of Davis' first press.
And truly it can be said, "of making many books there is no
end," and now I think you might appreciate the remainder of
that Bible verse : "and much study is a weariness of the flesh."
11 "Craven County Wills." Craven County Courthouse, New Bern, N. C. (James Davis'
will, Book A, pages 81-82.)
REVIEW OF NORTH CAROLINA BOOKS OF THE YEAR
By William T. Polk
North Carolina may now fairly be called a state of writing.
There were forty-eight books entered in the Mayflower Cup com-
petition in 1949. That is about twice as many as were entered last
year.
As they were both fiction and non-fiction, it was about as
difficult for the judges to decide between, say, a novel and a
volume of history as it would have been for them to say which
was better, chalk or cheese, nylons or hamburgers. There should
obviously be two awards, one for fiction and one for non-fiction ;
perhaps there should be a third for poetry.
Of the forty-eight books in the running this year, twelve were
fiction and thirty-six non-fiction. In the fiction classification
six of the books were written by women, six by men. Ladies first :
Katharine Newlin Burt is represented by two novels, Strong
Citadel and Still Water. Both have interesting plots and intri-
guing characters; they possess the readability that comes from
expert craftsmanship.
Dorothy Freemont Grant's Devil's Food is the story of a rather
torrid love affair between a college girl and her professor, but
the moral seems to be that you can go home again after all.
Bernice Kelly Harris's Hearthstones is replete with the living
details of eastern North Carolina which make her books as
realistic as Dutch genre paintings.
M. Virginia Harris's Weddin' Trimmin's shows something of
the tribulations of a girl who is almost white.
Mebane Holoman Burgwyn's Lucky Mischief pictures life in
the Roanoke River region seen through the eyes of a little colored
boy, with its rock muddles, its work, and its play.
Now for the men:
Chalmers G. Davidson's Cloud Over Catawba is a historical
novel which does a good job of making local history come alive.
Mr. Davidson is a professor at Davidson College, and his suc-
cess in recreating the Old South in piedmont North Carolina
encourages the hope that he will keep it up.
[200]
Review of North Carolina Books 201
Robert K. Marshall's Little Squire Jim has its locale in the
Mount Airy-Hanging Rock area, and the author gets into it a
good deal of the beauty of the region and the charm of the
speech of the people before standardization set in. After the
manner of his clan the Little Squire lives a wild life, riding his
stallion over the mountains and seducing quite a few of the
mountain gals, but he has a habit of curing their heartaches with
gifts of antiques from the family mansion. Is this true to life?
Not having tried to cure broken hearts with broken furniture,
I can't say, but I have a hunch it wouldn't work, especially if a
mountaineer father of the Dan'l Boone type got mixed up in
the picture.
Carl Sandburg's Remembrance Rock is a novel of the Ameri-
can dream, the search for freedom, in which characters of men
with searching hearts and women with dancing feet recur. Well
they might, for the book covers more than 300 years and 1,000
pages. The great author's insight into the meaning of America
glows intensely here and there, but the impact of the book is
diffused, so that the reader may feel as if he had been hit by a
bazooka shell loaded with bird shot.
James Street's and James Childers's Tomorrow We Reap is
another expert, fast-moving, and best-selling story of the Dabney
clan who once held out against the Confederacy in the Far
South. This book symbolizes the struggle still going on between
the Old South and the New.
Legette Blythe's Bold Galilean is a dramatic and picturesque
novel of the time of Jesus. The writer has done a good job, but
it must be admitted that he chose a field where he is bound to
have a lot of competition, ranging from Ben Hur to the Gospels.
Foster Fitz-Simon's Bright Leaf is the story of a battered but
devilishly determined and resourceful young man and his crea-
tion of a tobacco empire in the New South emerging from the
Old. Brant Royle, to reach his goal of fame and wealth, rides
roughshod over everybody in his path, including Sonie Lipik, the
tough, smart, pretty girl of Ukrainian extraction who lives in
the tobacco town and who loves him. But he is baffled and
thwarted in his love for Margaret Singleton, representing the
Old South. In the end he finds that he has gained the whole
world but lost something perhaps more worthwhile.
202 The North Carolina Historical Review
This may sound like old stuff, but the novel is a remarkably
good one. Its characters have the breath of life in them, and its
content has significance. This combination is rare in fiction, at
any place and any time. North Carolina was fortunate to get it
in Bright Leaf in 1949.
There were ten historical works this year, if we use the adje-
tive in a loose sense. Four of these were local, or county, histories,
varying in quality. They were: History of Pender County by
Mattie Bloodworth ; Forsyth, A County on the March, edited by
the late Adelaide L. Fries ; History of Watauga County by Daniel
J. Whitener; and Centennial History of Alamance County by
Walter Whitaker.
Then there were four books of rather specialized historical
content: The Campus of the First State University, & labor of
love and of intimate knowledge by Archibald Henderson which
should be of much interest to all Tar Heels; The History of
Selective Service in North Carolina by Spencer B. King; The
Whig Party in Georgia by Paul Murray ; and The Juvenile Courts
of North Carolina by Wiley Saunders ; the last three are mainly
reference works of considerable value in their special fields.
And to round out the ten historical works there were two very
good books on tobacco. Nannie M. Tilley's The Bright Tobacco
Industry, 1860-1927 is a meticulous and comprehensive survey
of the industry within the allotted limits, invaluable to anyone
writing in that field. Joseph C. Robert's The Story of Tobacco in
America is a scholarly and popular work, telling of the develop-
ment of "that bewitching vegetable," as Col. William Byrd called
it, from the time when John Rolfe first applied scientific princi-
ples to its culture to the present when ladies no longer have oc-
casion to plead with their escorts to "blow some my way."
Nineteen-forty-nine was the year in which Tar Heel writers
discovered tobacco.
The year brought forth four books of poems, all modestly thin :
Leon R. Meadow's Reveries; Hope R. Norburn's Above the Brink;
Francis Pledger Hulme's Come up the Valley, fresh, keen, and
sensitive with the salt of Grannie Grist's mountain wisdom in it ;
and James Larkin Pearson's Plowed Ground, with its genuine
humor and rustic beauty.
Review of North Carolina Books 203
There were only two volumes of essays, both by Dr. Hardin
Craig and both excellent : An Interpretation of Shakespeare and
Freedom and Renaissance.
There were four books of sermons or ethical exhortations : The
Hour Has Come by G. Ray Jordan; Christ's Expendables by
Charles E. Maddry; Resources for Worship by A. C. Reid; and
It Does Add Up by Elmer A. Hilker.
There were four books about the South. Two of them were of
limited appeal, John E. Ivey's Building Atlanta's Future and
Robert A. Lively's The South in Action, which dealt with the
freight rate struggle. Exploring the South by Rupert B. Vance,
John E. Ivey, and Marjorie Bond was a school book dealing with
the South's resources and potentialities, but it can be read with
profit by adult Southerners. Edward Gholson's The Negro Looks
Into the South was in the main logical and well written but
showed traces of backfiring race prejudice.
In autobiography Virgil St. Cloud's Pioneer Blood, written by
a man who has managed quite a few hotels in North Carolina,
was informal, racy, gossipy, and quite entertaining. Elliott Mer-
rick's Green Mountain Farm, parts of which came out in the
New Yorker and other magazines, was a charming and expertly
written account of the experiences of the author and his wife on
a farm in Vermont.
In biography there were Clarence H. Brannon's Allen H.
Goodbey, sl good portrait of an able and strong-minded man ; Mrs.
Dorothy Freemont Grant's John England, American Christopher,
a life of the distinguished early bishop of Charleston; and last
but not least Phillips Russell's The Woman Who Rang the Bell. 1
This book is a faithful and deeply moving biography of Cor-
nelia Phillips Spencer, who did so much for the University of
North Carolina and who was called "the smartest woman in
North Carolina" and, as Governor Vance said, "the smartest
man too." On her fiftieth birthday the news for which she had
long labored, that the University was to be reopened after the
evil days of reconstruction, came to her. She gathered some chil-
dren and started a parade. She marched to the South Building
and, finding all silent, she "climbed to the belfry and seized the
rope. And then she rang and rang and rang. She did more than
1 Winner of the Mayflower Society Award, 1949.
204 The North Carolina Historical Review
ring a bell ; she rang out an old world of defeat and inertia and
she rang in a new world of hope and belief." Or, as Frank
Graham put it in his speeches, "She rang the bell which has
never ceased to ring to this day. The people of North Carolina
were on the march again."
Translations, as some Frenchman once said, are like women. If
they are faithful they are not beautiful, and if they are beautiful
they are not faithful. The same might be said of biographies.
But here is one which is both beautiful and faithful, and so is
the exception that proves the rule. Mrs. Spencer was an excellent
writer, herself, and this book is spangled with her own witty
and trenchant prose.
Two welcome books this year dealt with Tar Heel mysteries
and legends. Legends of Baptist Hollow by Bill Mcllwaine and
Walt Freidenburg recount some rare and racy stories of Wake
Forest. John Harden in The Devil's Tramping Ground collects
a lot of Tar Heel mysteries, some of which you have known
about before and some you haven't. Anyway, it is a book which
is hard to put down and it justifies the statement of Gerald
Johnson in a review of it that North Carolina has always been
well supplied with mysteries from the disappearance of the Lost
Colony on Roanoke Island to the appointment of Frank Graham
to the United States Senate.
Finally, there were three miscellaneous books: Laura Howell
Norden's Just About Music; Mrs. Crosby Adams's A Day in a
DolVs Life; and Carl Hyatt's Gateway to Citizenship.
A REPORTER REVIEWS FIFTY YEARS OF NORTH
CAROLINA HISTORY
By William Thomas Bost
When some kindly gentlemen a year ago bestowed the presi-
dency of this association upon me, they told me that I should
not be expected to deliver a presidential message, but that I
might make a report on North Carolina.
They did not suggest the impropriety or the ineptitude of a
reporter's regaling a literary and historical association, when
the scribe could qualify as neither literarian nor historian. They
merely wished a newspaperman to tell in twenty or twenty-five
minutes everything that he had seen in North Carolina during
the past fifty years. It was a fascinating prospect and I shall
now make the report.
It will not be a presidential address. The word itself is discon-
certing. If you are a highbrow, you call it an "ad-dress." If you
are a low-brow it is an "address." And if you are no brow at
all, you studiously avoid calling it either. This, then, is to be a
report on North Carolina and I think you should know first how
a reporter works, and then take a look at the materials with
which he works.
First, I shall give you the reporter's technique. He meets you
and asks, "What do you know?" You are thrilled at the novelty
of the interrogation in precisely the degree that you would have
been had he asked is it hot enough for you. Before you finish
your momentous declaration that you don't know anything, he
asks you if you ever interviewed Mrs. Emmeline Pankhurst.
You strike a peripatetic pose and prepare to say that you visited
her once in a nursing home in London, but he is ahead of you.
He craves to know why Ben Dixon MacNeill doesn't like him.
Appalled at the misanthropy of Mr. MacNeill, you undertake to
tell your interviewer that you never heard Mr. MacNeill mention
him, but you are too late. He inquires what you do when your
children curse, but he never gets the benefit of your celestial
character, for he scratches his right knee and wonders if you
ever had rheumatism.
[205]
206 The North Carolina Historical Review
Having qualified for star reporting, you now are assigned to
"cover the legislature." The committee on counties, cities, and
towns is holding a public hearing on a proposal to dismember
several counties in order to create a new one. The whole popula-
tion in these severed communities has descended upon the Capi-
tal. Hell may have no such fury as a woman scorned, but the rage
of the citizens in the counties about to be cut up, is a noble coun-
terfeit. The author of the bill is making a speech which he hopes
will bring him a favorable report.
His constituents delegate their best hater to heckle him. The
statesman is called a traitor. The spokesman asks him if he did
not spend the night with a neighbor known to be opposed to the
new county, eat his food and misrepresent his position? "What
was your position that night?" the heckler demands. To which
the representative in anguish of soul replies: "Mr. Chairman,
touching upon and appertaining to the interrogation propound-
ed to me by the gentleman from Mitchell, regarding this capitally
important matter, I desire to say in reply, that both in the cam-
paign for the nomination and the election, in my associations
at the lodge, in my classes in the Sabbath school, in my church,
in the parent teachers meetings; whenever, wherever and by
whomsoever I was asked my position on this great controversy,
I always evaded the question."
The report on North Carolina, in the nature of things, there-
fore, must have a good deal of politics. There is a story coming out
of Illinois in the early years of the 1900's which furnishes a hint
of the text. A gentleman from Peoria had become a member of the
General Assembly. He had been reared in the- least fashionable
portion of the city and had lived in a house which never had
been associated with profitable politics. But one day a visitor
from Springfield where this legislator had been several times
as assemblyman observed the new mansion of the gentleman
from Peoria. "My," exclaimed the admiring visitor, "but that is
a gorgeous house!" To which the solon replied with great pride:
"You bet. There's a lot of ayes and noes in that house."
Which suggests that during these fifty years of reporting legis-
latures lots of ayes and noes have gone into North Carolina. I
wish I could tell you something about them. It would be illumi-
nating to give you the significance of the ayes and noes which
Fifty Years of North Carolina History 207
went into the three elections of F. M. Simmons, and the two
elections of Lee S. Overman to the United States Senate by the
General Assembly. It would be enlightening to watch the growth
of direct democracy until the election of our U. S. Senators was
changed from the General Assembly to popular vote, and to
note with what uncertainty the people received that grant of
power.
It would be even more instructive to descant upon the ayes
and noes which have gone into this tremendous structure which
we call North Carolina. It would be a significant contribution
to North Carolina history if you might have the ayes and noes
which gave North Carolina the first general prohibition act of
1903. This measure sought to transplant all the saloons and dis-
tilleries in rural areas into incorporated towns and villages.
You would be amused to find how the ayes and noes were shuf-
fled when it was discovered that two Democratic distillers were
greatly discommoded by this law. It was very inconvenient to
move their manufacturing establishments. But love — and liquor
— "had the wit to win." They reached out and brought the cities
to the distilleries, Mahomet and the mountain stream-lined and
modernized.
But there were other ayes and noes of transcendent impor-
tance. They wrought radical reductions in freight and passenger
rates, submitted the issue of state-wide prohibition at the ses-
sion of 1907, saw it ratified at a special election in 1908, clipped
the capacity of the individual to enjoy more than two quarts
monthly by the Grier act of 1915, and awaited the eighteenth
amendment in 1919, when 160 ayes and ten noes ratified the
messianic mood of our nation. In a word, there were only ten
General Assemblymen in 1919 who were reckless enough to vote
against national prohibition.
These North Carolina ayes and noes made more national his-
tory in 1921 when they authorized the first $50,000,000 bond
issue for highways and then in the sessions of 1923, 1925, and
1927 increased the debt to $115,000,000 to give North Carolina
the second biggest investment in roads among all the common-
wealths of the Union. This was quite the most audacious venture
into the future that North Carolina had yet made. But it fol-
208 The North Carolina Historical Review
lowed a spiritual regeneration which our people never suspected
they had undergone.
The tax books of North Carolina represented one hundred
different county systems, which divided into cities and townships
multiplied those systems more than tenfold. The First World War
had just ended and Governor Thomas W. Bickett wagered that
his people would be willing to tell the truth about the property
on which they paid their taxes. "The tax books of North Carolina
read like the minutes of an Ananias Club," Governor Bickett
proclaimed, and he called upon the people to swear to the truth
about the taxables which they own. They swore and property
values were more than trebled. In all the 170 members of the
General Assembly there was not one dissent. And throughout the
state seventy-five per cent of the taxpayers put upon their prop-
erty the precise valuation laid upon it by the State Board of
Assessment; five per cent set the values even above the ap-
praisers, and only twenty per cent were inclined to chisel. Among
all the ayes and noes cast in North Carolina, I can recall none
which came nearer to moral grandeur than these. No wonder
that after such a convulsion of conscience North Carolina was
ready for any aspiration and was equal to any achievenemt.
But ayes and noes are as important for the measures which
they prevent as for the causes which they promote. Three legis-
latures in this period refused to enact bills outlawing the teach-
ing of evolution in the public schools. North Carolina's scholars
and statesmen combined to save their state from such a reproach.
And while they were voting down such measures, they were
adopting secret ballot bills, enacting workmen's compensation
laws, consolidating Woman's College in Greensboro, State Col-
lege in Raleigh, and the University of North Carolina at Chapel
Hill into our Greater University, taking over the 100 county
school systems into one state pattern, instituting the largest
school transportation system in the United States, relieving all
communities from property taxation for the support of our nine-
months school term in every county of North Carolina, and
pioneering in rural road development by bringing 60,000 such
miles of highway under our state system.
To quote our Illinois favorite, "there is lots of ayes and noes"
in this vast and imponderable machine which we call the govern-
Fifty Years of North Carolina History 209
ment of North Carolina. But for all its tremendous proportions,
it is a thing which all can love. It is the property of all of us. It
was built by a populace both of conservative and revolutionary
instincts. To the conservative it owes its fortune of memories
and its tradition of manners; to the revolutionary it owes all
those desperate speculations which make men gamble all that
they have and all they are that God is and that God cares.
So, you see, there have been significant ayes and noes in the
making of North Carolina. They are its will and its law. They
make official the incredible extremes between the first and last
years of this semi-centennial ; for as you know this State Literary
and Historical Association and this state of North Carolina are
thinking a lot of those fifty years. They tell us the story of how
in our poverty and fear fifty years ago North Carolina clutched
its pocketbook and shrieked for the police when the Legislature
of 1899 held up its people for $100,000 for their schools, and how
in 1949 we joyfully appropriated $100,000,000 for the same pur-
pose and in humility lamented that it could not be more. These votes
tell how North Carolina in its despair levied on the "tribulation
which worketh patience, and the patience which worketh ex-
perience, and the experience which worketh hope," took over these
unprecedented operations in schools and highways, courageous-
ly enacted the odious sales tax, energetically set about retiring
its $185,000,000 state debt, second largest in the nation, set apart
$16,000,000 for the school system and waited for the ravens to
croak themselves hoarse from disaster. Those ayes and noes re-
mind us that we have sextupled those sixteen millions in sixteen
years, have provided for the payment of our entire state debt,
and that in the 1949 General Assembly we bet $250,000,000 more
on North Carolina for schools and roads alone. No wonder Gov-
ernor Bickett thought North Carolina was a great state in his
day, for his excellency perceived it as a soil which with equal fa-
cility grows two pecks of potatoes to the hill and produces three
presidents of the United States. This was his North Carolina
thirty years ago, but not always.
When Julian Street in 1915 went through the South doing a
magazine series for Collier's, he wrote that everywhere in the
region outside North Carolina, anything made inside the State
bore the brand of inferiority.
210 The North Carolina Historical Review
This was a report which he passed on to his readers with
scrupulous impartiality, as becomes the honest reporter. If
North Carolina was on the march as all of us had fancied we
had been for fifteen years, Mr. Street did not see it. If there had
been a revolution in 1898 as a prelude to a renaissance beginning
in 1900, nobody told him about it.
There was much history to support this snooty attitude toward
North Carolina. Aycock thanked God for South Carolina, not
because it deserved the doxology, but because it kept North
Carolina from being the commonwealth farthest down. Winston
and Alderman, the most dynamic of University presidents, had
gone to Texas and Tulane to head bigger universities, and now
Alderman had moved over to the University of Virginia. Cham-
bers of Commerce were fulminating furiously against both a
business and a political cabal to keep North Carolina at a per-
petual disadvantage in freight rates on our commerce. A great
preacher had likened North Carolina to Issachar, one of the
Twelve Tribes of Israel. "Issachar is a strong ass, couching down
between two burdens," wrote Moses. "And he saw that rest was
good, and the land that it was pleasant ; and bowed his shoulder
to bear, and became a servant unto tribute." Issachar was North
Carolina ; the two burdens were Virginia and South Carolina.
We are meeting this year in a sort of riot of anniversaries.
Two hundred years ago the printing press was established in
North Carolina. Fifty years ago the North Carolina General
Assembly submitted a suffrage amendment requiring an intelli-
gent test as a precedent to voting. Fifty years ago Clarence Poe
came out of the hinterlands of Chatham County in an audacious
enterprise of converting an impotent little mulligrubs political
organ into the Progressive Farmer which has made our agri-
cultural regeneration spread like a blessed contagion all over the
land. And fifty years ago the State Literary and Historical
Association was organized with militant Walter Clark as its
first president.
I do not think these annals are unrelated. They do not appear
to me to be a succession of happy flukes, or a series of irrelevant
episodes that have turned out reasonably well. They appear to fit
into the pattern of a peculiar people zealous of good works.
Whether that pattern is political, economic, industrial, or reli-
Fifty Years of North Carolina History 211
gious, there is cohesion in it, and in these fifty years which in
1950 will have finished the first half of the twentieth century,
there has not been one person who was a serious threat to the
well-being of North Carolina.
You will recall that earlier in this paper something was said
about the character of a people, eighty per cent of whom would
not lie to their Government by misrepresentation of the property
they owned and the incomes which they earned. There was a hint
that this truth-telling has been reflected mightily in both moral
and economic ways. Thirty-three years after Julian Street
wrote his sympathetic article on North Carolina, another gentle-
man of letters, Louis Bromfield, visited North Carolina and
wrote in the Atlantic these complimentary words :
"Of all the Southern states, and for that matter of all the
forty-eight, no state has shown more progress within the past
generation than North Carolina. The progress is not alone
economic. Few states have made so rapid an industrial develop-
ment, and no Southern state has advanced with such speed to-
ward the achievement of the vital industrial-agricultural balance
so important to the stabilized prosperity of any region. It was
not long ago that the same poverty and shabbiness which has
largely characterized the Deep South since defeat was almost
everywhere in evidence in North Carolina. Today the shabby
look has largely gone. The farms appear prosperous and well
cared for in most areas, and the shabby cabin slums are on their
way out. The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill has
become one of the most vigorous cultural centers of the nation.
"It is, I think, indisputably true that culture, social advance,
and civilization in general are to a large extent tied to economics,
to living standards, and to productivity. Education plays its role
beyond question, but education too is dependent on a stable, fair-
ly prosperous, and balanced economy. North Carolina is a case
in proof, for as a state it has made remarkable progress away
from the old superstitions and the prejudices which in the past
handicapped and at times paralyzed the Deep South."
It has been the habit of us Democrats to reckon all our excel-
lences from the outgoing of the fusion administration of Popu-
lists and Republicans in the late 1890's, but history, and even
the ayes and noes, are against us. The aliens who descended upon
212 The North Carolina Historical Review
us in Reconstruction, closed our University, issued bogus bonds,
and made us mortal enemies of our Federal courts were in no
sense the apostolic predecessors of the North Carolinians who
swept the Democrats from power in 1894, elected two United
States Senators, one Governor and two General Assemblies. The
honest historian will not record that these revolutionists de-
served the serious suspicion and the age-long handicap under
which the dominant party held them. Our schools never had
better friends, receiving from this long-maligned body the first
big stimulus to local effort by a special fund to be matched by
local taxation. Our University made a campaign issue in more
than half the counties, received from this motley array of agrar-
ians, day laborers, country preachers, and black men the stoutest
sort of support, and to make complete these fusion assemblies'
friendship for the disadvantaged man, the interest rate was re-
duced from eight to six per cent, where it remains after fifty-
four years. The long stay of the minority party in the wilderness
cannot be laid to its indifference to the great mass of North
Carolinians.
But this was not to have been an effort to compete with the
historians and the literarians of this body. It was to have been a
report by a reporter, and all of you know what a reporter is. The
good reporter has been identified by the St. Louis editor as the
man who knows where hell is going to break loose next, and is
on the spot. That gentleman is slightly outmoded today. He has
been superseded by the scribe, who, perceiving that hell is show-
ing no sign of an eruption, starts raising it anyway. The reporter
is the prying peripatetic, the ubiquitous interrogation point. He
is there when the man is blown up in the explosion and right
there for an interview when the victim comes down. He has a
system which opens all the barred doors, batters down all the
fortifications of dignity and official importance, tears all the
masks from stupid and solemn faces, and exposes all hands to
his omnicompetent style.
So this is a report, not a lesson in history. And all history
should be contemplated in a spirit of deep and reverential calm.
It is not, as Napoleon called it, a fable agreed upon ; it is not as
some cynics have regarded it — Henry Ford, for instance, called
it bunk; and it is not as some supercilious smart alecs have
Fifty Years of North Carolina History
213
esteemed it, a branch of indecent literature which all the ignor-
ant should learn and all the wise forget. It is not simply a record
of man; it is the life of man; a forceful, active, living thing;
not an accumulation of the results of a mass of information
which possibly may be of use at some future date. It is the strug-
gle of ideas which are making a higher and ever higher civiliza-
tion, which is itself one grand and tremendous escape from
ancient obsession. It is the story of the coronation of the common
man which has been going on in this country for 150 years. It
is how people have lived and toiled and struggled. It is what
people have thought of religion, of science, of God, and human
relations. It is the branch of learning which teaches us that the
struggle of the Gracchi is always with us ; that the Renaissance
is always with us ; that the English Revolution of 1688, that the
American and the French Revolutions, the War Between the
States, and the Russian Revolution of 1917 are with us and will
be with us and our posterity always.
But in the outset something was said about anniversaries —
about the cyclical character of North Carolina life. There was
a hint as to the significance of the first half of this century which
will be ending a year from now. How and why did North Caro-
lina start and persevere in its present direction ? Why has North
Carolina not concerted with other Southern states in what is now
known as the "Southern position?" Who in the violences of the
late nineties was able to turn North Carolina away from the dull
and dreary rehearsals of race which are still heard in some of
our sister states?
It is not obvious what most of us in this world were born for,
nor for that matter, why almost any of us might as well not have
been born at all. But occasionally it is plain that some man or
some group of men did come into the world with a peculiar work
to perform. If the man himself is unconscious of his mission, it
is almost certain that his contemporaries are, and it is left to
history to discover that someone has lived and died, for whom
there had been an appointed task, and who has made the whole
course of history different from what it would have been without
him.
When Napoleon was on a rampage in Europe in 1809, there
was born into the world a group of such men : In Germany Felix
214 The North Carolina Historical Review
Mendelssohn ; in Britain Charles Darwin, William E. Gladstone,
and Alfred Lord Tennyson ; in the United States Oliver Wendell
Holmes, Edgar Alan Poe, Abraham Lincoln and Cyrus McCor-
mick. How marvelously they set themselves to the task of re-
deeming the world from the influence of this ambitious lunatic
and murderer! There were the poets to relieve the world of its
deep dissonance and despair ; there were the scientists to acquaint
the world with all life; there were the musicians to bring har-
mony into a world of discord; and there were the inventors to
lighten the drudgery of their fellows. There was no accident in
the birth of these babies 140 years ago. They were God's fresh
and undiscouraged effort to put some intelligence into a crazy
world.
Similarly, there was no fluke in the way the present era was
inaugurated. For ages our Southern statesmen would not think
upon statecraft, meditating exclusively upon the stupendous
folly of the Fifteenth Amendment. It was written that the right
of suffrage should not be abridged or denied on account of race,
color, or previous condition of servitude. But that was the least
of its meaning. In actuality the Fifteenth Amendment was an ef-
fort to bestow, by legislative act, upon a child race, all the cul-
ture, all the learning, all the experience and all the responsibility
accumulated by the English people over a thousand years. Against
this monstrous folly North Carolina resolutely set itself.
The campaign wasn't sweet; race wars never are. But that
war had been waged in 1898. The suffrage amendment ratified
in 1900 was not race war at all. It was but the prelude to an era
of education marked by the most thoughtful and generous atti-
tude toward the Negro yet known in American life. It had for its
high purpose the removing of the Negro as a menacing factor
in politics, disturbing the judgment and arousing the passions
of the people. That done, our statesmen could get a breathing
spell in which to think upon the Negro as a human being, who
could not be sent away and who could not be permitted to dom-
inate intelligence.
That this amendment meant in 1900 to say that the right to
vote is a right to be won by intelligence and character is abun-
dantly illustrated by the Aycock administration which began
with the new century. When lesser men interpreted Aycock's
Fifty Years of North Carolina History 215
campaign to mean that another amendment should be proposed
whereby the taxes paid by white men should go solely to the
white schools, and the taxes of Negroes applied solely to Negro
schools, Ay cock went before the state Democratic convention
in Greensboro in 1904 and shamed it into a retreat from that
unspeakably tyrannical proposal. He reminded his fellow Demo-
crats that he never had any purpose to doom the black man to
perpetual immaturity. The purpose of the amendment was to
prepare the Negro for suffrage and to invalidate by law the
absurdest provision ever written into our organic law — the
Fifteenth Amendment.
So passed the black man out of North Carolina's politics as an
issue, and so began this present era which has been immeasur-
ably enhanced by this literary and historical association. It has
been freed by those political acts to write and make history. It
has been advantaged by a membership willing to know the truth
about our people. It is meet that this organization's fifty years
have synchronized with the evolution of this new North Carolina.
It would be naive, indeed, to say that North Carolina has been
forever "fixed and forward," as one of the great historians has
recorded us. One who has looked steadily upon lgislatures has
seen evidences that when North Carolina was "fixed" it wasn't
forward, and when it was forward it was not fixed.
It wasn't "fixed" by the professional fixers when it ran counter
to the world-wide trend toward democracy and rejected the nine-
teenth, or the equal suffrage amendment. But it certainly was not
forward. That campaign subjected us to an orgy of chivalry, in
which the "chivalves" levied loosely upon Moses and Saint Paul.
They employed Moses to keep woman the serf, the slave, the chat-
tels and goods of a man ; they used St. Paul to make her "shut
up." "Woman," said those saints in all that glorious war, "should
behave just like Paul said she should, and if she would know
anything, let her ask her husband," knowing full well that if
there was anything that a woman should know and had the right
to know, her husband probably would tell her a lie about it.
They, moreover, said woman should never come down from her
pedestal ; but an examination of pedestal premises generally dis-
closed it in the backyard where some multiparous mother was
216 The North Carolina Historical Review
taking the daily fall out of the corrugated bosom of the family
washboard.
But I do wander, ladies and gentlemen. In the outset my pur-
pose was to report North Carolina in retrospect and prospect.
The future is entirely too much for me. I can no more foresee it
than John C. Calhoun in 1849 could see Booker T. Washington in
1899 delighting a Charleston audience. It would be as difficult to
imagine North Carolina's future as it would have been for Whist-
ler to fancy his own — he who, after flunking chemistry at West
Point painted the portraits of his mother, Carlyle, and Miss
Alexander. I can no more see North Carolina in 1999 than
Philips Brooks could foresee himself made the greatest of Prot-
estant bishops after having failed miserably in his efforts to
teach the barbarians of Harvard. I can no more guess North
Carolina fifty years hence than Charles B. Aycock could guess
that in 1949 North Carolina would be making literature. Aycock
thanked God for Archibald Henderson forty years ago, because
Dr. Henderson had written books. But Aycock never dreamed
that his law partner, Judge Robert W. Winston, would be making
books by the bushel thirty years later. No man can see what
North Carolina will become in 2,000 any more than Charles D.
Mclver could see himself twenty-five years after graduation ; for
legend has it that Mclver once made an egregious mess of a
public speech, then swore that he never would make public ad-
dresses and that he never would teach women. He lived to do both
with unprecedented skill.
But we all do have our ideas. What an incredible culture is
evolving before our unseeing eyes ! Our Mrs. Charles A. Cannon's
Society for the Preservation of Antiquities emphasizes our faith
that no people can have a great future who forget a great past,
and one can hear her say in the good old Presbyterian, the good
Old Testament speech of Naboth to the King. "The Lord forbid
it me, that I should give the inheritance of my fathers to thee."
The Lord forbid it us all that we should hold lightly our own
great traditions !
We are taking our folk songs and giving them our warm blood
as Bobbie Burns took Scotland's and gave his. We are producing
annually now from fifty to sixty books. We have in the current
output real singers of songs, novelists, painters, and musicians.
Fifty Years of North Carolina History 217
We are producing and importing a rich art which is typically
North Carolina. Perhaps you will ask how art can be "statish." I
do not know, but I like that unknown North Carolina woman
who, hearing that Dr. Phonse Smith had written a grammar, sent
him a letter thanking God "that we at last have a grammar writ-
ten from the North Carolina standpoint." What Dr. Smith did
to his nouns, pronouns, verbs, adverbs, adjectives, conjunctions,
interjections, his indicative, subjunctive, imperative, and infini-
tive moods to give them a Tar Heel tang, I never knew. But I
still revel in her Tar Heel love.
And I glory in the love of every other person who by wish or
work is seeking a higher destiny for our people. I have a con-
viction that every great work is in some way the product not
alone of one man, but of multitudes of men; that when Rem-
brandt touched the canvas and God was manifest, it was because
the efforts of millions before him, both by their dreams and by
their daubs, had gone into his work; that when Michelangelo
took his marble and chiseled it into forms of beauty and awe, it
was because countless thousands had longed to do something like
it, had wrought upon that same material and left it almost as
rude and unfinished as when they began ; that when Paul Green
wrote The Lost Colony, it was not the work alone of a master
craftsman, but of the millions who had gone down in ships to the
sea, to do business in the waters, to see the works of the Lord and
His wonders in the deep. It was made possible by myriads of
men, unidealized, heroic men, who throughout a thousand years
had crossed and recrossed the sea, singing the songs of the siren
until they at last were caught up and made into history and the
North Carolina Symphony.
Wherefore we look for more men of poetic vitality, who need
not make moan over the diminishing poetic material within their
reach, but will pour their imaginations like a vitalizing flood over
the whole range of human activities ; men who will answer their
own prayer that God will send a "man like Bobbie Burns to sing
a song of steam," and straightway will sing that song themselves.
And above all, "let us not weary in well-doing, for in due season
we shall reap, if we faint not."
THE RESTORING OF COLONIAL WILLIAMSBURG
By Thomas Jefferson Wertenbaker
It is fortunate that our country is awakening to the importance
of historical restorations. At a time when our free institutions
are under attack, when foreign nations are assailing us with all
the misrepresentations malice can suggest, when it has become
a frequent practice to belittle the founders of the United States,
it is of the greatest importance that we keep alive the ideals of
our ancestors and live over again the glorious days which gave
us our liberty. And for this is it not of the highest importance
that we preserve as best we can the physical surroundings in
which the epic events of our history took place ?
So, may I congratulate the people of North Carolina on the
steps which have been taken to restore the magnificent Tryon's
Palace at New Bern. Now that the original drawings of the plans
and front elevation by the architect, John Hawks, have been
unearthed in the New York Historical Society, and that patriotic
citizens, by their interest and generosity, have prepared the way
for the restoration, it is to be hoped that nothing will delay the
completion of the plans for rebuilding what must have been the
most imposing residence in colonial America.
For the past two years I have been engaged in writing the
history of the restoring of Colonial Williamsburg. The inception
of this great undertaking, the search for evidence, the use made
of archaeology, the insistence upon accuracy, the securing of
expert advice in every important step, the long search for ap-
propriate furnishings, the restoration of gardens, the removal of
unsightly buildings, pavements, wires and lights, made a fas-
cinating story. This evening I shall share it with you in outline,
trusting that it may be of some service to you in your own under-
takings.
It is only too often today that we hear it said that the world
needs practical men rather than mere dreamers. Yet how often
it is that the things which have brought the greatest advances
had their origin in a dream. The man who dreamed of restoring
Colonial Williamsburg was the Reverend William A. R. Goodwin,
[218]
Restoring of Colonial Williamsburg 219
rector of Bruton Parish Church. As he walked the streets of
Williamsburg, or gazed at the foundations of the old Capitol, or
stood on the site of the Raleigh Tavern, the glories of other days
came alive again. In imagination he heard Patrick Henry denounce
the Stamp Act, saw George Rogers Clark as he outlined his plans
for the conquest of the Northwest, followed Washington's ragged
Continentals as they filed through on their way to Yorktown.
Many of Williamsburg's historic buildings were still standing —
The Chancellor Wythe House, the Peyton Randolph House, the
famous octagonal powder magazine, and lovely Bruton Parish
Church. Others could be rebuilt on the original foundations. Per-
haps there might be some benefactor with the vision and the
financial means to restore the entire original city, someone who
would wave a magic wand over the place to make it again as it had
been as Washington and Jefferson and Governor Fauquier and
Lord Botetourt had known it.
This benefactor he found in John D. Rockefeller, Jr. I had the
privilege of talking with Mr. Rockefeller about the restoring of
Colonial Williamsburg and his motives in entering upon what
proved to be so difficult and expensive an undertaking. "I love old
buildings," he told me, "and it pains me to see them fall into
ruins or be destroyed. But I do not think it worth while to restore
a building unless you can also restore the original setting. In
Williamsburg I saw an opportunity to restore, if not an entire
colonial town, at least complete areas." Mr. Rockefeller visited
Williamsburg several times before he would commit himself, but
in the end he told Dr. Goodwin that he would see the project
through "even though it cost $5,000,000." The final cost was
several times that figure.
"The purpose of Colonial Williamsburg is to re-create as ac-
curately as possible the environment of the men and women of
eighteenth century Williamsburg and to bring about such an
understanding of their lives and times that present and future
generations may more vividly appreciate the contribution of these
early Americans to the ideals and culture of our country."
A difficult task this, a task requiring painstaking research,
infinite patience, attention to the smallest detail. Colonial Wil-
liamsburg, as Mr. Rockefeller planned it, was to be visual history,
220 The North Carolina Historical Review
and history must be based on truth. Thus fidelity became the
cornerstone of the Restoration. The architects, in restoring a
house, must not strive primarily for charm and beauty, but for
accuracy; they must not heed family tradition, but search dili-
gently for contemporaneous evidence.
So Colonial Williamsburg spread an historical dragnet almost
unprecedented in its extent and thoroughness. Research workers
were sent out to go through hundreds of thousands of manu-
scripts, old letters and other papers in the Library of Congress,
the New York Public Library, the library of the American Anti-
quarian Society, the William L. Clements Library, and many
more. Others crossed the Atlantic to comb the British Public
Record Office, the British Museum, the Bodleian Library, the
libraries of France, the Vatican Library, and other depositories.
I would most earnestly recommend similar exhaustive research
in your restorations.
Among the mass of material discovered, one of the most im-
portant items was found right at hand in the library of the Col-
lege of William and Mary. The so-called Frenchman's Map, made
perhaps by one of Rochambeau's engineers during the Revolu-
tion, shows the dimensions of public buildings, private houses,
and yards, and gives the location of fences, gardens, and even
trees. It has been of very great assistance to the architects and
landscape architects.
But the most important find was made in the ancient Bodleian
Library, at Oxford. Years before, Dr. Charles M. Andrews, of
Yale University, had found in the Rawlinson Collection two cop-
per plates, one of which showed several buildings, probably "in
some town in Virginia or Carolina." Miss Mary Goodwin, a cousin
of Dr. Goodwin, who had gone to Great Britain in search of data,
thinking that this town might be Williamsburg, went to Oxford
and, having climbed the stairs to the reading room, waited im-
patiently for the assistant librarian to find the plate. When he
produced it, it was so dusty and corroded that at first the etching
could not be seen. But when some of the dust had been removed
the outline of the Wren Building emerged. Then other buildings
could be seen — the Capitol, the Palace, Braff erton Hall, the Presi-
dent's House.
KEY TO COPPER PLATE FOUND IN BODLEIAN LIBRARY, OXFORD, ENGLAND
Upper Panel
1. Brafferton Hall, at College of William and Mary
2. Wren Building, at College of William and Mary
3. President's House at College of William and Mary
Middle Panel
4. Colonial Capitol
5. View of two rear wings of Wren Building, at College of William and Mary
6. Governor's Palace
Lower Panel (Natives of Virginia and the fauna and flora of that country)
7. Spider
8. Seaweed or kelp
9 & 10 Flora-probably of a medicinal character
11. Tobacco Plant
12. Beetle
13. An Indian woman
14. An Indian man smoking tobacco, displaying
A. ?
B. Arrowhead
C. Bow, arrow, quiver, and tomahawk
D. Spear head
15. Flora — probably of a medicinal character
16. Sea horse
CAPITOL
A close view of the south elevation of the Capitol shows it to be an "H" shaped
building with two semi-circular bays. This structure, closely identified with
the political life of the colony, has been rebuilt on original foundations
modelled after the earlier of two buildings that stood here during the 18th
century. The graceful white cupola bears the arms of Queen Anne, during
whose reign the first Capitol was erected.
GOVERNOR'S PALACE
The Palace was one of the handsomest buildings of colonial America and influenced
the architecture of many of the later plantation homes. Built as the official resi-
dence for the royal governors, it was the center of fashion and social life in the
Virginia Colony. It burned in 1781 while serving as a hospital for the Continental
Army and has been reconstructed upon its original foundations with its flanking
buildings, outbuildings, formal and kitchen gardens, canal, and fish pond.
MMHHH
FORMAL GARDEN, GOVERNOR'S PALACE
The features of an early 18th century garden in Virginia are discernible
in this view of a portion of the Governor's Palace formal ballroom garden.
The diamond shaped parterres in hemlock and the corner garden houses
were shown in the Bodelian Plate view of the Palace. Evidence for the
location of walls and garden structure were found during archaeological
excavations. The simple topiary pieces, hedges, pleached arbor, bulb and
perennial plantings were favorite garden ornaments of this period in
garden history.
GOVERNOR'S PALACE
The Palace for the royal governors, built 1706-1718, was the center of fashion and
social life in the Virginia colony. It has been reconstructed upon its original founda-
tions with its offices, kitchens, outbuildings, formal gardens, and canal.
AYSCOUGH SHOP
This shop near the Capitol has been reconstructed and is the workshop for
skilled cabinetmakers who wear colonial dress and employ 18th century
tools to repair furniture used in the exhibition buildings. Christopher
Ayscough, for whom the shop is named, was gardener at the Palace during
Governor Fauquier's administration and operated a tavern east of this
structure.
Restoring of Colonial Williamsburg 221
This find gave the architects just what had been lacking for
the authentic restoration of the most important buildings. They
might know the exact floor dimensions of the Capitol or the
Palace from the foundations or from plans, but they would still
be partly in the dark so long as they had no drawings of the
elevations. But now their doubts would be dispelled, now they
would have the correct slopes of the roofs, the height and form of
the cupolas, now they could locate dormers, doors, balconies.
By the time the architects were ready to begin digging on the
sites of the old buildings, they were armed with a mass of infor-
mation. But once the work had begun they found to their surprise
that the workman's pick would yield information not less im-
portant than that in books and manuscripts. They had hoped to
find old foundations, with chimney bases and cellar steps, but
they were unprepared for the wealth of material which was dug
up. In America archaeology has been employed almost entirely
to throw light upon the life of the Indians, and they were slow
to realize that beneath the soil at Jamestown, or Plymouth, or
Williamsburg there might be thousands of objects whose dis-
covery would be as important for American history as the open-
ing of an Egyptian tomb, or the uncovering of the market place
of a Greek city was for ancient history.
The archaeologists ran shallow trenches at frequent intervals
over the sites of the buildings which were to be restored. In this
way, in almost every case, they uncovered all or parts of the
foundations, and in some found basements almost intact, with
walls, pavements, and partitions. In working on the site of the
Governor's Palace, it was assumed that when the building burned
objects such as locks or tiles had fallen straight downward, and
so would be directly below their original location. So the entire
basement was divided into small numbered sections, each having
its own box into which all objects within its bounds were put.
Thus a record of the location in which each article was found
was kept for future reference.
The architects were not alone in profiting by the findings of the
archaeologists, for the landscape gardeners found them invalu-
able in restoring some of the old gardens. And the thousands of
fragments of china, glassware, household utensils and tools which
222 The North Carolina Historical Review
were dug up threw light upon the tastes, fashions, habits, domes-
tic life, and trades of the people. The bits of broken china were
innumerable. These the archaeologists tried to piece together like
a jig-saw puzzle, and in some cases a vase or a bowl or a cup was
almost entirely restored.
The people of Williamsburg were especially fond of a cream
colored earthenware called Queensware made by Wedgewood and
other potters. When attempts to find sets of an especially popular
pattern of this ware proved unsuccessful, a representative of the
Restoration went to the Wedgewood works to ask if it would be
possible to make an accurate reproduction. To his surprise the
management, after a brief search, reported that they still had
most of the moulds from which the original sets were made, the
patterns of others, and Josiah Wedgewood's receipt for the clay
mixtures.
For the architectural restoration Mr. Rockefeller and Dr.
Goodwin secured the services of the distinguished Boston firm
Perry, Shaw and Hepburn. They also appointed an Advisory
Committee of Architects, among them Fiske Kimball, A. Law-
rence Kocher, and Thomas E. Tallmadge. This body made it a
guiding principle that "there should be held in the mind of the
architects the distinction between preservation, where the object
is scrupulous retention of the surviving work by ordinary repair,
and restoration, where the object is the recovery of the old form
by new work, and that the largest practicable number of build-
ings should be preserved rather than restored."
At the very outset certain difficulties were encountered. The
brick used in Williamsburg in colonial days is distinctive. Large
in size, durable and varying in color from a salmon yellow to dark
red, it could by no chance be mistaken for New England brick
or even Piedmont Virginia brick. And when laid in the Flemish
bond, as it frequently was, its individuality was emphasized by
the grayish blue glaze of the headers, which gave a checker-board
effect to the walls. Since all attempts to secure duplicates of the
old bricks from the manufacturers failed utterly, the Restoration
was forced to make them themselves, and this entailed the re-
discovery of a lost art.
Restoring of Colonial Williamsburg 223
But they were fortunate in finding a brickmaker in North
Carolina who continued the traditions of the colonial brickmakers,
and brought him with his Negro helpers to Williamsburg. There
he set up his furnace, using hard wood for fuel, moulded the local
clay, and built his fire. But it took many weeks to attain success,
for the bricks, though of the proper color, were without the
essential glaze on the headers. Only when it was found that it
was necessary to place the ends of the bricks next to the fire
and to brush them clear of sand, did the glaze appear. Then the
duplication was so accurate that it is an observant visitor indeed
who can distinguish the newly made bricks from those made by
the eighteenth century workmen.
One of the first houses to be preserved was the John Blair
House, which for two centuries had stood near the west end of
Duke of Gloucester Street. A typical Virginia colonial cottage,
one and a half stories high, with end chimneys and dormers, it
had suffered much from alterations and the hand of time. With
scrupulous care the architects preserved all the old work, re-
placing rotted beams with sound ones, and, removing all modern
additions, substituted new paneling, trim, mantels, chair railings
which followed faithfully in design and contour that of other
houses of Williamsburg and its vicinity. As it stands today the
house is as nearly as it was when the youthful Jefferson strolled
past it on his way to the Palace or the Raleigh Tavern, or when
the ringing of bells announced the signing of the Declaration of
Independence, as careful research in preserving what was origi-
nal in the house could make it.
In coloring, as in other matters, no pains were spared to attain
accuracy. Old newspapers, letters and inventories yielded a mass
of information. Ampthill, Little England, and other colonial Vir-
ginia mansions where the eighteenth century tones had not been
covered over were examined carefully. But various shades of
blues, greens, and yellows which resulted were viewed with skep-
ticism by some of the older citizens, for tradition was insistent
that most of the interior woodwork had been painted white or
gray. When one young architect asked that the white of the
study in one old house should be removed, the family demurred.
Only when he gained permission to scrape away some of the paint
224 The North Carolina Historical Review
and displayed a deeply hidden coat of vivid blue as the first color
of the pine panels were they convinced.
During the seventeenth century the architecture of Virginia
was basically medieval. The little churches were either pure
Gothic, or modifications of the Gothic, the one and a half story
cottages were modelled after the East Anglian houses, which
in turn were Flemish in character. But with the turn of the cen-
tury Renaissance architecture, which since the days of Inigo
Jones had been gaining ground in England, established itself in
Virginia, not only in public buildings, but in the mansions of the
wealthy planters. The first Renaissance building in the colony
was the Wren Building at the College of William and Mary, so-
called because it was designed by Sir Christopher Wren. Gutted
several times by fire, and mutilated by successive architects
through the two and a quarter centuries of its existence, it has
now been restored to all its former dignity and charm.
In restoring the Capitol the architects selected the original
building rather than the second structure built within the old
walls after the fire of 1747, because they had far more evidence
concerning the first building and because it was lovelier and more
architecturally correct. But it was in the second building that
the stirring scenes connected with the Revolution and the birth
of the nation occurred. Here it was that Patrick Henry hurled
defiance at George III, that George Mason introduced his Bill
of Rights, that the assembly instructed the Virginia delegation
to Congress to propose independence, that the first State Con-
stitution was drawn up and adopted, that the conquest of the
northwest by George Rogers Clark was planned.
As the Capitol was the center of the political life of colonial
Virginia, so the Governor's Palace was the center of social life.
Here Governor Spotswood entertained his council with elaborate
dinners; here, in the beautiful ballroom, handsomely gowned
women and bewigged and powdered gentlemen whirled and bowed
to the strains of the minuet; here Governor Fauquier joined with
young Jefferson and other friends in amateur concerts; here
distinguished guests listened to Botetourt discourse on history
or philosophy and examined with keen interest his fine library.
The Palace, like the Capitol, was designed in the Renaissance
Restoring of Colonial Williamsburg 225
style, with a touch of the Dutch in keeping with the trend intro-
duced into England by William III.
Like the Wren Building, Bruton Parish Church was standing
when the Restoration began its work, and like the Wren Building
it had been changed and robbed of much of its charm, especially
in the interior. The frame church which stood on the site or
nearby had been built in the middle of the 17th century. In 1783
it was replaced by a Gothic building showing Flemish influence,
similar to beautiful St. Luke's at Smithfield. The present building
was constructed in 1715 after plans drawn by Governor Spots-
wood.
Among other buildings which have been restored some of the
more interesting are the George Wythe House ; home of the first
law professor in this country and preceptor of Jefferson, Marshall,
and other founders of the nation; the St. George Tucker House,
with its wealth of boxwood ; the President's House at the College
of William and Mary, now occupied by my friend and former
colleague at Princeton, John E. Pomfret.
Since the objects with which we equip our homes are reflections
of ourselves and of the age in which we live, the replacing of
furniture, hangings, portraits, rugs, lighting fixtures, silverware,
pewter, china, and glassware became for the Restoration a mat-
ter of first importance. And the principle of fidelity required, not
only that so far as possible each room be fitted with replicas of
its former furnishings, but that these replicas give the impres-
sion of being in everyday use. In the parlor of the Palace the open
book and steel spectacles on the sofa and the teapot and cups on
the japanned table suggest that the occupants have left the room
but for a few moments.
To replace the thousands of objects which had been in the
Capitol, the Palace, the Raleigh Tavern, and other buildings
proved a task of great difficulty. In the Capitol the staff had to
follow the instructions of the Act of Assembly of 1703, which
provided for an oval table in the Council Chamber, for chairs,
candlesticks, sconces, and the like. Since there was little hope of
finding original pieces which would conform exactly to these
specifications and at the same time could be purchased, the Res-
toration devoted its efforts to making replicas. The oval table
226 The North Carolina Historical Review
was replaced by a beautifully constructed replica of the table in
the Chapter House at St. Paul's Cathedral in London, the twenty-
four high cane chairs by replicas of a chair in the Morgan collec-
tion of the Wadsworth Athenaeum, at Hartford, Conn.
More perplexing was the problem presented by Governor
Nicholson's statement in 1704 that the "properest place" for
the portrait by Sir Godfrey Kneller of Queen Anne was the
Council Chamber. For many months the staff searched in vain.
Then one day as the architects were turning the pages of a cata-
logue of portraits for sale by the Eden family, they noted as a
minor item "Portrait of Queen Anne, 50 inches by 40, by Sir
Godfrey Kneller." When Sir Anthony Eden was approached, he
said : "If it be for that purpose they may have it for L 100." So
Queen Anne looks down from the wall upon the table with its
candlesticks and inkstands with the same quiet dignity as in the
days when the circle of chairs were occupied by her governor and
his councillors.
Whereas the Capitol is filled with replicas, the Raleigh Tavern
has been refurnished with originals. The staff sought to make
decisions just as though Anthony Hay, the old proprietor, were
looking over their shoulders and telling them what to select,
where to place each table or chair, where to hang each curtain.
And could Mr. Hay today usher a Washington, or a Byrd, or a
Tayloe into the parlor he could indeed be proud of its furnishings.
The colonial cherry secretary, the mahogany sofa, the mahogany
looking glasses decorated with gold leaf, the Windsor chair, the
maple gateleg table all contribute to the atmosphere of livable-
ness and good taste.
Passing through the hall the guest finds himself in the famous
Apollo Room, furnished in keeping with its use for dining and
dancing and quiet conversation. But the most beautiful of the
Tavern rooms is the Daphne. Here the gray tone of the wall-
paper forms a lovely background for the golden damask curtains.
The English mahogany center table, the Chippendale chairs, the
Hepplewhite sideboard, the oval mirror, all harmonize with the
marble mantel and the Georgian woodwork.
The restored Williamsburg is a museum in the best sense of
the word, a museum of architecture, of paintings, of silverware,
Restoring of Colonial Williamsburg 227
of china and pottery, of costumes, of colonial crafts, not set aside
in separate compartments but mingled one with the other as
though in actual use. The lovely damask curtains of the ballroom
of the Palace would lose part of their charm were it not for the
robin's egg blue of the walls and the light which glitters from the
glass of the chandeliers; the walls and the chandeliers in turn
would seem out of place without the ornately carved cornices and
wainscoting; the cornices and wainscoting would be less attrac-
tive without the exquisite furniture, the furniture without the
silverware, the china, the portraits.
"To undertake to preserve a single building when its environ-
ment has changed and is no longer in keeping, has always seemed
to me unsatisfactory." These words of Mr. Rockefeller make it
clear that from the first he considered the restoration of gardens
and greens and street trees just as necessary as the restoration
of old houses.
Mr. Arthur Shurcliff and other landscape architects when
they began their work accepted the key-word of the Restoration
— accuracy— as the basic principle upon which to proceed. They
must spare no pains to discover the design of each old garden,
to find out what trees had lined the old walks, what flowering
shrubs had added their wealth of color, what fruit trees and
vegetables had grown in the kitchen gardens. They must resist
the temptation to strive for beauty. Perhaps beauty might come
as the reward of accuracy, perhaps they could trust to the good
taste of the landscape gardeners of two centuries ago.
Mr. Shurcliff was greatly aided by the findings of the archae-
ologists — paths, steps, wall foundations, fence holes, bits of
broken urns. And though plant survivals were meagre, so that
rarely could he be sure that a sycamore had stood on this spot
or a holly on that, or that a beech hedge lined that walk, he
found abundant evidence of the existence in Colonial Williamsburg
of sycamores, holly, and beech. In fact he knew, from old letters,
documents, and books, just what plants had been used by the
colonial gardeners and just which ones they had been un-
acquainted with. And they could be reasonably certain that
most of the trees still standing were descendants of those of
former days — pin oaks, red oaks, live oaks, tulip trees, white
228 The North Carolina Historical Review
poplars, catalpas, red maples, white mulberries, lindens, mag-
nolias, water beeches, and others.
For the design of the pleasure gardens Mr. Shurcliff was forced
in most cases to rely on precedent, since often all traces of walks
and plants had been lost. So he visited England to study the
source of the Virginia designs, and then made a tour of surviving
Virginia and Maryland gardens. At Westover, or Brandon, or
Tulip Hill one might find him armed with notebook, tapeline, and
camera, measuring the width of walks, listing the names of trees,
shrubs, and flowers, noting the relationship of planting to build-
ings.
The Williamsburg gardens were formal in design, with geo-
metric patterns outlined with walks and hedges of boxwood or
holly, and occasionally embellished with urns, walls, stairs, and
ornamental gates. Great use was made of topiary work, for it
had become the fashion in England at the end of the seventeenth
century, introduced there by the Dutch gardeners of William III.
But the Virginia gardeners never went to the extreme of cutting
evergreens into grotesque patterns so common in England- — an
elephant, a bird, a ship.
Typical of the small Williamsburg garden is that of the Bryan
estate, at the corner of Duke of Glouchester and Nassau Streets,
designed by the present landscape gardener, Mr. Alden Hopkins.
The plan emphasises a small central square, edged with box,
whose corners indent four enclosing beds also edged with box.
Balancing this central design are four rectangular beds, two to
the north and two to the south, which give depth to the garden
when viewed from the street. To the right, just inside a high
plank fence, is a light, airy arbor, where one may sit on summer
afternoons with the sun at his back and look out over the central
bed. Within the four beds which surround the center squares ac-
cent has been attained by topiary work, while the outer beds are
set off by dwarf apple trees placed within each corner. The whole
is framed by a row of peach trees, while on either side of the
street gate are medlars, so frequently mentioned in old garden
books.
At the Wythe House the most prominent feature of the gardens
is the mall. This lovely expanse is separated from a small box
Restoring of Colonial Williamsburg 229
garden directly in the rear of the house by an ornate fence,
whence it extends several hundred feet to a low terrace dominated
by an arbor. To right and left are long box hedges, lined by flower
beds on the inside and rows of sycamores on the outside. The
expanse of turf, the rows of small box trees just inside the flower
beds, and four small outbuildings complete a scene of beauty and
dignity. It was Addison who said, "a garden is apt to fill the mind
with calmness and tranquility," and one likes to think that this
lovely garden on which Chancellor Wythe looked daily contributed
to the wisdom and steadfastness of his career in an age of strife
and revolution.
At the Palace are a series of gardens, each having its own de-
sign, each its own atmosphere. The prevailing note of the ball-
room garden is dignity. The stately walk leading from the north
door of the Palace to the North Garden, the clipped boxwood trees
which flank it and the north wing of the Palace, the ornate lead
vases, the diamond shaped beds enclosed by hemlock hedges, the
shell marl paths, the wooden seats, the east and west gates, the
enclosing oak and beech shade trees, all are suggestive of men in
knickerbockers and powdered wigs who stroll arm in arm with
richly attired ladies along the paths or stop to admire some es-
pecially beautiful rose, or sit on the garden benches. The design,
determined in part by the Bodleian plate which shows the dia-
mond shaped beds and the intersecting walks, was quite familiar
to English landscape architects.
And now it occurred to Dr. Goodwin and Mr. Rockefeller that
it would add greatly to the Restoration if they could revive cer-
tain phases of colonial life. Perhaps they could put the hostesses,
the waiters at the taverns, the gardeners in colonial costumes;
perhaps they could put old coaches on the streets, driven by liver-
ied Negroes; perhaps they could revive some of the colonial
crafts, so that visitors could see the smith at work at the forge,
the cabinetmaker turning out tables and chairs with his primitive
tools, the barber making wigs, the chandler moulding candles.
It was on October 18, 1937, that three restored shops — the
Ayscough cabinetmaker's shop; the silver, pewter, and brass
shop operating under the sign of the Golden Ball ; and the Deane
Smithy — were opened to the public. The response was immediate.
230 The North Carolina Historical Review
Visitors poured in to examine the ancient tools, watch the crafts-
men in their knickerbockers and leather aprons at work at the
bench or the anvil, and admire the products they had finished.
Those who strolled down Prince George Street from the Palace
Green saw on the right a little building with a wooden horse's
head affixed to the front wall and a high post near the roadway
bearing aloft the sign "Deane Shop and Forge." On entering one
leaves the twentieth century behind. Here in the forge are the
glowing embers, here the bellows, here the grip tongs, here the
hammers, here a pile of horseshoes. In the center the smith him-
self stands beside the anvil with red hot horseshoe grasped firmly
by the tongs in his left hand, while he makes the sparks fly with
blows from the heavy hammer in his right hand.
The restoration of the crafts has been handicapped by the
difficulty of securing workers trained in those arts which in the
United States have almost ceased to exist. Work which in colonial
days was done by hand, now is done by machinery. So the Resto-
ration considered itself fortunate when they found in Max Rieg
a master silversmith and pewterer, in Joseph Kobelbauer a skilled
cabinetmaker, and in Mrs. Bonnie Brown a spinner who had ac-
quired deftness by spinning the soft hair of Angora cats. Among
the other craftsmen are the barber and peruke maker, the shoe-
maker, the Chandler.
Nor less effective in making the old city come alive is the use of
colonial costumes for hostesses, coachmen, waiters, and footmen.
Since styles in clothing changed almost as rapidly in the
eighteenth century as in the twentieth, it was necessary to select
one decade and make all costumes in the styles then in vogue. It
would not do to have a gentleman clothed after the fashion of
1710 bowing to a lady garbed in a gown of 1770. So the decade
from 1750 to 1760 was selected.
Today the visitor to the Palace, or the Capitol, or the Raleigh
Tavern thinks that the hostess who conducts him from room to
room has stepped directly out of the colonial period. He is in-
terested in the contrasting parts of her costume — the quilted
petticoat of one color, its embroidery of another, the dress of
a third. The hoops over which the dress is draped are narrow
in front and behind, but very wide at the hips, with hinges to per-
Restoring of Colonial Williamsburg 231
mit passing through narrow doors. The waist is small, the neck
cut low in front and high behind, the hair carried back from the
forehead to end perhaps in a loose curl on the right shoulder, the
stockings white, on the head a dainty muslin or lace cap, on the
feet brocade shoes with buckles and heels of medium height.
There is abundant evidence that the people of Colonial Williams-
burg were fond of good music. Governor Fauquier, who was an
accomplished performer, every week invited Thomas Jefferson
and several other amateurs to the Palace to join him in a concert
of chamber music. We know that Jefferson played the violin, and
it is probable that the governor or one of the other guests sat at
the harpsichord, while the others performed on the French horn,
German flute, trumpet, guitar, or violincello. It was appropriate,
then, that the Restoration, in reviving eighteenth century music,
should have inaugurated its program in the ballroom of the
Palace, where undoubtedly Fauquier and his friends held their
concerts. The first of these concerts, in which eighteenth century
instruments as well as eighteenth century music were used, was
held in May, 1938.
On July 16, 1928, Mr. Rockefeller wrote: "With profound in-
terest I shall watch the progress of this undertaking in which I
am happy to have a part, and shall look forward with keen antici-
pation to the day when Williamsburg shall be a national historic
shrine, commemorating for all time those fundamental qualities
and human personalities upon which our nation was founded."
Time has brought the fulfillment of these hopes. Though
Colonial Williamsburg has had its effect upon architecture and
the creative arts, its chief contributions, as Mr. Rockefeller fore-
saw, have been spiritual. Brick and trees and flowers are of
interest chiefly because of the men with whom they were asso-
ciated and whose ideals, hopes, culture, and life they reflect. The
builders of this nation have handed down to succeeding genera-
tions a rich heritage, a heritage of self-government, of self-
reliance, of human dignity, of human rights. It is of the greatest
importance that Americans today should have a sense of grati-
tude to the founders for this priceless legacy and a firm determi-
nation to preserve it.
To this end the Restoration has contributed its share. Of the
thousands who go through the restored buildings, those are
232 The North Carolina Historical Review
insensible indeed who do not live over again the glorious days
which won American liberty and created the nation, who do not
thrill to the eloquence of Patrick Henry, listen in reverence as
George Mason introduces his Bill of Rights, hear the bell in
Bruton Parish Church ring out the tidings of independence.
The visitor to Williamsburg takes away a new understanding
of the everyday life of the Americans of two centuries ago, of
their taste in architecture, furniture, gardens, silverware, and
ceramics, of their appreciation of literature, music, and art, but,
above all, he has gained an insight into their minds and hearts,
into the ideals which impelled them to create the nation and
shape its character.
NORTH CAROLINA BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1948-1949 1
By Mary Lindsay Thornton
Bibliography and Libraries
ADAMS, AGATHA BOYD, editor. Report on the workshop
for college and university librarians held at the University
of North Carolina, July 26-30, 1948. Chapel Hill, N. C, School
of Library Science, University of North Carolina, 1948. iii,
46 p. Apply pa.
BARDOLPH, RICHARD. Agricultural literature and the early
Illinois farmer. Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 1948.
200 p. $2.00.
BEAL, MARJORIE. Libraries in North Carolina, a survey.
Raleigh, The North Carolina Library Association, 1948. 90 p.
illus. Apply The North Carolina Library Commission,
Raleigh.
NORTH CAROLINA. SECRETARY OF STATE. Public-Local
and private laws index, 1900-1945, edited and issued by Thad
Eure, Secretary of State. [Raleigh, 1948?] 606 p. $4.00.
THOMPSON, EDGAR TRISTRAM. Race and region ; a descrip-
tive bibliography. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina
Press, 1949. xii, 194 p. $5.00.
WILSON, LOUIS ROUND. Report of a survey of the libraries
of Cornell University for the Library Board, by Louis R.
Wilson and Maurice F. Tauber. Ithaca, N. Y., Cornell Uni-
versity, 1948. 202 p. $2.00, pa.
Religion and Philosophy
ANDERSON, ROBERT CAMPBELL. Story of Montreat from
its beginning, 1897-1947. Montreat, N. C, The Author, [1949]
xiv, 237 p. illus. $2.75.
CUSHMAN, ROBERT EARL. More hilltop verses and prayers ;
more collected poems of Ralph Spaulding Cushman, with pray-
ers by Robert Earl Cushman. New York, Abingdon-Cokes-
bury Press, [1949]. 96 p. $1.00.
DICKS, RUSSELL LESLIE. Pastoral work and personal coun-
seling, an introd. to pastoral care. New York, Macmillan Co.,
1949. xii, 195 pp. $2.50.
1 Books dealing with North Carolina or by North Carolinians published during the year
ending August 31, 1949.
[233]
234 The North Carolina Historical Review
FRIES, ADELAIDE LISETTA. Distinctive customs and prac-
tices of the Moravian Church. Bethlehem, Pa., Commenius
Press, 1949. 64 p. $.25 pa.
GARTH, JOHN GOODALL. Sixty years of home missions in
the Presbyterian Synod of North Carolina. [Charlotte, N. C,
The Synod of North Carolina, 1949?] 86 p. ports. Apply
Author, Charlotte, N. C, pa.
HILKER, ELMER ALBERT. It does add up. Boston, Chris-
topher Publishing House, [1948]. 142 p. $2.50.
JORDAN, GERALD RAY. The hour has come. New York,
Abingdon-Cokesbury Press, 1948. 152 p. $1.75.
LINDLEY, PERCY ELLIOTT. Rise up and walk. Boston,
Chapman and Grimes, 1949. 167 p. $2.50.
NORTH CAROLINA. UNIVERSITY. INSTITUTE FOR RE-
SEARCH IN SOCIAL SCIENCE. Church and community in
the South. . . by Gordon W. Blackwell, Lee M. Brooks [and]
S. H. Hobbs, Jr. Richmond, John Knox Press, 1949. xi, 416
p. illus. $6.00.
PETRY, RAY C, editor. The uncertain sound; sermons that
shaped the pulpit tradition. Philadelphia, Presbyterian Board
of Christian Education, Publication Department, 1948. viii,
331 p. $4.50.
REID, ALBERT CLAYTON. Resources for worship ; with an
introduction by Harold W. Tribble. New York, Abingdon-
Cokesbury Press, [1949]. 154 p. $2.00.
SAUNDERS, RICHARD R., compiler. Open doors and closed
windows of the First Baptist Church of Reidsville, North Caro-
lina. Reidsville, The Church, 1948. xii, 308 p. illus. Apply.
Economics and Sociology
BRADFORD, GERTRUDE. Economics, a syllabus of questions
and answers. New York, The Exposition Press, [c.1948]
87 p. $.85, pa.
BROWNELL, WILLIAM ARTHUR. Meaningful vs. mechanical
learning, a study in grade III substraction, by William A.
Brownell and Harold E. Moser. Durham, N. C, Duke Univer-
sity Press, 1949. (Duke University research studies in edu-
cation. No. 8) xvi, 207 p. $3.00, pa.
CHASE, RICHARD, editor. Grandfather tales ; American-Eng-
lish folk tales. Boston, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1948.
ix, 239 p. illus., music. $2.75.
North Carolina Bibliography, 1948-1949 235
COHEN, ALFRED EUGENE. Divorce and alimony in North
Carolina; with forms. Charlottesville, Va., Michie Company,
1949. xii, 562 p.
COLE, ROBERT TAYLOR. The Canadian bureaucracy ; a study
of Canadian civil servants and other public employees, 1939-
1947. Durham, N. C, Duke University Press, 1949. ix, 292 p.
$5.00.
CRAIG, HARDIN. Freedom and renaissance. Chapel Hill,
University of North Carolina Press, 1949. xi, 117 p. $2.50.
DEMING, GEORGE H. Technical aids to North Carolina offi-
cials ; a directory . . . under the supervision of Paul W. Wager.
Chapel Hill, N. C, Institute for Research in Social Science,
1948. ix, 158 p. Gratis, pa.
ELON COLLEGE. GENERAL ALUMNI ASSOCIATION.
Elon College alumni directory, 1948, James F. Darden, editor.
Elon College, N. C, 1948. [4], 104, [4] p. illus. $1.00, pa.
FESLER, JAMES WILLIAM. Area and administration. Tus-
caloosa, University of Alabama, 1949. 158 p. $2.50.
GHOLSON, EDWARD. The Negro looks into the South.
Boston, Chapman & Grimes, [1947] 115 p. $2.75.
HENDERSON, ARCHIBALD. The campus of the first state
university. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press,
1949. xvi, 412 p. illus. $5.00.
JOUBERT, WILLIAM H. Southern freight rates in transition.
Gainesville, University of Florida Press, 1949. xiii, 424 p.
illus. $6.00.
KING, SPENCER BIDWELL. Selective service in North Caro-
lina in World War II. Chapel Hill, University of North Caro-
lina Press, 1949. xxiv, 451 p. illus. $6.00.
KNIGHT, EDGAR WALLACE, editor. A documentary history
of education in the South before 1860. Chapel Hill, University
of North Carolina Press, [1949] v.l. European inheritances.
$12.50.
LIVELY, ROBERT A. The South in action, a sectional crusade
against freight discrimination. Chapel Hill, University of
North Carolina Press, 1949. (James Sprunt studies in history
and political science, v.30) viii, 98 p. $1.25, pa.
McILWAIN, WILLIAM. Legends of Baptist Hollow, tales of
Wake Forest College, by Bill Mcllwain and Walt Friedenberg.
Wake Forest, N. C, Delta Publishing Company, 1949. 67 p.
illus. $1.00, pa.
236 The North Carolina Historical Review
MESSICK, JOHN DECATUR. The discretionary powers of
school boards. Durham, N. C, Duke University Press, 1949.
xix, 147 p. $3.00.
NORTH CAROLINA. STATE EDUCATION COMMISSION.
Education in North Carolina today and tomorrow, the report
of the State Education Commission. Raleigh, United Forces
for Education, 1948. x,[l] 450 p. Apply office of the Supt.
of Public Instruction.
PORTERFIELD, AUSTIN LARIMORE. Crime, suicide and
social well-being in your state and city [by] Austin L. Porter-
field and Robert H. Talbert with the assistance of Herbert R.
Mundhenke. Fort Worth, Texas Christian University, 1948.
viii, 121 p. maps. $2.25. Material given by states and selected
cities.
SANDERS, WILEY BRITTON. Juvenile courts in North Caro-
lina. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1948.
viii, 210 p. $4.00.
SIMPSON, WILLIAM HAYS. Workmen's compensation in
South Carolina. [Durham, N. C, 1949] 156 p. $3.00 pa.
STROUP, THOMAS BRADLEY. Humanistic scholarship in the
South, a survey of work in progress, comp. by Thomas B.
Stroup with the assistance of Rembert W. Patrick. [Chapel
Hill] University of North Carolina Press, 1948. 165 p. $2.00.
WAGER, PAUL WOODFORD. Technical aids to North Carolina
officials ; an analysis, by Paul W. Wager and George H. Dem-
ing. Chapel Hill, Institute for Research in Social Science,
University of North Carolina, 1948. viii, 91 p. Gratis, pa.
WILLIAMS, EDITH WEBB. Research in southern regional
development. Richmond, Dietz Press, 1948. (Southern asso-
ciation of science and industry. Monograph no. 3) 145 p.
illus. $3.00, pa.
WYNNE, JOHN PETER. Philosophies of education from the
standpoint of the philosophy of experimentalism. New York,
1947. xiv, 427 p. $2.50.
Science
BLOMQUIST, HUGO LEANDER. The grasses of North Caro-
lina. Durham, Duke University Press, 1948. vi, 276 p. illus.
$7.50.
KATTSOFF, LOUIS OSGOOD. A philosophy of mathematics.
Ames, Iowa State College Press, 1948. ix, 266 p. $5.00.
North Carolina Bibliography, 1948-1949 237
Applied Science and Useful Arts
EMMERSON, JOHN CLOYD. The steam-boat comes to Norfolk
Harbor, and the log of the first ten years, 1815-1825 ; together
with some account of early steam boats in North Carolina
waters. . . . [Portsmouth? Va.] 1949. vii, 455 p. $6.00, pa.
HAMBLEN, EDWIN CROWELL. Facts about the change of
life. Springfield, 111., Charles C. Thomas, 1949. vii, 86 p.
illus. $2.50.
HAMBLEN, EDWIN CROWELL. Facts for childless couples.
Springfield, 111., Charles C. Thomas, 1949. vii, 103 p. $2.00.
NORTH CAROLINA. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR. Directory
of manufacturing firms, North Carolina, 1948. Raleigh, 1948.
$1.00, pa.
ROBERT, JOSEPH CLARKE. The story of tobacco in America.
New York, A. A. Knopf, 1949. xii, 296, xxiv p. illus. $3.00.
SLAUGHTER, FRANK GILL. That none should die. New
York, Doubleday and Company, 1949. 423 p. $3.00.
Fine Arts
CHASE, RICHARD, compiler. Hullabaloo, and other singing
folk games . . . with six piano settings by Hilton Rufty.
Boston, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1949. 57 p. illus. $2.00.
GASQUE, JIM. Hunting and fishing in the Great Smokies.
New York, A. A. Knopf, 1948. xiii, 210, v p. $3.75.
NORBURN, HOPE ROBERTSON. Melodies for moppets . . .
words and illustrations by Hope R. Norburn, music by Hope
T. Robertson. [Asheville? N. C, Miller Press, c.1948] [62] p.
illus. $2.50.
NORDEN, LAURA HOWELL. Just about music. Wilmington,
N. C, Wilmington Printing Company, 1948. xi, 171, [4] p.
$2.50.
Poetry
HULME, FRANCIS PLEDGER. Come up the valley, ballards
and poems. New Brunswick, N. J., Rutgers University Press,
1949. ix, 92 p. illus. $3.00.
JONES, DECATUR. The impure hand. Prairie City, 111., The
Decker Press, [c.1948] 48 p. $2.00.
MILES, HERBERT DE LA HA YE. Look up, O world ; poems.
Boston, B. Humphries, [1948] 151 p. port. $2.75.
238 The North Carolina Historical Review
NORBURN, HOPE ROBERTSON. Above the brink and other
poems. Philadelphia, Dorrance and Company, Inc., 1949.
59 p. illus. $1.75.
PEARSON, JAMES LARKIN. Plowed ground, humorous and
dialect poems. Guilford College, N. C, The Author, 1949.
$2.00. Order from the Author, Friendly Road, Guilford Col-
lege, N. C.
SHULL, LENA MEARLE. Night is always kind. Dallas,
Texas, Kaleidograph Press, [1948] 69 p. $2.00.
STREET, JULIA MONTGOMERY. Street lights. [Winston-
Salem, N. C, Cynthia Hensel, 1949] [15] p. Limited to 100
copies.
Drama
GREEN, PAUL ELIOT. The common glory, a symphonic drama
of American history, with music, commentary, English folk-
song and dance. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina
Press, [1948] ix, 273 p. illus. $2.75.
JURGENSEN, KAI, editor. Fourteen plays for the church
[ed. by] Robert Schenkkan and Kai Jurgensen. New Bruns-
wick, N. J., Rutgers University Press, 1948. xii, 268, [7] p.
illus. $3.00.
SELDEN, SAMUEL, editor. International folk plays. Chapel
Hill, University of North Carolina Press, [1949] xxiii, 285
p. (The Carolina Playmakers series) $5.00.
WOLFE, THOMAS. Mannerhouse, a play in a prologue and
three acts. New York, Harper & Brothers, 1948. 183 p. $3.00.
Fiction 2
ADAMS, MRS. JULIETTE GRAVES. Day in a doll's life, by
Mrs. Crosby Adams. [Asheville, N. C, Inland Press, c.1948]
21 p. illus. $2.00. Juvenile.
BECKER, KATE HARBES. Was it worth while? Belmont,
N. C, Outline Company, 1947. 186 p. $3.00.
BLYTHE, LE GETTE. Bold Galilean. Chapel Hill, University
of North Carolina Press, 1948. 317 p. $3.50.
BURGWYN, MEBANE HOLOMAN. Lucky mischief. New
York, Oxford University Press, 1949. 246 p. illus. $2.50.
Juvenile.
BURT, KATHARINE NEWLIN. Still water. Philadelphia,
Macrae-Smith Company, 1948. 287 p. $2.75.
2 With a North Carolina setting or by a North Carolinian.
North Carolina Bibliography, 1948-1949 239
BURT, KATHARINE NEWLIN. Strong citadel. New York,
C. Scribner's Sons, 1949. 281 p. $3.00.
CREDLE, ELLIS. My. pet Peepelo, photos by Charles Town-
send. New York, Oxford University Press, 1948. 62 p. illus.
$2.00. Juvenile.
DAVIDSON, CHALMERS GASTON. Cloud over Catawba.
[Charlotte, N. C] Published under the sponsorship of the
Mecklenburg Historical Society, 1949. v, 210 p. $2.75.
DAVIS, BURKE. Whisper my name, a novel. New York, Rine-
hart and Company, Inc., [1949] 282 p. $2.75.
FITZ-SIMONS, FOSTER. Bright leaf. New York, Rinehart
and Company, Inc., [1948] 631 p. $3.50.
FLETCHER, INGLIS. Roanoke hundred, a novel. Indian-
apolis, Bobbs-Merrill Company, [1948] 492 p. $3.50.
GRANT, DOROTHY FREMONT. Devil's food. New York,
Longmans, Green and Company, 1949. 282 p. $3.00.
HARRIS, BERNICE KELLY. Hearthstones, a novel of the
Roanoke River country in North Carolina. Garden City, N. Y.,
Doubleday and Company, 1948. 273 p. $3.00.
HARRIS, MATTIE VIRGINIA. Weddin' trimmin's. New
York, Exposition Press, [1949] 233 p. $3.00.
MARSHALL, ROBERT K. Little Squire Jim. New York, Duell,
Sloan and Pearce, [1949] 255 p. $2.75.
MILLER, HELEN TOPPING. The sound of chariots ; a novel
of John Sevier and the State of Franklin. Indianapolis, Bobbs-
Merrill Company, [1947] 288 p. $2.75.
MITCHELL, JOSEPH. Old Mr. Flood. New York, Duell,
Sloan and Peace, [1948] viii, 111 p. $2.00.
ROUNDS, GLEN. Stolen pony. New York, Holiday House,
[1948] 154 p. illus. $2.00. Juvenile.
RUARK, ROBERT CHESTER. I didn't know it was loaded.
Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday and Company, 1948. 255 p.
illus. $2.50.
SANDBURG, CARL. Remembrance Rock. New York, Har-
court, Brace & Company, [1948] 1067 p. $5.00.
SLAUGHTER, FRANK GILL. Sangaree. Garden City, N. Y.,
Doubleday and Company, 1948. 306 p. $3.00.
240 The North Carolina Historical Review
STREET, JAMES HOWELL. Tomorrow we reap, by James
Street and James Childers. New York, Dial Press, 1949.
384 p. $3.00.
WELLMAN, MANLY WADE. Mystery of Lost Valley. New
York, Thomas Nelson and Sons, [1948] 176 p. $2.50.
Literature Other Than Poetry, Drama, or Fiction
CRAIG, HARDIN. An interpretation of Shakespeare. New
York, Dryden Press, [1948] ix, 400 p. $3.75.
FRIEDERICH, WERNER PAUL. An outline-history of Ger-
man literature. New York, Barnes and Noble, [1948] vi, 326
p. $1.50, pa.
GILBERT, ALLAN H. Symbolic persons in the masques of
Ben Jonson. Durham, Duke University Press, 1948. xi, 297 p.
illus. $6.00.
GOHDES, CLARENCE, editor. Faint clews and indirections:
manuscripts of Walt Whitman and his family, edited by Clar-
ence Gohdes and Rollo G. Silver. Durham, N. C, Duke Uni-
versity Press, 1949. xii, 245 p. $5.00.
HARTLEY, LODWICK CHARLES, editor. Patterns in modern
drama [ed. by] Lodwick Hartley [and] Arthur Ladu. New
York, Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1948. vi, 496 p. $4.00.
HOWELL, ALMONTE. Ensayos sobre literature norteameri-
cana. Guatemala, C.A., 1948. 80 p. Apply Author, Chapel
Hill, N. C, pa.
RUSSELL, HARRY KITSUN, editor. Literature in English,
edited by H. K. Russell, William Wells, Donald A. Stauffer.
New York, Henry Holt and Company, [c.1948] x, 1174 p.
$5.50.
Genealogy
ADAMS, MARY LIZZIE HALL. The Hall family history.
[Athens, Ga., Speering Printing Company for Mrs. T. L.
Adams] 1949. [7] 443 p. illus. $6.35. Order from Mrs.
J. H. Adams, Rt. 4, Statesville, N. C.
BROUGHTON, CARRIE L., compiler. Marriage and death
notices in Raleigh Register and North Carolina State Gazette,
1846-1855. [Raleigh, North Carolina State Library, 1949]
531 p. Apply, pa.
EWING, LINDA CUNNINGHAM. My forebears ; history of the
Cunningham, Knox, Gibson, Borders [and] Ewing families,
by Linda Cunningham Ewing. [Atlanta, J. T. Hancock, 1946]
112 p. illus. $5.00.
North Carolina Bibliography, 1948-1949 241
LEA, REBA FITZPATRICK. The Lea family in Nelson Coun-
ty, Virginia, their history and genealogy. [Lynchburg, Va.,
Brown-Morrison Company, 1946] 245 p. illus. Apply Mrs.
Luke Lea, Lovingston, Va. A North Carolina family now liv-
ing in Virginia.
McFARLAND, WILBUR GALLOWAY. Turner Allen's fore-
bears, a sketch. [Durham] 1946. 102 p. Fifty copies from
typewritten manuscript. Apply, D. T. Smithwick, Louisburg,
N. C.
WILLIAMS, ROBERT MURPHY. Williams and Murphy rec-
ords and related families. Raleigh, Edwards and Broughton
Company, 1949. xii, 369 p. ports. Order from Compiler, 306
Mayflower Drive, Greensboro, N. C, $10.
YOUNG, EDWARD HUDSON. Our Young family in America.
Durham, N. C, 1947. xvii, 315 p. illus. Apply Author, Bever-
ly Apartments, Durham, N. C.
History and Travel
CALDWELL, WALLACE EVERETT. World history ; the story
of man through the ages [by] Wallace E. Caldwell [and]
Edward H. Merrill. Chicago, B. H. Sanborn, [c.1949] ix,
870 p. illus. $3.95.
CRAVEN, WESLEY FRANK. The southern colonies in the
seventeenth century, 1607-1689. [Baton Rouge] Louisiana
State University Press, 1949. xv, 451 p. illus. (A history of
the South, v.l) $6.00.
FRIES, ADELAIDE LISETTA. Forsyth, a county on the
march, by Adelaide L. Fries [and others] Chapel Hill, Uni-
versity of North Carolina Press, 1949. vii, 248 p. illus. $3.50.
HARDEN, JOHN WILLIAM. The Devil's tramping ground,
and other North Carolina mystery stories. Chapel Hill, Uni-
versity of North Carolina Press, [1949] xi, 178 p. illus. $3.00.
IVEY, JOHN ELI, JR. Building Atlanta's future, by John E.
Ivey, Jr., Nicholas J. Demerath [and] Woodrow W. Breland.
Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, [1948] xii,
305 p. illus. $3.50.
JOHNSON, GERALD WHITE. Our English heritage. Phila-
delphia, J. B. Lippincott Company, 1949. 253 p. $3.50.
MORGAN, MURRAY C. Dixie raider, the saga of the C.S.S.
Shenandoah. New York, E. P. Dutton and Company, Inc.,
1948. 336 p. illus. $4.00.
242 The North Carolina Historical Review
MURRAY, PAUL. The Whig Party in Georgia, 1825-1853.
Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1948. vii,
219 p. (The James Sprunt studies in history and political
science, v.29) $1.25, pa.
NEWSOME, ALBERT RAY, editor. Studies in history and po-
litical science. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina
Press, 1947. xi, 298 p. (North Carolina. University. Sesqui-
centennial publications) o.p.
RAPPORT, LEONARD. Rendez-vous with destiny, a history of
the 101st airborne division by Leonard Rapport and Arthur
Northwood, Jr. Washington, Infantry Journal Press, [c.1948]
xii, 810 p. illus. $7.50.
SHARPE, WILLIAM P., editor. North Carolina, a description
by counties, compiled by the Division of Advertising and News
of the North Carolina Department of Conservation and De-
velopment. Raleigh, Warren Publishing Company, 1948. No
paging. $5.00.
STICK, DAVID. Fabulous Dare, the story of Dare County, past
and present. Kity Hawk, N. C, Dare Press, [1949] 71 p.
illus. $2.00.
VANCE, RUPERT BAYLESS. Exploring the South, by Rupert
B. Vance, John E. Ivey, Jr., and Marjorie N. Bond; aids to
learning by Mary Sue Beam Fonville. Chapel Hill, University
of North Carolina Press, [1949] x, 404 p. illus. $3.50.
WHITAKER, WALTER. Centennial history of Alamance County,
1849-1949, by Walter Whitaker, in collaboration with Staley
A. Cook and A. Howard White. Burlington, N. C, Burlington
Chamber of Commerce, [1949] xvii, 270 p. illus. $3.50.
WHITENER, DANIEL JAY. History of Watauga County, North
Carolina and History of Appalachian State Teachers College,
1899-1949. [Boone, Boone Chamber of Commerce, 1949] 112 p.
illus. Apply, pa.
Autobiography and Biography
ADAMS, AGATHA BOYD. John Charles McNeill, a biograph-
ical sketch. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press,
1949. 32 p. (The University of North Carolina. Library
extension publication, v.14, no.2) $.50; in North Carolina,
<p.Zt), pa.
BAUM, PAULL FRANKLIN. Tennyson sixty years after. Chapel
Hill, University of North Carolina Press, [1948] xi, 331 p.
$4.25.
North Carolina Bibliography, 1948-1949 243
BRANNON. CLARENCE H. Allen H. Godbey, a biography.
Boston, Christopher Publishing House, [1949] 470 p. illus.
$5.00.
CREASMAN, C. D. Moore of Mars Hill. Nashville, Tenn.,
Privately Printed, 1949. 148 p. Order from Author, Baptist
Sunday School Board, Nashville, Tenn.
DUKE, JANE TAYLOR. Kenmore and the Lewises. Garden
City, N. Y., Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1949. 232 p. illus.
$4.50.
FREUDENTHAL, ELSBETH E. Flight into history, the
Wright brothers and the air age. Norman, Okla., University
of Oklahoma Press, 1949. xiii, 268 p. illus. $3.75.
GRANT, DOROTHY FREMONT. John England, American
Christopher. Milwaukee, Bruce Publishing Company, [1949]
xvi, 167 p. $2.50.
HOOD, SAMUEL STEVENS, editor. Archibald Henderson, the
new Crichton, a composite portrait. New York, The Beech-
hurst Press, [c.1949] xviii, 252 p. illus. $5.00.
JOHNSON, GERALD WHITE. Liberal's progress. New York,
Coward-McCann, [1948] xii, 268 p. illus. $3.50.
LEWIS, CHARLES LEE. Philander Priestley Claxton, crusa-
der for public education. Knoxville, University of Tennessee
Press, 1948. ix, 369 p. illus. $3.50.
LONG, E. HUDSON. O. Henry, the man and his work. Phila-
delphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1949. 158 p. $2.75.
MADDRY, CHARLES EDWARD. Christ's expendables. Nash-
ville, Tenn., Broadman Press, [c.1949] [6] 182 p. illus. $1.75.
MERRICK, ELLIOTT. Green Mountain farm. New York,
Macmillan Company, 1948. 209 p. $3.50.
MORREL, MARTHA McBRIDE. "Young Hickory," the life and
times of President James K. Polk. New York, E. P. Dutton
and Company, Inc., 1949. 381 p. illus. $4.50.
NOLAN, JEANNETTE COVERT. Andrew Jackson. New York,
Julian Messner, Inc., 1949. 178 p. $2.75.
NORTH CAROLINA. COMMISSION FOR A MEMORIAL TO
THE THREE NORTH CAROLINA PRESIDENTS. Address-
es and papers in connection with unveiling of a monument to
the three presidents North Carolina gave the nation, Raleigh,
October 19, 1948 Raleigh, 1949. 61 p. illus. Apply North
Carolina Department of Archives and History, Raleigh.
244 The North Carolina Historical Review
PAINE, GREGORY LANSING. Autobiography of a pocket-
handkerchief, by James Fenimore Cooper, published in honor
of Gregory Lansing Paine. Chapel Hill, [Privately Printed]
1949. 160 p. Includes biographical sketch and bibliography
of Gregory Lansing Paine. Apply George F. Horner, Chapel
Hill, N. C.
PINGEL, MARTHA M. An American utilitarian, Richard Hil-
dreth as a philosopher, with selections from his published and
unpublished works. New York, Columbia University Press,
1948. xi, 214 p. illus. (Columbia studies in American culture,
no. 20) $3.00.
RUSSELL, PHILLIPS. The woman who rang the bell; the
story of Cornelia Phillips Spencer. 3 Chapel Hill, University
of North Carolina Press, [1949] xi, 293 p. illus. $5.00.
ST. CLOUD, VIRGIL. Pioneer blood. Raleigh, Edwards and
Broughton Company, 1948. vii, 312 p. $3.50.
SCHAUINGER, JOSEPH HERMAN. William Gaston, Caro-
linian. Milwaukee, Bruce Publishing Company, [1949] ix,
242 p. illus. $3.25.
SHIPP, CAMERON. With a feather on my nose, by Billie Burke
with Cameron Shipp. New York, Appleton-Century-Crofts,
Inc., 1949. ix, 272 p. illus. $3.00.
New Editions and Reprints
COWDEN, DUDLEY JOHNSTONE. Practical business sta-
tistics, by Frederick E. Croxton and Dudley J. Cowden, 2nd ed.
New York, Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1948. xviii, 550 p. illus. $6.35.
DAVISON, WILBURT C. The compleat pediatrician, practical,
diagnostic, therapeutic, and preventive pediatrics. 6th ed.
Durham, N. C, Seeman Printery for Duke University Press,
1949. $5.00e
FLETCHER, INGLIS. The White Leopard, a tale of the African
bush. Indianapolis, The Bobbs-Merril Company, [c.1931, Re-
printed 1948] 304 p. illus. $2.75.
GROVES, ERNEST RUTHERFORD, and others. The family
and its relationships. Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott Company,
[c.1941, 1948] 594 p. illus. $3.00.
HENRY, O., pseud, of WILLIAM SYDNEY PORTER. The
pocket book of O. Henry ; thirty short stories, ed. and with an
introduction by Harry Hansen. New York, Pocket Books,
[1948] xii, 291 p. $.25, pa.
8 Winner of the Mayflower Society Award, 1949.
North Carolina Bibliography, 1948-1949 245
HICKERSON, THOMAS FELIX. Statically indeterminate
frameworks. 3rd ed. Chapel Hill, University of North Caro-
lina Press, 1949. xii, 202 p. $5.00.
HUBBELL, JAY BROADUS, editor. American life in liter-
ature. New York, Harper and Brothers, 1949. $6.00, text
ed. $4.50.
McCORKLE, GEORGE W. Rhymes from the Delta. 2nd ed.
rev. High Point, N. C, Author, [1948] 159 p. illus. $1.85.
MITCHELL, JOSEPH. McSorley's wonderful saloon. London,
Porcupine Press, 1949. $.25.
WOLFE, THOMAS. De la mort au matin, traduit de 1'americain
par R. N. Raimbault et Ch. L. Vorce. Paris, Delamain et
Boutelleau, 1948. 293 p.
WOLFE, THOMAS. From death to morning. New York, Gros-
set and Dunlap, Inc., 1949. 304 p. $1.49.
WOLFE, THOMAS. The hills beyond. New York, Avon Book
Company, 1948. $.25.
BOOK REVIEWS
William Gaston, Carolinian. By J. Herman Schauinger. (Milwaukee: The
Bruce Publishing Company. 1949. Pp. viii, 242. $3.25.)
William Gaston was born in New Bern during the early days
of the American Revolution, just three years before his father
was murdered by a gang of Tory ruffians. He was reared by his
mother in the faith of the Catholic Church, was given the finest
educational advantages of the day, and was graduated at an
early age from Princeton. In turn, he enjoyed phenomenal success
in the practice of law, entered politics as a Federalist, served
ably in both the General Assembly of the state and the Congress
of the United States, and rounded out his public career as a
justice on the Supreme Court of North Carolina from 1833 to
his death in 1844.
The foregoing facts, dimly present in the minds of most stu-
dents of North Carolina history, are presented concisely and
neatly in this book. In addition, the author has brought to light
an amazing quantity of details concerning Gaston's private life
and his relations with relatives, friends, legal associates, and
fellow Catholics. Most of these were taken from collections of
Gaston's papers in the possession of the University of North
Carolina and various descendants of Gaston. The edited papers
of prominent men of his day, such as Murphey and Yancey, were
combed for Gaston materials, and sufficient use was made of
newspapers and secondary works to meet the most exacting
standard of completeness in research.
Mr. Schauinger has covered his subject in a most thorough
manner and has gathered the raw materials for a great biog-
raphy. On several counts his work falls short of that ideal, which
was seemingly inspired by Beveridge's Life of Marshall (pp.
37-38). In the first place, the work fails to establish any inter-
relationship between the private life of Gaston and his public
career. The first chapter, which is the best of the eleven con-
stituting the work, is concluded with a satisfactory explanation
of Gaston's early affiliation with the Federalist party. In succeed-
ing chapters, Gaston is characterized in random statements as a
highly successful lawyer, a slaveholder and planter, the president
of the Bank of New Bern, the owner of one of the finest homes
[246]
Book Reviews 247
in New Bern, and one of the wealthiest Catholics in the South.
These various circumstances, however, are nowhere woven to-
gether as contributing factors in the full pattern of Gaston's
life. They are only faintly suggested in the incident of his de-
cision to accept a lowered income as a Supreme Court justice at
a time when his business affairs were in a precarious state. In
the second place, the work fails to include sufficient background
of political and social development in North Carolina to reveal
Gaston's place in the history of his times. The incidents in the
narrative are joined together in a good story about a great man,
but they never rise in the scale of historical interpretation above
the level of skillful and rather worshipful reporting. Finally, the
admirers of Gaston will be disappointed that a more thorough
analysis of his contributions as a jurist is not given. It is absurd
to expect every jurist to become a John Marshall in his biog-
raphy; it is equally obvious that every biographer of a jurist is
not an Albert Beveridge. But if the fame of Justice Gaston must
still rest mainly on the decision in the case of The State v. Will
there is little occasion for his biographer to devote a chapter to
this phase of Gaston's life, since this case has already been the
subject of monographic study and is treated in most of the gen-
eral works on this period.
The book is free from gross misstatements of historical fact.
The inevitable errors and near-errors that are easier for a re-
viewer to detect than for an author to avoid have not been elim-
inated from some pages. The lords proprietors did not "give"
their claim on the colony to the crown (p. 28) . Francois-Xavier
Martin was not a Democrat (p. 28) when Gaston studied law
under him, nor were the followers of Jefferson generally known
as Democrats (p. 79) during the War of 1812. "The truths
(pp. 159, 188, et at) of the Protestant religion" could become in
a political or theological disquisition quite a different thing from
"the truth of the Protestant religion," as the phrase is usually
quoted from the thirty-second article of the state constitution
of 1776. The most glaring error in the make-up of the book is
in the caption of a photograph of Gaston (facing p. 52) which
attributes his graduation to Yale.
Paul Murray.
East Carolina Teachers College,
Greenville, N. C.
248 The North Carolina Historical Review
Selective Service in North Carolina in World War II. By Spencer Bidwell
King, Jr. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1949.
Pp. xxiv, 451. $6.00.)
This is a history of the Selective Service in North Carolina
from September 16, 1940, to March 31, 1947 ; it is not a history
of North Carolina during World War II. It is partly historical,
partly sociological, and constantly statistical. The text includes
fifty-two tables and twenty-four figures, and the appendices
have twelve tables. The data presented cover all manner of topics
ranging from an analysis of congressional votes on the Selective
Service legislation to figures on population, number of inductees,
occupational deferments, classifications of registrants, conscien-
tious objectors, causes for rejection, per capita income, farm
marketing, health expenditures, and so on. Many of the data are
by counties and race; comparisons are drawn between North
Carolina and other states. In nearly all cases the information is
drawn from the Selective Service records. The author has been
careful to give explanatory qualifications of the data where nec-
essary, and personal judgments without statistical foundation
are avoided. The appendices include the names of the state per-
sonnel, boards of appeal, medical advisory boards, and local
boards with their examining physicians and advisory commit-
tees. This was a cooperative study between the Selective Service,
the state of North Carolina, and the University, at Chapel Hill.
Conscription during the Civil War, as explained in the chapter
on historical background, was not begun until 1862, was almost
entirely under the Federal government, and was relatively ex-
pensive and ineffective. The draft of 1917 began shortly after
our entry into the war. The law eliminated many faults of earlier
legislation, was declared to be constitutionally sound, and was
generally effective. The Selective Service system of World War
II was built upon that of the previous war, but with peace-time
conscription added. It was a flexible system, balanced between
national, state, and local agencies; in this state it was free of
politics ; it was civilian in character ; and it included representa-
tives of both races and of labor, although the "labor" definition
was not accepted by organized labor.
In practice some of the major difficulties were found to be
the frequent changes in policy with respect to occupational de-
Book Reviews 249
ferment ; the volume and ambiguity of printed instructions ; dif-
ficulties with respect to dependency deferments; and of course
the problem of striking a proper balance between manpower for
industry, agriculture, and the armed services.
It is impossible to summarize even a small portion of the data
here collected, but we mention some of the more interesting con-
clusions of broad significance. There was no significant expan-
sion in manufacturing in North Carolina during the war; ag-
ricultural production was maintained and even increased with
a reduced labor supply; probably between one-fourth and one-
half of those who left farms for military service did not return
to the farm in the years immediately following the war; and
the rejection rates for North Carolina were about ten per cent
higher than for the rest of the United States. In the matter of
rejections for deficiencies in health and education, North Caro-
lina made a poor showing.
As a composite picture of the male population of military
age in North Carolina, this is an important volume and should
be extremely useful to those concerned with social and economic
conditions in the state.
Robert H. Woody.
Duke University,
Durham, N. C.
Fabulous Dare: The Story of Dare County, Past and Present. By David
Stick. (Kitty Hawk, N. C: The Dare Press, 1949. Pp. 71.)
The purpose of this little book, which is part history, part
tourist guide, and part legend, is "to acquaint the outsiders with
Dare County, both past and present." In twelve chapters of un-
even length and value, the author recites the story of the Roanoke
Island colonies and the possible fate of the "Lost Colony," the
Civil War battle of Roanoke Island, piracy, significant ship-
wrecks, the first airplane flight, and other historic events as-
sociated with this historic county. The reviewer is most impressed
with the "Guide to Fishing," which lists the names, season, lures,
and baits for all types of fish in that vicinity, and the chapter
"Where to Go and How to get There," which gives a good de-
scriptive account of Duck Village, Kitty Hawk, Kill Devil Hills,
Collington Island, Fresh Ponds, Manteo, Wanchese, Fort Raleigh,
250 The North Carolina Historical Review
Manns Harbor, East Lake, Stumpy Point, Oregon Inlet, Rodan-
the, Avon, Cape Hatteras, Hatteras Inlet, and other places in
the county.
Fourteen attractive pictures and two airplane maps of the
county add to the value of the book. There is no index.
The author is to be congratulated for his contribution to local
history. His claim that "the first tobacco introduced to England"
came from Dare County would be difficult to prove, as would
his assertion that "the first Irish potatoes was sent to Ireland"
from Dare. Most of his other claims could be established. The
reviewer had always thought that East Lake "rye" was famous ;
the author makes out a good case for "drinking corn." Of course,
this refers to the days of the "noble experiment."
Hugh T. Lefler.
The University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill, N. C.
The Early Settlement of Georgia. By James Etheridge Callaway. (Athens:
The University of Georgia Press. 1948. Pp. 138. $2.50.)
It is both novel and interesting to find a story of the settlement
of Georgia which gives emphasis to other features than the penal
character of the colony. The author has done this without sacri-
ficing the facts in his study. Land was the primary factor in the
settlement, but the three groups concerned had different interests
in the acquisition of the land. The English government wanted
a colony to serve as a buttress against the Spanish. Oglethorpe
and his promoters wanted to offer the convicts of England a new
chance in life, and the independent settlers wanted personal
profits.
The author traces the settlements over approximately a hun-
dred years and through four migratory movements. First came
the "charity" colonists and those, including many non-English,
who paid their own passage and took out fairly small grants of
land. These settled along the Atlantic coast. Immigration soon
dropped off, probably because of the presence of the charity
settlers and the objections to the strict regulations imposed by the
trustees. "As a military colony it was a success. But as a settle-
ment for ambitious and worldly settlers there were definite draw-
backs. . . ." (p. 27).
Book Reviews 251
The second movement set in in the late forties when there
was "a sudden release of energy that showed itself in compara-
tively rapid expansion/' Larger grants were made, slavery began
to flourish, and Georgia "had become a land of planters." The
swamplands were being settled by planters whose interest lay in
the production of rice and tobacco. The colony was losing its
military character and the restrictive control of the trustees gave
way to a more liberal royal government.
Around 1770 small farmers from neighboring colonies came in
with few or no slaves and moved inland past the plantation own-
ers to lands recently ceded by the Indians. Their numbers were
increased by the veterans of the American Revolution who re-
ceived bounties in land.
The final big migratory movement came after the Revolution
when cotton growers pressed on to seek new lands for this soil-
devastating crop. The author disagrees with historians like Pax-
son (Frederick Paxon, History of the American Frontier), who
say that the small farmer preceded the cotton planter who went
in to buy up the cleared land. In Georgia the planter also pioneer-
ed and both large planters and small farmers, under the influence
of cotton production, advanced together across the frontier.
This study was done as a part of the requirements of a degree
from Princeton University. Unfortunately an automobile acci-
dent resulted in the death of the young student shortly before he
would have been graduated. Had the author lived, he would un-
doubtedly have smoothed out many of the crudities in style, par-
ticularly prevalent in the first part of the study, and have cor-
rected the few factual errors. The format of the book would have
benefitted by the inclusion of an index and maps. The work is
neither definitive nor profound, but it has the virtue of present-
ing salient factors in convenient and available form.
Alice B. Keith.
Meredith College,
Raleigh, N. C.
A List of the Early Settlers of Georgia. Edited by E. Merton Coulter and
Albert B. Saye. (Athens: University of Georgia Press. 1948. Pp.
xiv, 103. $4.00.)
This is a roll of settlers in Georgia during the first eleven
years of the existence of the colony. It was made up from a
252 The North Carolina Historical Review
manuscript list purchased in London by the University of Geor-
gia in 1947. The editors make no claim for finality or unquestion-
ed authenticity. In the introduction, however, they offer con-
vincing evidence that the original list "was written by the First
Earl of Egmont, original President of the Georgia Corporation."
There are two alphabetical lists here presented : 1,675 "Persons
Who Went from Europe to Georgia at the Trustee's charge," and
1,304 "Persons Who Went from Europe to Georgia on Their Own
Account." Racial and national origins are given for many individ-
uals; occupations, religious affiliations, and social status are
mentioned often; while "death" and "quitted" are the laconic
terminations of many of the short paragraphs attached to the
names of the first families of Georgia.
This publication meets two distinct needs in the study of colo-
nial history. To the specialist in Georgia history it should be
an acceptable answer to the question of the proportion of eco-
nomic dependence and independence in the original make-up
of the most paternalistic of the thirteen colonies. For students
and teachers of general American history it furnishes a graphic
picture of the melting-pot in action. Moravians, Salzburgers,
Jews, Palatines, a couple of "Italian silk men," and others are
listed indiscriminately with the dominant English strain. If the
tolerant and philanthropic policy of the original corporation
had been continued for a generation, it seems fair to assume
that Georgia would have rivalled Pennsylvania for the title of the
most cosmopolitan of the colonies.
Paul Murray.
East Carolina Teachers College,
Greenville, N. C.
Colonial Williamsburg, Its Buildings and Grounds: A Study of Virginia's
Restored Capital. By A. Lawrence Kecher and Howard Dearstyne.
(Williamsburg, Va.: Colonial Williamsburg. 1949. Pp. vii, 104. $2.75.)
Despite the care with which colonial Williamsburg has been
"restored," it is difficult for the average person to visualize the
town as it was in the eighteenth century. In this perfectly beauti-
ful book, Mr. Kocher, a nationally renowned architect who has
been associated with the Williamsburg Restoration since its
inception, his assistant, Mr. Dearstyne, and two competent photo-
Book Reviews 253
graphers, Herbert Matter, of California and New York, and
Thomas L. Williams, Staff Photographer of Colonial Williams-
burg, have pooled their talents to present in story and pictures
the restoration of a significant American town ; not only to show
its buildings and gardens as they appear today, but to outline
the principles of the restoration work and the significance of
the undertaking, which is carried out under the motto: "That
the Future May Learn From the Past." They have achieved this
objective and the result is one of the most interesting and in-
formative of the many good books that have come out of Williams-
burg in recent years.
In Chapter One, "The Virginia Planters' Capital," the authors
give a brief sketch of plantation society, Williamsburg as capital
(1699-1780), "publick times," trades and crafts, education, cul-
ture, and religion. Chapter Two deals with "Buildings and Build-
ers of Williamsburg" and presents a good account of "the town
plan," the various types of houses, materials used in building,
the "Virginia chimney," the history of the building of the capitol
and palace, and the use of handbooks by the builders. The authors
emphasize the fact that Williamsburg developed an architecture
of its own but that many of the houses and public edifices were
based originally on the mode of building already established in
eighteenth century England.
Chapter Three describes "The Manner of Furnishings" — walls,
ceilings, and floors, painting and the use of color, furniture, and
the furnishing of exhibition buildings. The reviewer has been
impressed by the great use of whitewash in eighteenth-century
Virginia, where annual whitewashing was the rule, although it
might be done more often as a sanitary measure. Of the oil colors
used in exterior painting in Williamsburg during the eighteenth
century, Spanish brown was a favorite, but other colors were
much in vogue, such as lead color. Interior woodwork was oc-
casionally left in a natural state, but more often it was painted.
Stone and wood colors, Spanish brown, and white were favorites,
but greens were also used and, of these, verdigris, a green made
of copper rust and inclining to bluish, was considered the best
and most useful. It was this color, or one like it, that was used
to produce some of the well-known blue-green colors of Williams-
burg.
254 The North Carolina Historical Review
The chapter on "The Gardens of Williamsburg" is most in-
teresting. Eighteenth-century gardens in Williamsburg were
formal in treatment and were designed as an integral part of the
original plot plan. Fences, so familiar in Williamsburg today,
were required by colonial law to be built around each lot. Of the
trees and shrubs grown in the colonial gardens, some were im-
ported at various times and others were native to Virginia.
Hedges of imported boxwood were popular and widely used.
Holly hedges and trees were also found in the gardens. Of the
trees seen by the visitor, perhaps the most striking is the paper
mulberry with its gnarled trunks. The authors emphasize the
fact that these trees were not used in the colonial silkworm in-
dustry, since the silkworm was actually reared on the true mul-
berry, the black and white.
The last chapter of the text, "The Restoration of an American
Town," is a fine summary of the various steps in the restoration.
This program, which began about 1927, has involved more than
the repair and restoration of existing colonial homes and build-
ings. Many buildings, including the Capitol and Palace, had dis-
appeared, and had to be completely reconstructed on their origi-
nal foundations. Authentic furnishings and decorations were re-
quired. Gardens had to be replanted. How all this has been done
is told with skill by the authors.
The last half of the book is devoted to "A Photographic Tour
of Williamsburg" and places emphasis on the Governor's Palace,
The George Wythe House, Bruton Parish Church, The Court
House of 1770, The Magazine, The Ludwell-Paradise House,
Raleigh Tavern, The Capitol, The Public Gaol, Houses and Out-
buildings, Gates and Fences, The College of William and Mary,
Arts and Crafts, and the Williamsburg Shopping District.
Bibliographical notes, credits for illustrations, and an index
round out this excellent book.
Hugh T. Lefler.
The University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill, N. C.
Book Reviews 255
Mobile: History of a Seaport Town. By Charles G. Summersell. (Uni-
versity, Alabama: The University of Alabama Press. 1949. Pp. xii, 81.
$1.00.)
For many years the most significant study of Mobile, Alabama,
was Peter J. Hamilton's Colonial Mobile (Boston, 1910). At last
in 1948 Caldwell Delaney brought out his Remember Mobile and
the present reviewer had printed a short monograph on ante-
bellum Mobile as an agricultural trade center and port. The latter
two writers and Professor Summersell have approached their
subject differently and independently.
Mobile deserves this interest and research. It is the oldest
permanent settlement located on the Gulf of Mexico. During the
late antebellum period it was the third ranking seaport in the
United States. After an extended period of relative inactivity
in more recent years, it ranked seventh in tonnage of imports
and exports in 1947. Its present primacy has resulted largely
from the millions of dollars invested since 1923 by the state in
the State Docks, which are administered by an active State Docks
Commission.
Professor Summersell's account is more than a history of Mo-
bile as a seaport. Included also in his twelve chapters are in-
teresting descriptions of the city's cultural developments. Space
is divided about equally between the pre- and post-Civil War
periods. No effort has been made to develop fully any period or
any topic. As is true of many such studies in which detail is
sacrificed for synthesis, the author himself would be the first to
conclude that his work is not definitive. Still, one puts down the
study with a distinct impression of having had a most pleasant
visit to Mobile. The book's significant contribution is its en-
cyclopaedic presentation of the story of an exceedingly important
and interesting city. In view of the limited number of pages in
his account, the author has accomplished his difficult task in a
scholarly fashion.
Weymouth T. Jordan.
Florida State University,
Tallahassee, Fla.
256 The North Carolina Historical Review
The Vermont Story: A History of the People of the Green Mountain State,
1749-1949. By Earle Newton. (Montpelier: The Vermont Historical
Society. 1949. Pp. x, 282. Illustrations. $7.50.)
The first volume of a projected series is always welcomed as
a portent of things to come. Of this series to be known as The
American States Earle Newton, formerly director of the Vermont
Historical Society and now director of Old Sturbridge Village in
Massachusetts, is general editor and of this, the first volume, he
is author.
Mr. Newton's history of Vermont which, it is presumed, will
set the pace for the series has approximately 500 illustrations
including charts, maps, graphs, and diagrams as well as pictures,
a great many of which are in color, and is written in a popular
vein. Vermont's two hundred years are considered separately
by centuries and such subjects as industrial growth, the tourist
trade, and " 'Republican' government" are discussed along with
the story of the development of the state from the period of
Indian dominance to the present.
The real value of The Vermont Story, however, lies in its ori-
ginal approach to the subject, its clear and readable style, its
adequate coverage of the social and economic aspects of Vermont
history, its very attractive format — in short, its popular appeal.
The page size, approximately 8% by 11 inches, lends itself nicely
to good typography. Many of the maps and quite a few of the
pictures are full-page and the size adopted for this book seems
to be well adapted to the use of such illustrations. Each of the
illustrations, it should be noted, serves to elaborate upon or to
supplement the text and not merely to decorate the book.
Much of the material in The Vermont Story has previously
appeared in the magazine Vermont Life, of which Mr. Newton is
editor, and elsewhere. A number of the illustrations have come
from various national publications and in many cases were used
in advertisements. Only by relying on such sources for illustra-
tions, however, could so elaborate a volume have been published
to sell at anything like a reasonable price.
The value of this new history is increased by the inclusion of
an adequate critical bibliography and a carefully compiled index.
Editor Earle Newton has, indeed, set a fast pace for those
authors who will follow him in preparing volumes for the Ameri-
Book Reviews 257
can Association for State and Local History's The American
States series.
William S. Powell.
State Department of Archives and History,
Raleigh, N. C.
Edmund Pendleton Gaines, Frontier General. By James W. Silver. (Baton
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. 1949. Pp. xxi, 291. Illustra-
tions. $4.50.)
When a well-known public official courts and marries a widow
many years younger than he the affair attracts the attention
of the great American public. It was no less true in 1839 than
in 1949. The bridegroom on the earlier date was Edmund Pendle-
ton Gaines, hero of the War of 1812, friend and then enemy of
Andrew Jackson, and commander of the western department of
the army, who took as his third wife the already famous "New
Orleans woman," Myra Clark Whitney, his junior by thirty years.
The sixty-two-year-old groom had had a colorful career. He
had arrested Aaron Burr in Mississippi Territory in 1807 and
later testified at Burr's trial, served with distinction in the
second war with England, accompanied Andrew Jackson into
Florida and presided over the trial of the two Englishmen, quar-
reled with Governor Troup of Georgia over the Creek affair,
and played a role in the drama of the Seminole War. He had never
been timid or tactful in expressing his views on problems relat-
ing to national defense, and his opinions were not always wel-
comed or appreciated by military authorities. Indeed, before his
death in 1849 he had several "brushes" with the War Depart-
ment.
Although a frontier general, Gaines held views concerning the
Indians not in line with the attitude of the typical frontiersman.
He believed that the government should be a guardian and a
protector of the red men, and he recommended a system of ag-
ricultural and mchanical education for the Indians. He was
opposed to moving tribes like the Cherokee from their ancestral
land. He thought that the Indians could be civilized and even
believed that they would make good soldiers in the United States
army.
258 The North Carolina Historical Review
Professor Silver has examined and digested the original
sources pertaining to his subject and has succeeded in writing
a first-class biography. The volume presents much information
on military affairs, including the Scott-Gaines feud, on the Ind-
ian removal policy, on the Texas revolution, and on the problems
of frontier transportation. The work is carefully documented,
and the index is a model of perfection. Seven maps aid consider-
ably to the value of the study. The volume is indeed a real con-
tribution to American history.
Jefferson Davis Bragg.
Baylor University,
Waco, Texas.
Giant in Gray: A Biography of Wade Hampton of South Carolina. By
Manly Wade Wellman. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. 1949.
Pp. xv, 387. $5.00.)
This book is intended primarily for the general reader although
the scholar will find it of value, not only because it is acceptable
history but also because it is the first full-length biography of
Wade Hampton. Despite the sparsity of personal papers (Hamp-
ton's papers were burned during the war and again after Hamp-
ton's retirement from public life) Mr. Wellman, through exten-
sive search of the available family papers and published accounts,
has succeeded in producing a fairly complete picture. His is an
intriguing story told in a delightful manner by a journalist who
has already published some successful novels. Although one might
wish that he had examined more manuscripts of Hampton's con-
temporaries and given more background to fit the story into the
historical setting, the reader will obtain a vivid picture of this
great leader who, measured by any standard, deserved treatment.
Mr. Wellman is primarily concerned with the story of his
hero's life and in relating this story he makes him stand out as
a giant — a giant in physical size, in character, and in leadership.
According to the author, Hampton was born and educated to
be a gentleman of wealth and civic responsibility. Robust in
sports and moderate in politics he admitted the evils of slavery
and disapproved of secession. Once war came, he was in the thick
of the fight for the entire period and when Lee surrendered
Hampton seriously considered continuing the struggle in Texas.
Book Reviews 259
He served as infantry leader with Beauregard and J. E. Johnston
before he joined Stuart's calvary. After the latter's death, he
became Lee's cavalry commander. According to the author, Hamp-
ton was a greater defensive fighter than Stuart.
Upon the defeat of the Confederacy, he returned to South
Carolina, where he found his home burned, his slaves gone, and
the people despondent. He advised that literate Negroes be al-
lowed to vote. He cautioned against violence and on three oc-
casions after he was elected governor in 1876, prevented blood-
shed between his followers and the Federal troops. While others
were despondent, he advised against migration to Brazil or the
use of the Ku Klux Klan. His moderation helped eventually to
return the Conservatives to power. He remained a political bul-
wark in South Carolina and the South until Ben Tillman's appeal
to the poor overthrew the Bourbon rule. Respected and admired
by his friends, Hampton lived to the ripe old age of eighty-four.
According to the author, 20,000 people appeared at his funeral.
In making Hampton the giant that he does, the author has
probably overdrawn his picture. He is too hard on Tillman, Fitz-
hugh Lee, Sherman, Gary, and others who opposed his hero. His
sketchy sections on Hampton's terms as governor and United
States Senator and the conflict with Tillman are disappointing.
There are several careless errors of fact such as the statement
that Louisiana seceded December 23 (p. 48). Nevertheless, this
is a full-length and, in the main, objective life of Hampton. It
is also good reading.
Henry T. Shanks.
Birmingham-Southern College,
Birmingham, Ala.
Elbridge A. Stuart, Founder of Carnation Company. By James Marshall.
(Los Angeles: Carnation Company. 1949. Pp. x, 238. Illustrated.)
When E. A. Stuart resigned as Carnation's president in 1932
the directors of the well-known milk products company, with
small exaggeration, described their giant organization as but
"his lengthened shadow." Now, as Carnation celebrates its fif-
tieth anniversary (and five years after the death of Stuart) , the
directors have issued an attractive volume that is a biography
both of the man and of the company. Of course such a book could
260 The North Carolina Historical Review
hardly be a definitive, or perhaps even a critical, account of
either subject. It is, however, unusually informative and decided-
ly entertaining. James Marshall is a gifted chronicler.
The story of Elbridge Amos Stuart is a typical American
"success story." He was born in Guilford County, North Carolina,
in 1856. On the eve of the Civil War his Quaker parents migrated
to Indiana, where, on the farm, he spent his boyhood. At fifteen
he and a seventeen-year-old brother opened a small store in In-
dianapolis. But severe attacks of rheumatism soon persuaded El-
bridge to move to Kansas, where the change of climate and the
care of another brother — a physician — restored his health. There
followed a series of odd jobs in Kansas and a fling at track-lay-
ing for the Santa Fe. When he had had his fill of the wilder
West, young Stuart began store-keeping in El Paso, timing his
entry into business there to coincide with the coming of the rail-
roads to that town. He prospered. After a dozen years he took his
wife and two children to Los Angeles and became a wholesale
grocer. Here he was less successful.
At loose ends at forty-three, Stuart in 1899 drifted into the
canned milk business near Seattle. The last two-thirds of the
book deal absorbingly with the development of Carnation Com-
pany — how early technical, financial, and marketing problems
were solved ; how a model dairy farm was carved from the Wash-
ington wilderness ; how a great herd of purebred Holsteins was
built up ; how certain of Carnation's "contented cows" set world
records for milk and butterfat production; and how the com-
pany expanded into every section of the United States and
overseas. Throughout, E. A. Stuart's energy, ability, ideas,
and influence stand paramount. He died in Los Angeles at the
age of eighty-seven.
Stuart Noblin.
North Carolina State College,
Raleigh, N. C.
The American Presidency in Action, 1789: A Study in Constitutional His-
tory. By James Hart. (New York: The Macmillan Company. 1948.
Pp. xv, 256. $4.00.)
This well-documented volume, the first in a series projected
by the author, concerns itself with the crucial first year of the
Book Reviews 261
Presidency. Professor Hart begins with a brief examination of
Washington's symbolic function in the history of the office, a
function of which the first President seems to have been fully
aware. Here was a national hero risking a great reputation in a
new enterprise, firm in the belief that "the first transactions
of a nation, like those of an individual upon his first entrance
into life, make the deepest impression, and are to form the lead-
ing traits in its character." Characteristically, Washington plan-
ned each phase of his conduct as though he were setting precedent
for all time. While he did use his office and position to influence
the actions of legislators on rare occasions during this first year,
the main rule seems to have been to give such dignity and char-
acter to the Presidency that it should be above reproach. He
insisted on the primacy of the Presidency among American chief -
tanships-of-state and, during an official tour of New England,
made that primacy good in a dignified but somewhat amusing
clash with Governor John Hancock of Massachusetts.
Chapters dealing with relations between the President and the
Congress and the President and the Senate show the emerging
pattern of government. Although the Congress was in fact as
well as in theory the principal formulator of legislative policy,
the beginnings of presidential leadership and of administrative
participation in the legislative process are apparent. Washing-
ton's unsuccessful effort to treat the Senate as an advisory coun-
cil in treaty-making and his happier experience in using Senators
individually as advisors in appointment making are carefully
examined. The President's high standards and improving tech-
nique of selection and the trials and pressures to which he was
subjected in staffing the new government make enlightening
reading. Apparently Washington's one political requirement of a
candidate for appointment was pro-Constitutionalism ; therefore
his administration from the outset was Federalist in character,
though the President did not regard himself as a partisan. As
an administrator Washington revealed many good qualities. He
sought the advice of his associates in administration, preferably
in writing (the cabinet was a thing of the future) , but made his
own decisions; he had the ability to delegate authority equal to
the responsibility assigned subordinates; he exercised effective
262 The North Carolina Historical Review
supervision over administration, and he revealed an archival
sense characteristic of better administrators.
The Judiciary, which has since become so important in our
constitutional development, had scarcely begun to function when
the year under consideration ended, but Professor Hart gives
much attention to the part played by the First Congress in shap-
ing the Presidency. Indeed the last and longest chapter in the
book is devoted to the establishment of the State, Treasury, and
War departments, and by far the greater part of this chapter
is devoted to the debates over the President's power to remove
the heads of these departments. Here, of course, the author is
on ground that has been carefully worked over by others —
notably Edward S. Cor win — and much use is made of their work.
Four theories concerning the dismissal of department heads were
advanced : According to the first, the impeachment process was
the sole means of removal. (All the other theories recognized
impeachment but did not deem it exclusive.) The second theory
regarded the power to remove as incident to the power to appoint
and hence held the President and Senate vested jointly with this
power. The third, or legislative-grant theory, held that Congress
might freely establish rules concerning tenure and removal. The
fourth, or constitutional-grant theory, held the removal power
to be a part of the general executive power vested in the Presi-
dent by the Constitution. The Legislative Decision of 1789, as
the choice between these theories is called, fell to the constitution-
al-grant theory, though the way was not wholly closed to ultimate
legislative control. This decision, says Professor Hart, "helped
to save . . . [the Presidency] from the dangerous disintegration' '
which each of the other theories entailed. With this conclusion
Andrew Johnson, Woodrow Wilson, and Franklin Roosevelt
would surely have agreed, and William H. Taft, in the Myers
case, actually went further by holding that the removal power
was illimitable where executive officers were concerned.
Professor Hart has made an important addition to the grow-
ing literature concerning the Presidency, but the book is no
literary gem. Quotations are over-used, and the reader gets the
impression at points that he is dealing with notes for a book
rather than with the end product itself. It is to be hoped that the
author's future volumes will reveal a changed literary technique.
Book Reviews 263
Regardless of its literary deficiency, the book amply demonstrates
that Washington and the majority of the Congress of 1789 were
truly fit to rule. As the Great Seal of the United States says,
"Annuit coeptis."
Preston W. Edsall.
North Carolina State College,
Raleigh, N. C.
Album of American History, volume V, Index. Edited by James Truslow
Adams and others. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. 1949. Pp. x,
222. $5.00.)
Although Dr. Adams did not live to see the publication of this
final index volume, the manuscript was completed under his
supervision as an ambitious attempt to produce a comprehensive
guide to the more than 5,000 pictures in the preceding four
volumes. Not only have pictures been listed by caption, or by
original title if there was one, but details have been fully an-
alyzed with appropriate listings, the analysis having been car-
ried so far that it is sometimes only after careful scrutiny that
the reader or observer finds the item in question.
Every effort has been made to arrange the index to facilitate
quick and convenient location of desired material. Items have
been listed under as many headings as the compilers suspected
a reader might imagine. The use of "see" and "see also" refer-
ences has been generous. Any departure from expected alphabeti-
cal arrangement has been noted. Not least among the mechanical
conveniences provided has been the printing of volume numbers
in type very decidedly heavier than that used for page references.
It is naturally only by sampling that a reviewer can hope to
measure the effectiveness of a comprehensive analytical index
such as this; only continued practical use will make possible a
final judgment. Of twenty-five "see" references examined only
two were found defective. One listing reads : "William, Fort, See
Fort Kaministiguia." No entry under "Fort Kaministiguia" has
been included. The reader must therefore look under "Forts"
where he is told to look for names of specific forts. The reference
is finally found under "Kaministiguia, Fort," hence an original
direct reference "See Kaministiguia, Fort" could have been made.
264 The North Carolina Historical Review
The other defective entry, involving the heading "Huskies, See
Dogs, Alaskan," is similar.
A check of fifty "see also" references shows that two are
incomplete. Under "Costume" there is a "see also" reference to
"Jewelry" which is not listed. There is no heading "Sports, rac-
ing" found as a "see also" reference under "Horses." The entry
is actually under "Racing" and could so have been stated. Three
other "see also" references are awkwardly indirect, as for ex-
ample "Reform, methods of . . . . See also . . . New Woman. . . ."
Under the entry "New Woman" is a "see" reference to "Women :
The New Woman." The original entry could have been phrased
to read "See also . . . Women : The New Woman."
To estimate the completeness with which items have been en-
tered under all reasonable subject headings twenty-five pictures
were selected at random and all entries for each were traced.
In at least eight instances additional or more uniform treatment
could have been presented. The telescopes at the Lick Observatory
are not listed under "Observatories" or under "Lick, James, ob-
servatory founded by, 1888," although seismographs at the ob-
servatory are listed under the latter heading. The Apollo Room
in the Raleigh Tavern at Williamsburg, Virginia, is listed under
"Williamsburg, Va.," but the same reference is not placed under
the heading "Raleigh Tavern, Williamsburg, Va." A road drag
does not appear under "Drag, road," although the index frequent-
ly employs inverted headings, e.g. "hatchets, hewing, colonial."
The Rogers locomotive has not been listed under "Locomotives"
but does appear under "Railroads." It is evident that, however
much the "see" and "see also" references might be improved,
much more has been left to be desired in the choice of subject en-
tries, from the point of view of both consistency and inclusive-
ness.
It may be assumed that the editors and compilers have taken
pains to see that page references are accurate. Twenty-five ref-
erences in each of the four volumes have been tested, with the
result that no inaccuracies were discovered.
Without a satisfactory index, or any index at all, such a work
as the Album could not, of course, be much more than a series
of picture books without ready reference value. The publication
of a comprehensive index such as this volume contains makes
Book Reviews 265
the set enormously useful; more care in its preparation would
have produced a somewhat sharper and more convenient tool.
Carlton P. West.
Wake Forest College Library,
Wake Forest, N. C.
Preliminary Inventory of the Records of the Maritime Labor Board. Com-
piled by Caroline W. Hiatt and Salvatore D. Nerboso. [The National
Archives, Preliminary Inventory, Number 20.] (Washington: The Na-
tional Archives. 1949. Mimeographed. Pp. iii, 7.)
This is a preliminary inventory of the materials in the Records
of the Maritime Labor Board (Record Group 157), issued by
the National Archives in line with its policy of preparing check-
lists and finding aids for particular groups of records without
waiting for decisions as to final arrangement. The Maritime
Labor Board was created in 1938 and was liquidated by expira-
tion of its appropriation in 1942. Its function was to aid in
eliminating "the causes of certain substantial obstructions to
the free flow of water-borne commerce ... by encouraging the
practice and procedure of collective bargaining and the prompt
and orderly settlement of all disputes. . . ." To this end the Board
participated in the capacity of mediator, advisor, or observer
in 195 mediation cases involving approximately 188,000 maritime
employees, accumulated a file of nearly 4,500 collective bargain-
ing agreements, and undertook numerous research studies in the
field of maritime labor relations and associated economic prob-
lems.
The materials here described consist of approximately 78 cubic
feet and include all extant records of the Board. Among these
are minutes, correspondence, inter-office memoranda, adminis-
trative reports, research studies, statistical data, collective bar-
gaining agreements, mediation case materials, budget estimates
and justifications, personnel files, and organizational and pro-
cedural materials. There is also a reference file, consisting of
publications, files of maritime union newspapers, clippings from
newspapers and other periodicals, printed texts of laws and bills,
and transcripts of congressional hearings and those of executive
agencies.
James W. Patton.
The University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill, N. C.
266 The North Carolina Historical Review
List of Documents Concerning the Negotiation of Ratified Indian Treaties,
1801-1868. Compiled by John H. Martin. [The National Archives, Spe-
cial List, Number 6.] (Washington: The National Archives. 1949.
Mimeographed. Pp. iii, 175.)
This list includes all documentary materials in the records of
the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Office of the Secretary
of the Interior (National Archives Record Group 75 and 48)
that are easily identifiable as throwing light on the authority,
intent, and understanding of the makers of Indian treaties rati-
fied between 1801 and 1868. The treaties are arranged in the
numerical and chronological order in which they are maintained
by the Department of State (Numbers 30-374), beginning with
the treaty of October 24, 1801, with the Chicasaw and ending
with that of August 13, 1868, with the Nez Perces, the last agree-
ment of this nature negotiated with an Indian tribe. Twenty-
nine treaties antedating 1801 are not included, as no documents
of importance concerning their negotiation were uncovered
among the records searched in preparing the list.
In general the records listed fall into three broad categories :
(1) instructions issued to treaty commissioners or others, first
by the Secretary of War and later by the Secretary of the In-
terior, authorizing them to negotiate treaties, outlining the scope
of their authority, and describing the general character of the
treaty desired ; (2) records of treaty council proceedings, includ-
ing minutes of meetings, speeches, journals, and similar papers;
and (3) correspondence concerning the treaty during and im-
mediately after the negotiation period, up to the time of its
transmission to the President for submission to the Senate. Where
documents important to the history of a negotiation are missing
from the files, an effort is made to cite others that throw light
on it.
Documentary materials of this sort have long been recognized
as important in arriving at the true historical and legal import
of particular treaties. This list will therefore facilitate the work
of historians and attorneys constantly seeking to unravel the
complexities and ambiguities that are often contained in treaties
between the United States and the Indian tribes.
James W. Patton.
The University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill, N. C.
HISTORICAL NEWS
Robert Digges Wimberly Connor, chairman of the Executive
Board of the State Department of Archives and History, died
at Watts Hospital in Durham on February 25. He was born in
Wilson, North Carolina, on September 26, 1878, the son of Judge
Henry Groves Connor. Having received a bachelor's degree from
the University of North Carolina in 1899, he taught and was a
principal for several years in the public schools of the state.
In 1903 he was one of the organizers of The North Carolina
Historical Commission, was a member of the Commission from
1903 to 1907, and served as secretary of that agency from 1903
to 1921. From that date until 1934 he was a Kenan professor
of history and government at the University of North Carolina
and was chairman of the history department from 1930 to 1934.
In the latter year President Roosevelt appointed him as Ar-
chivist of the United States, a position he held for seven years.
In 1941 he returned to the University of North Carolina as
Burton Craige professor of jurisprudence and history and he
continued to fill that post until his retirement in December,
1949. From 1942 to 1943 he was a member and chairman of the
North Carolina Historical Commission and from 1943 until his
death he served as a member and chairman of the Executive
Board of the North Carolina State Department of Archives and
History (the new name for the former Historical Commission) .
He had published many books and articles on the history of
North Carolina. Best known is his North Carolina: Rebuilding
an Ancient Commonwealth (1929), which many consider the
best general history of the state. At the time of his death he
was engaged in writing a history of the University of North
Carolina during its early years.
Dr. Frontis W. Johnston, professor of history at Davidson
College, will teach in the summer session at Emory University.
Dr. J. A. McGeachy, associate professor of history at Davidson
College, has published an article, "The Editing of the Letters
of Symmarhus," Classical Philology, October, 1949.
[267]
268 The North Carolina Historical Review
Dr. Edward 0. Guerrant, an assistant professor of history at
Davidson College, will teach in the summer session of the Uni-
versity of Southern California. He has published Roosevelt's
Good Neighbor Policy (Albuquerque: The University of New
Mexico Press, 1950).
Mr. John M. Justice after a year's graduate study at the Uni-
versity of North Carolina has returned to the history department
of Appalachian State Teachers College.
Dr. Julian Yoder, who received his doctorate in history at the
University of North Carolina and who is a member of the faculty
of Appalachian State Teachers College, wrote a chapter, "Ag-
riculture in Watauga," for the recently published History of
Watauga County,
Dr. D. J. Whitener, professor of history at Appalachian State
Teachers College, edited the History of Watauga County. This
publication included the semi-centennial history of Appalachian
State Teachers College. He also wrote "History of Public Educa-
tion in North Carolina During Reconstruction, 1865-1876," in
Southern Essays, edited by Dr. Fletcher M. Green (Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 1949).
Mr. Vance B. Howell, a member of the faculty of Appalachian
State Teachers College, wrote "Older Days in Watauga" for the
History of Watauga County.
Dr. Lenore O'Boyle, assistant professor of history at the
Woman's College of the University of North Carolina, has pub-
lished "Theories of Socialist Imperialism," Foreign Affairs,
January, 1950.
Dr. Frontis W. Johnston of Davidson College, Dr. Douglas L.
Rights, acting archivist of the Moravian Church, Southern
Providence, and Mr. George M. Stephens, publisher of the
Southern Packet, have become members of the Editorial Board
of The North Carolina Historical Review.
Historical News 269
On December 17 a celebration was held on Kill Devil Hill on
the anniversary of the first airplane flight by the Wright broth-
ers. The celebration was sponsored by the Kill Devil Hill Me-
morial Association, the North Carolina Division of the American
Philatelic Society, and the Air Force Association. Mr. Herbert
C. Bonner, representative of the first congressional district,
delivered an address. Dr. Christopher Crittenden, director of
the State Department of Archives and History, attended the
celebration and accepted on the part of North Carolina a series
of postage stamps issued in commemoration of the celebration.
On January 18 Dr. Christopher Crittenden and Mr. W. F.
Burton of the State Department of Archives and History went
to Washington to investigate the newest equipment for micro-
filming records in the Navy Records Center, the Army Records
Center, the Library of Congress, the National Archives, and the
Walter Reed Hospital. Dr. Crittenden and Mr. Burton were
assisting the State Highway and Public Works Commission in
their plan to purchase such equipment. Mr. William S. Powell,
researcher of the State Department of Archives and History,
joined them on the trip in order to engage in research in the
Library of Congress on the Lost Colony.
On January 27 Mr. D. L. Corbitt, head of the Division of Pub-
lications of the State Department of Archives and History, made
a talk on "The History of Bertie County' ' before an organiza-
tional meeting of the Bertie County Historical Society. Interested
persons who had been invited by Dr. W. P. Jacocks, a native of
the county, and Mr. John E. Tyler, county historian, met at the
courthouse for the purpose of organizing the society. Mr. E. S.
Askew was elected temporary chairman and Mr. Carl E. Con-
ner was elected temporary secretary. Mr. Askew appointed a
committee to prepare a constitution for the organization and to
report at a later meeting. The chairman and about sixty people
indicated their interest in joining the society.
Mr. Frank Ryan, candidate for the degree of doctor of phil-
osophy in history at the University of North Carolina and now
a member of the history faculty at the College of Charleston,
270 The North Carolina Historical Review
has recently been appointed a member of the publication com-
mittee of the South Carolina Historical Society.
The Advisory Committee on Historical Markers met in Chapel
Hill on January 27 and approved inscriptions for nineteen new
historical markers. Included in this group are markers for a
number of state-supported teachers' colleges, the site of the
Indian town of Cowee in Macon County, Barbecue Church in
Harnett County, two churches organized by German settlers
in Rowan County in the eighteenth century, and the route of
Governor Tryon's march to the western part of the colony in
1767 to survey the Cherokee boundary (several markers).
Mr. John Littleton, candidate for the degree of doctor of
philosophy in history at the University of North Carolina, has
recently accepted a position with the National Park Service and
is stationed at Fort Oglethorpe, Georgia.
Some of the gifts received by the state of North Carolina from
people of France on the well-known Gratitude Train were dis-
played for a time in Raleigh and are now being sent throughout
the state in a specially equipped trailer-museum containing
twenty-six separate representative exhibits. Several cases in the
Hall of History are also filled with items from the collection.
Mr. Charles L. Jones is employed as the Travelling Museum
Curator for this project. During the months of December, Janu-
ary, and February the trailer-museum spent approximately one
week in each of the following counties : Nash, Edgecombe, Wil-
son, Greene, Lenoir, Wayne, Duplin, Pender, Brunswick, New
Hanover, Onslow, and Jones.
Beginning in March, 1949, the Hall of History has featured
each month a special exhibit, commemorating the anniversary
of some event in North Carolina history. Among the anni-
versaries covered have been those of the Raleigh and Gaston
Railroad, the Halifax Resolves, the Battle of Alamance, and the
Farmers' Alliance.
Historical News 271
Among recent accessions to the Department's Hall of History
are a miniature bureau of the gay ninety's, a sheet of six-cent
Wright brothers commemorative air mail postage stamps, an
old-fashioned iron washpot, a hair jewelry necklace, a black
lace shawl of the antebellum period, a gay ninety's lace um-
brella cover, and a carved stone Indian head.
The Department of Archives and History recently accessioned
125 cubic feet of the records of the State Utilities Commission.
The Department now has all of the records of that agency from
1891 to 1934.
The Department of Archives and History has installed micro-
film equipment, including a flat bed camera and a modernly
equipped dark room.
The Department of Archives and History, at the request of
the Budget Bureau, recently undertook a survey of the records
problems of twenty-six state agencies, particularly to determine
to what extent the bulk of the state's records might be reduced
by microfilming. The conclusion reached was that microfilming
will considerably reduce the bulk of the records and it was
recommended that a microfilming unit be set up within the
Department of Archives and History. A considerable portion of
the original records, however, will need to be preserved, at least
for a time.
Professor W. E. Caldwell of the University of North Carolina
attended the December meeting of the Archaeological Institute
of America in Baltimore. He has recently been elected one of the
vice presidents of the Institute.
At the American Historical Association meeting in Boston in
December, Professor Fletcher M. Green of the University of
North Carolina presided over the joint session with the Ameri-
can Agricultural Society and Professor C. 0. Cathey, also of the
University of North Carolina, read a paper, "Developments in
Agricultural Implements in North Carolina, 1783-1860." Profes-
sor H. A. Bierck, Jr., of the same institution, read a paper,
272 The North Carolina Historical Review
"General Course in Latin American History: Past and Present
Practices," and Mr. Robert S. Smith of Duke University partici-
pated in the discussion at the same session. Dr. Charles S. Sydnor
of Duke University presided at a session on "The Historian and
the Federal Government: Policies for Administrative History
Writing and Historical Records Programs," and Dr. John Tate
Lanning, also of Duke University, made a "Report from Spain"
at the meeting of the Conference on Latin American Studies.
Professor L. C. MacKinney of the University of North Caro-
lina has published the following articles: "The Renaissance:
Myth and/or Reality," University of North Carolina Extension
Bulletin, XXVIII (1949) ; "Medical Illustrations; Ancient and
Modern," Ciba Symposia, X (1949), 1062-1071 (illustrated);
"Sex Determination: A Scientific Superstition," Medicine Illus-
trated, III (1949) ; "Photoreproductions of Medieval Manu-
scripts at the University of North Carolina," The University of
North Carolina Record, no. 464 (Research in Progress, bulletin
27, 1949), 1-16. He has had accepted for publication the follow-
ing: "The Third Printing of Galen's Opera Omnia," Isis, XL
(1950) ; "Multiple Explicits of a Medieval Medical Dynamidia,"
Isis, XL (1950) ; and "Recent Writings on Medieval Medical
History," Progress of Medieval and Renaissance Studies in the
United States and Canada, bulletin no. 21 (1950). Professor
MacKinney has been appointed to the following historical com-
mittees : Advisory Selection Committee on Continental European
History for Fulbright Awards, for the years 1949-1950; Com-
mittee on Documentary Reproduction of the American Historical
Association, 1948-1950 and Committee for Microcopying in Italy,
of the American Historical Association, for the years 1948-1950.
Dr. Christopher Crittenden has delivered addresses on the
program of the Department of Archives and History and other
historical topics, as follows: January 31, Book Exchange Club,
Raleigh; February 2, Rotary Club and Colonial Dames, both in
Kinston ; February 7, Wake Forest Faculty Woman's Club ; Feb-
ruary 10, Daughters of the Revolution, Raleigh; February 24,
annual joint banquet of the Daughters of the American Revolu-
tion and Sons of the American Revolution, Raleigh.
Historical News 273
On February 28 Mr. William S. Powell, researcher for the
Department of Archives and History, addressed the Moore
County Historical Society on the beginnings of printing in North
Carolina.
Many local museums and historical societies have in their
possession an old hand printing press, used by the first printer
in the state or county, and on which was printed the first news-
paper in the vicinity. Usually such presses do not bear a name
plate or carry the name of the maker and place of date of origin.
If this information is desired, write Ralph Green, 332 South
Michigan Ave., Chicago 4, 111., with a brief description of the
press. If available a picture would, of course, be preferred. As a
hobby Mr. Green has spent many years gathering information
and inspecting old presses.
On January 27, 1950 Dr. James W. Patton, director of the
Southern Historical Collection at the University of North Caro-
lina, read a paper, "Regional Manuscript Collections and Their
Relationship to the University Library," at the mid- winter meet-
ing of the American Library Association at Chicago.
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE
Dr. William C. Pool is an associate professor of history in the
division of social sciences, Southwest Texas State Teachers Col-
lege, San Marcos, Texas.
Miss Marian H. Blair is a former assistant professor of Eng-
lish at Greensboro College, Greensboro, N. C.
Dr. Christopher Crittenden is director of the State Department
of Archives and History and secretary of the State Literary
and Historical Association, Raleigh, N. C.
Mr. Richard Schriver Barry is a graduate student in history
at Duke University, Durham, N. C.
Mr. Roger Powell Marshall is a professor of English at North
Carolina State College, Raleigh, N. C.
Mr. William S. Powell is researcher for the State Department
of Archives and History, Raleigh, N. C.
Mr. William T. Polk is an associate editor of the Greensboro
Daily News, Greensboro, N. C.
Mr. William Thomas Bost is a reporter and columnist for the
Greensboro Daily News, Greensboro, N. C. Mr. Bost resides in
Raleigh, N. C.
Dr. Thomas Jefferson Wertenbaker is Edwards Professor of
American History Emeritus, Princeton University, Princeton,
New Jersey.
Miss Mary Lindsay Thornton is librarian, North Carolina
Collection, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill,
N. C.
[274]
The North Carolina
Historical Review
Volume XXVII July, 1950 Number 3
SALEM IN THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES
By Douglas LeTell Rights
In the decade before the War Between the States the South was
riding on a high tide of prosperity. The town of Salem flourished
in this time of plenty. It was still a Moravian town, a church
community in which the dominant emphasis was religious. The
school for girls reflected the austere atmosphere inaugurated
by the founders. But the culture of the age, with its refinements
and luxuries for those who could afford them, affected this re-
ligious center. The romance of the Old South is not entirely a
myth, and Salem claimed its share.
Salem was an important town. As early as 1835, when the in-
habitants numbered 700, the local newspaper listed the following
industries and trades : one hotel, two merchants, one book store,
one toy shop, two confectionaries, one candle manufacturer, two
clock-makers, three hatters, four cabinet-makers, two black-
smiths, one skin-dresser, five shoemakers, three gunsmiths, one
coppersmith, one tinplate-maker, one saddler, two coopers, two
potters, one wheelwright, two tailors, one chair manufacturer,
one portrait painter, one printing office, one apothecary, one
tobacconist, one baker, and two milliners. 1
In the same journal the merchant T. Linebach advertised his
"neat assortment" of "Jewelry, and Silver Ware ; Plain English
and Swiss WATCHES ; Ever-pointed Pencils and Pencil Points ;
Shell and Tin Japann'd Musical Boxes ; Purses and Purse Clasps ;
Silver & Steel Spectacles, to suit all ages ; An assortment of Steel
and Gilt Watch Chains, Keys and Seals ; Fine Pearl Handle and
Roger's best Penknives; Malacca and Wangee Canes, (with and
without swords ;) Pistols and Percussion Caps, with many other
1 The Farmers Reporter and Rural Repository (Salem, N. C), May 23, 1835.
[277]
278 The North Carolina Historical Review
articles usually found in a Silver Smith Shop. . . . Also PRO-
FILES neatly and correctly taken. . . . The subscriber will also
furnish Marble TOMBSTONES. ... A fair price will be given
for Peacock Feathers.' '
Through the years there had been significant changes. Pacifist
sentiment gave way to the organization of a company of militia.
The church no longer controlled all trades and industries; in-
dividual ownership was allowed. 2 Non-Moravians were permitted
to take up residence. Salem became a resort community, like
Asheville in later years. Families from Wilmington, Charleston,
and other cities and from plantation homes of the Southeast
came here to the hill country to escape the unpleasantness and
dangers of the lowlands in summer. Salem Tavern was enlarged
to meet the demands of the visitors. Kinsfolk of the girls attend-
ing Salem Female Academy enjoyed sojourning in the pleasant
community.
The southern states found here their largest institution for
the education of their daughters. By stagecoach, in family car-
riage, and on horseback the girls came. 3 Many are the stories of
those days. For example: A girl from Louisiana was a student
at Salem. (The revered former teacher, Miss Emma Lehman, gave
her name, now forgotten) . From the neighborhood of her planta-
tion home came a "poor but worthy" young man to claim her for
his bride. The principal of the Moravian school, as would be
expected, refused to accede to the young man's pleas. Letters
were hastily written to the parents. In due time there came to
Salem a trusted Negro servant bringing the necessary credentials
with the permission of the girl's father. The young couple appear-
ed before the principal of the Academy and were married. They
departed by stage on their honeymoon, guarded by their faithful
Negro attendant.
The flourishing school for girls sorely needed more ample
building accommodations. In 1854 the old Gemeinhaus, or meet-
ing house, was removed, and the cornerstone of what is known
as Main Hall was laid. On March 24, 1856, the school moved into
its new home. 4
2 Levin T. Reichel, The Moravians in North Carolina (Philadelphia, 1857), 161.
3 J. H. Clewell, History of Wachovia (New York, 1902), 220-221.
* Reichel, The Moravians in North Carolina, 125.
Salem in the War Between the States 279
In the years immediately preceding the War between the
States, the town newspaper revealed the prosperity of the times. 5
Hall and Hall advertised "Confectionaries : Crystalized Fruits
& Candies, Ornamental Candies, Oranges, Figs, Dates, Citrons,
Pine Apples, Prunes, Raisins, Currants, Cheese, Preserved Fruits,
Grape Drops, Cocoa and other Nuts, CRACKERS, (Soda and
Cream,) Sardines, Salad Oil, Pickles, Jujube Paste, &c, &c. . . .
Fresh Oysters constantly on hand during the season." (The
oysters came from Norfolk.)
Boots and shoes were made and repaired in the basement of
the Zevely Hotel, one of the three hostelries in town.
Boner and Crist advertised "Spring and Summer Goods, Dry
Goods, Ladies' Dress Goods, Gentlemen's Wear, Ready-made
Clothing, Hats & Caps, Bonnets, Boots & Shoes, Hardware, Cut-
lery & Queensware, Groceries, Drugs, Paints & Dyestuff s, Patent
Medicines, &c, &c," with the slogan "A nimble sixpence is better
than a slow shilling."
Daguerreotypes were made by A. E. Welfare or the "Photo-
graphic Artist" J. S. Wear.
A certain Mrs. Turner, under the advertising headline "Mantua
Making," would "respectfully inform the citizens of this place,
Winston, and surrounding country, that she is prepared, in her
room in Zevely's Hotel, to receive orders in her line of business,
which she flatters herself to be able to execute to the satisfaction
of all who may favor her with a call. . . . Dresses made, and all
kinds of needle work done, with neatness and dispatch, at short
notice. . . ."
These give but a partial review of the tradesmen's appeals.
As for diversion, Robinson's circus and numerous other en-
tertainments found their way to Salem. The following excerpts
are from a note sent by a young man to a teacher in the school,
inviting her and her colleagues to a musical event :
It's a fact, dearest ladies, you very well know it,
I make no pretensions to being a poet,
But, as I happily am, in an excellent vein,
Of very good spirits, I send you a strain,
And although I may prove for the better, or worse,
Instead of dull prose, I have written bad verse,
5 The People's Press (Sajeip, N. C), January 4, 1861 f
280 The North Carolina Historical Review
'Tis done in the midst of great "fussification,"
The "gents" all around me discussing location
Of Courthouse and jail, whether these shall be
Near Salem, or nearer to Liberty.
You have heard no doubt, long before today,
That tomorrow night the Aeolians play,
And sing their rich songs, which have made great noise
In both cities & towns & drew down the applause
Of musical critics who always can know
Whether notes are played too fast or too slow.
I assure you, 'twould prove a joy untold,
Greater than that to be bought with gold,
To enjoy with ladies so charming and sweet,
As your own fair selves, this musical treat. 6
The new courthouse town of Winston was established in 1849,
and already its voice was heard. The local newspaper in 1861
called attention to a "Prospectus of the Trinity College Monthly
Magazine . . . the first number of this new Literary Number for
popular favor." Merchants Barrow & Flynt advertised a wide
range of general store goods including "Ladies' Dress Goods in
great variety. Shawls, Cloaks, Prints, Flannels, Linsies, &c," and
P. A. Wilson & Company's "Clothing Emporium" announced,
"We have on hand every article that is necessary for a GENTLE-
MAN'S OUTFIT, consisting of the latest styles of Coats, Vests,
Pants, Shirts, Collars, Cravats, Gloves ... an elegant assortment
of Cloths, Cassimeres, Tweeds, Vestings, &c, from which we are
prepared to make any garment desired, in the neatest and best
style. ... A lot of Fries' celebrated Salem Jeans constantly on
hand." 7
Many indeed were the innovations in community life, while the
Moravian Church kept in the forefront, with its regular services
of worship and its added features of beautiful observance of
Christmas, Easter, and other seasons of the church year.
In the prosperous year 1858, when town clerk C. L. Rights
reported after all expenditures a balance of $29 in the town
treasury, the Salem newspaper in its issue of May 28 reported
the "Annual Examination" of the pupils of the Female Academy:
8 About 1850, C. L. Rights to Miss Elizabeth Hanes, whom he later married. Note is on
file in Salem College library in unclassified documents.
7 Western Sentinel (Winston, N. C-), June 7, 1861.
Salem in the War Between the States 281
"There are a great many persons in attendance, from a distance
and from the neighborhood. . . . The present session has been
very full, numbering some 370 . . . full to the utmost capacity. . . .
From North Carolina, 89. South Carolina, 45. Alabama, 42.
Georgia, 32. Mississippi, 30. Tennessee, 20. Virginia, 19. Texas,
11. Louisiana, 8. Arkansas, 2. California, 2. Indian Territory, 1.
Kentucky, 1. Salem, N. C, 68." 8
The "Examination" far outshone later college commencements.
The program for three sessions included a hymn, a prayer, and
an address; public examinations in grammar, geography of
Europe, church history, astronomy, a French dialogue, and read-
ing of compositions ; three choruses and a variety of recitations
and musical selections, vocal and instrumental, numbering nine-
ty-eight. The fourth session presented a cantata, "The Flower
Queen, or the Coronation of the Rose," which was "performed by
eighty-six scholars."
The local newspaper of January 4, 1861, along with the notice
of a lecture on "Hebrew Poetry" to be given by R. D. Dick, Esq.,
of Greensboro, carried the alarming news, "Great Excitement in
Charleston — Major Anderson abandons Fort Moultrie, and Re-
moves all His troops to Fort Sumpter." 9 In another column there
was a summons to a mass meeting to be held in Winston with the
declaration, "Secession has no place in Forsyth." 10
But secession and war came, and Salem was soon rallying to
the support of the Confederacy.
The Press of June 21 reported that "on Monday morning last,
the 1st and 2nd Companies of Forsyth Volunteers — the 'Rifle-
men* and 'Grays' — took their departure from this place for
Danville, Va." Forty wagons were provided for the troops. The
volunteers, headed by the brass band, marched to Salem Square
and halted in front of the Female Academy, where, in the pres-
ence of a large concourse of people "of all ages, sexes, and con-
ditions," the Rt. Rev. George F. Bahnson delivered a "brief but
pertinent" address and the Rev. Michael Doub of the Methodist
Church added his blessing. 11
8 The People's Press, May 6, 1858.
• The People's Press, January 4, 1861.
10 Forsyth County.
" The People's Press, June 21, 1861.
282 The North Carolina Historical Review
These soldiers camped for a while at the fairgrounds in Rich-
mond, and then moved forward to battle. In November the Salem
Museum advertised, "New Curiosities — Consisting of NATIVE
BIRDS prepared and mounted in a most lifelike manner by sev-
eral members of the society; also a BOMB, said to have been
shot at and passed over the Forsyth Volunteers at the Battle
of Manassas, and to have been thrown a distance of three
miles/' 12
After the departure of the first contingent of troops, there
came appeals for aid, appeals that grew more urgent as the
battle years passed. The Young Ladies Relief Association and
other groups gathered large quantities of supplies much needed
by the Confederate soldiers and their families. Dr. Clewell, for-
mer president of Salem College, wrote: "A pleasing feature of
these years of hardship appears in the earnest and self-sacrific-
ing manner in which the church and community laboured to
ameliorate the suffering of the soldiers, especially in the latter
portion of the struggle. The residents of Salem, in 1863 and
1864, will recall the long lines of cloth tacked to the fences, in
the avenue, or around the private lots in the town. These long
strips were being painted and made into 'oilcloth,' to protect
the soldiers from the weather and to serve them in other ways.
. . . Even the little folks picked quantities of lint for the wounded,
while their elders wound numberless rolls of bandages for the
surgeons' use." 13
As North Carolina sent its manpower into the conflict, leading
the entire South, Salem and the surrounding country responded
loyally with volunteers. The Twenty-first and the Twenty-sixth
North Carolina regiments were largely recruited here and for
them two military bands were furnished. The band of the
Twenty-sixth, numbering among its players Julius Leinbach,
Samuel T. Mickey, Daniel Crouse, Gus Reich, the magician, and
other well known Salem residents, had the honor of serenading
General Lee. At the battle of Gettysburg the bandboys served
12 The People's Press, November 1, 1861. This bomb and several other missies fired in the
battle of Bull Run are among the exhibits of the Hall of History in the Wachovia Museum
of the Wachovia Historical Society, Winston-Salem, N. C.
13 Clewell, History of Wachovia, 254.
Salem in the War Between the States 283
as stretcher-bearers. 14 One of the handbooks, which was pierced
by a bullet, is now in the museum. Ladies of the community
made and presented two embroidered silk flags to departing
companies. One of the flags was captured in battle and later
returned to find a resting place in the Hall of History.
The pinch of war was felt in lack of school supplies at Salem
Female Academy. An advertisement of the principal of the
Academy in August, 1862, reads: "OLD SCHOOL BOOKS
WANTED — The Subscriber will pay a liberal price for any of
the following second hand books: Robbins' Outlines of History,
Smith's Grammar, Mitchell's Geography and Atlas, Ollendorff
French Grammar, Davies' Arithmetic, Davenport's U. S. History,
Gray's Astronomy, Murray's Exercises, &c. Even if the books
are somewhat injured, bring them to the office of Robert De
Schweinitz." 15
By the end of the year 1862 lengthy casualty lists had appear-
ed in the papers and the community was counting its sad cost
of the dead or wounded. The Twenty-first Regiment had been
engaged in the battle of Fredericksburg. Many familiar names
appear on its list: "Romulus Tesh, wounded in shoulder; John
Wimmer, broken left arm and left leg . . . ," etc. 16 The latter
was in after years well known in the community as the white-
bearded veteran with one arm and one leg, who for many years
hauled the mail in his wagon from the railway station to the
Salem College post office.
Glimpses of the sorrow and loss are found in the notes of the
Salem diary:
"Today at one o'clock was the funeral of our brother Armenius
Lash, whose death took place at Petersburg, and his remains
were brought here by his brother." December 22, 1862.
"The funeral of Lieutenant Jacob Sheppard took place. He
was killed in the battle of Fredericksburg." December 22, 1862.
"Henry C. Banner died at Petersburg, December 21, from a
wound received at Fredericksburg, and was buried here today."
December 24, 1862.
14 Julius A. Leinbach, "The Salem Band at the Battle of Gettysburg," an unpublished
paper in the library of the Wachovia Historical Society, Winston-Salem, N. C.
* 5 The People's Press, August 22, 1862.
i« The People's Press, December 19, 1862,
284 The North Carolina Historical Review
"Today we received the news of the death of Charles J.
Clauder, who had fallen on the battle-field near Fredericksburg.
He was found dead, by the litter bearers, with his Bible open
on his breast." May 13, 1863. 17
On these notes Dr. Clewell has commented: "This same sad
record could be increased, for many a mournful procession
passed beneath the rows of cedars, bearing the remains of loved
ones, brave boys like Henry Belo and [Major] William Pfohl,
who died in the conflict. Or we could tell of those who fell, and
whose friends did not even have the comfort of placing their
remains in the home graveyard, as was the case of Wiley Gray,
and many another." 18
In the year 1863 Salem Academy was still going strong in
spite of the war. Its 310 pupils participated in the "Examina-
tion" in May, although the program was noticeably shortened. 19
There was a personal interest in the death of General Stone-
wall Jackson, for Mrs. Jackson had been a student at Salem. 20
In the week following the battle of Gettysburg the Winston
newspaper printed the following war news: "From Pennsyl-
vania we have the most cheering of news, provided it is reliable.
Our forces since they entered the State have had things pretty
much in their own way, and no doubt have made partial amends
for the treatment which we of the South have received at the
hands of the Yankees. A series of battles have been fought near
Gettysburg, Pa., . . . which so far as we are able to judge from
the meager reports received, both through the enemy's channels
of information and our own, have resulted in a most glorious
success and decided victory to our army under Lee." 21 The Salem
newspaper also gave a glowing first account of the battle, but
conservatively added reports from Baltimore expressing doubt
about the results of the conflict. 22 Gradually the citizens of Salem
and the pupils of the Academy learned that the southern army
had suffered a great defeat. When the casualty lists had been
tabulated, it was found that losses to home regiments were as
follows :
17 Diary in the archives of the Moravian Church, Winston-Salem, N. C.
18 Clewell, History of Wachovia, 241.
19 The People's Press, May 29, 1863.
20 Mrs. Jackson later received an honorary degree from Salem College.
21 Western Sentinel, July 10, 1863.
22 The People's Press, July 10, 1863.
Salem in the War Between the States 285
Killed Wounded Missing
21st Regiment 11 63 38
26th Regiment 88 483 87 23
As the war continued, strain and suffering in the South in-
creased with mounting losses in life and property. After every
great battle in 1864, the casualty lists bore names of Salem's
volunteers. "Battles Around Richmond: Lt. Col. A. H. Belo, 24
wounded in arm," etc. 25 Supplies of every kind were running
low. Confederate money was steadily depreciating. Would the
Salem Female Academy be able to weather the storm? The an-
swer is found in the news of June, 1864:
"The Session of this venerable Institution closed on the 25th
ultimo. The number of scholars was very large, and the con-
tinued depreciation of the currency rendered it frequently almost
impossible to provide for the future ; but the energetic Prinicpal
surmounted all difficulties, and we are glad to state that the
Board of Trustees have determined to open the new session in
August next. — Registration North Carolina, 125; Tennessee,
29, Virginia, 26 ; Mississippi, 23 ; Georgia, 21 ; Alabama, 18 ;
South Carolina, 15 ; Florida, 10 ; Texas, 3 ; Louisiana, 1 ; Arkan-
sas, 1 ; Salem, N. C, 48.— 320.
"The Musical Entertainment, on the evening of the 26th
ult., displayed the usual good taste in arrangement. The music
was excellent, and the recitations and dialogues both amusing
and instructive, keeping a large audience in good humored at-
tention for over two hours. The chapel was charmingly decor-
ated with flowers." 26
Thus Salem kept the faith in the dark days of the war.
The local newspaper noted the contrast between Salem Acad-
emy and the University of North Carolina at this time. At the
University in, 1860 there were 70 to 80 graduates and 500
matriculates. In 1864 there were 8 graduates and 50 to 60 matric-
ulates. 27
23 The People's Preaa, August 20, 1863.
24 The late Dr. Adelaide L. Fries of Winston-Salem furnished this information: Lt. Col.
Belo spent some time in Salem recovering from the effect of his wound. He did not return
to Virginia to be paroled after General Lee's surrender. Dr. Fries's uncle, H. W. Fries, gave
Belo a horse on which he rode to join General Johnston's army, which was still engaged.
General Johnston surrendered before Belo reached him. Then Belo, determined not to
surrender, rode horseback to Texas. There he sold the horse and with the proceeds of
the sale began his business. He became a millionaire newspaper publisher with two papers,
the Galveston Neivs and the Dallas News.
25 The People's Press, November 3, 1864, and following issues.
16 The People's Press, June 9, 1864.
27 The People's Press, June 9, 1864.
286 The North Carolina Historical Review
Salem had a tremendous task in caring for the students of the
Academy in the latter years of the war. There was a scarcity of
clothing of all sorts. Children clattered about wearing shoes
made with wooden soles. There was a serious shortage of food
supplies. Salt was rationed by E. A. Vogler, salt commissioner.
In 1863 it was selling at $10 a bushel, or $25 on the black market.
Later there was hardly any obtainable at any price. When the
supply of sugar at the Academy was exhausted, Governor Zebu-
Ion B. Vance sent two barrels to the institution. Sheriff Augustus
Fogle, sometimes accompanied by Principal de Schweinitz, made
many trips in his wagon scouring the surrounding country for
food, bringing in vegetables, meat, and other provisions from a
wide area. 28 Governor Vance gave written permission for Sheriff
Fogle and the principal to pass through Confederate lines on
their search for food, and paid a high tribute to the Academy
for taking care of so many students, including large numbers of
refugees from other states. 29
The payment of the students for their expenses was in Con-
federate money. The result was an accumulation of thousands
of dollars in worthless currency. In the Salem College office
today there is an iron safe that was used for deposit in the days
of the War between the States, and within it are large bundles
of the Confederate money, mute evidence of the loss sustained
by the institution in war.
In the early months of 1865 severe fighting continued, but
peace rumors became frequent.
On April 6 there was a report that Stoneman's cavalry was
approaching from the west, one detachment coming down the
Yadkin River by way of Jonesville, another coming across the
mountains near Hillsville, Virginia. 30
In Salem the inhabitants excitedly prepared for the invasion.
Widespread destruction in the South by northern troops was
well known and a rush was made to conceal valuables. Under
a stone in the cellar of the principal's house, later the college
office, the money and jewelry of the students and other objects
of value were buried. The two fine black horses owned by the
Academy were hidden in the cellar under Main Hall. 31
28 Clewell, History of Wachovia, 252-255.
29 Letter on file in the Salem College treasurer's office.
30 The People's Press, March 30, 1865.
31 Clewell, History of Wachovia, 250.
Salem in the War Between the States 287
Principal de Schweinitz of the Academy, Mayor Joshua Boner,
and a few other citizens rode out to meet the invading troops
and parleyed with the advance guard a short distance north
of the town of Winston. They were given the assurance that the
community would be protected and that no pillaging would be
allowed. 32
Of the invasion the Press reported:
"On the evening, April the 10th, Col. Palmer's Brigade en-
tered the village, and occupied it for twenty-four hours, strictly
respecting persons and property. Government stores, and citizens'
horses 33 and mules, were of course appropriated, in town and
surrounding country. Contrary to Col. Palmer's orders, Mr.
Fries's Cotton Factory was entered by a few soldiers and others,
and pillaged to some extent, but as soon as the affair became
known to the colonel, he promptly put a stop to it." 34
Headquarters for the Union force were in the Kuschke house,
then the residence of Mayor Joshua Boner, across the street
from the Blum home and printing office. 35
An incident that might have resulted in serious consequences
has been included in local traditions. When the Yankee soldiers
approached the Salem Female Academy, a hot-headed student
from Alabama waved a Confederate flag from a third-story
window of Main Hall and gave the Rebel yell. Tradition also
claims that at the same time Principal de Schweinitz and the
commander of the Union troops recognized each other as former
schoolmates of the Moravian school for boys in Pennsylvania,
and that the commander gave reassurance that the school would
be protected in spite of this demonstration.
Colonel Palmer's troops were succeeded by the Tenth Ohio
Cavalry of the army of occupation. Headquarters were in the
home later occupied by Dr. J. W. Hunter. 36
The Press of May 20, 1865, along with the news of the assas-
sination of President Lincoln gave a report of the raising of the
Stars and Stripes above the Forsyth County courthouse in
32 Clewell, History of Wachovia, 250-51.
s " Mrs. Sarah K. Stevenson of Winston-Salem told of a humorous incident: The seven-
year-old son of C. L. Rights was watching the Yankee cavalrymen troop down Main Street,
when, stirred with excitement, he cried, "You can't sret our horses; we got 'em hid in
the cellar." The good natured troopers did not get the horses.
34 The People's Press, May 27, 1865.
85 Clewell, History of Wachovia, 251.
38 Clewell, History of Wachovia, 251.
288 The North Carolina Historical Review
Winston, in which Salem's daughters participated. Thirteen little
girls, between the ages of five and eleven years, representing
the original states, dressed in white, festooned with flowers and
evergreens, and sashes of red, white, and blue, wearing wreaths
of roses and evergreens, and carrying small white flags with
the coat of arms of the United States on the one side and a minute
likeness of President Washington on the other, with the words
"Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable," led
the parade to the courthouse. "The little galaxy of beauty was
composed of Misses Mary A. Fontaine, Dora Starbuck, Ella
Starbuck, Alice Steiner, Rosa Lash, Sophie Shultz, Adelia Mickey,
Rosa Mickey, Gertrude Hall, Flaucy [Flossie] Hall, Josie Wilson,
Sarah Earp, and Pattie Fountain." The little boys, Willie Foun-
tain and Willie Spach, presented the flag to the officials while the
Salem Band, led by a veteran of the Confederacy, a certain Cap-
tain Carmichael, played martial music. The flag was raised as the
band played "The Star Spangled Banner," and salutes were fired
from a six-inch cannon. "As the flag reached the top and spread
its ample folds to the breeze, a shout went up that made the welkin
ring." 37
The war was over. The Stars and Stripes waved again. Salem
had weathered another war and the school for girls had kept
its honorable record for continuous service.
87 The People's Press, May 20, 1865.
AN ECONOMIC INTERPRETATION OF THE RATIFICA-
TION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION IN
NORTH CAROLINA
PART II
THE HILLSBORO CONVENTION-
ECONOMIC INTERESTS OF THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS
By William C. Pool
The Anti-Federalists, or the group opposed to ratification of
the Federal Constitution, had an overwhelming majority from
the first day of the Hillsboro convention of 1788 until the last
session. When the vote was taken on Saturday, August 2, 1788,
no less than 184 of the delegates voted to reject the Constitution.
This large number of those opposed to ratification creates a
splendid situation for an economic study. Did the opposition in
North Carolina come from the non-slaveholding farmers and
debtor classes? Or, on the other hand can it be shown that be-
tween the men who supported and those who opposed the Con-
stitution there was no line of property division at all ; that men
owning substantially the same amounts and kinds of property
were equally divided on the matter of adoption or rejection?
In the following pages the amounts and kinds of property
held by each one of the 184 persons opposing ratification will
be considered. As in the case of the Federalist bloc, the Anti-
Federalists will be presented not according to their rank or
their importance in the debates but according to the county
they represented. The counties are arranged alphabetically. Once
again it should be noted that the statistics which follow are in-
complete in that they represent amounts and kinds of property
held by each delegate within the borders of his own home
county unless otherwise indicated. The statistics, therefore,
represent the minimum holdings.
Anson County
Daniel Gould is listed in the census as the owner of four slaves
in 1790 ; no other information is available. 1
1 Census of 1790. .
[289 ]
290 The North Carolina Historical Keview
Lewis Lanier held only 50 acres of land according to the land
records of Anson County. It is evident that he held more land as
he represented Anson County in the house of commons, 1788-
1789. Lanier owned 13 slaves. 2
Samuel Spencer, lawyer, graduate of Princeton (College of
New Jersey), and the leading debater in opposition, owned 11
slaves and 2,080 acres of land. Spencer was a member of the
first three provincial congresses of North Carolina and one of
the judges of the state court after 1777. In 1784 the degree of
doctor of laws was conferred upon him by the College of New
Jersey. 3
Thomas Wade, Anson County's member to the state senate,
1782-1784, possessed 2,822 acres of land and 17 slaves. 4
Beaufort County
James Bonner was an extensive property holder. Prior to the
convention he held 51 slaves, 3,621 acres of land, and additional
small grants in Tennessee with the Blounts. Bonner represented
Beaufort County in the state senate, 1786-1788. 5
Bladen County
Thomas Brown is listed in the records along with many other
Browns. Thomas was issued 2,634 acres prior to 1791 in the
Cape Fear region. He also received a grant of 2,640 acres in
Tennessee in 1788 and other small grants earlier. The tax lists
indicate that Brown's total acreage in Bladen County was 1,871
with 1,920 acres "over the mountains." Thomas Brown pos-
sessed 30 slaves and was state senator in 1785, 1786, and 1788. 6
Samuel Cain, member of the house of commons in 1783, 1784,
1787, and 1788, is recorded in the tax lists as the owner of 640
acres of land in Bladen County although 1,440 acres appear in
the land grant records under the name Samuel Cain. The Census
of 1790 lists two Samuel Cains — one with 13 slaves, the other
with none. 7
2 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 25; Census of 1790: Land Grant Index.
3 Trenholme, Ratification in North Carolina, 25, 148, 154n; Census of 1790; Land Grant
Index.
* Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 25; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
"Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 29; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index: Legislative Papers
(hereafter cited as L. P.), Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Beaufort County, 1789; L. P., Beaufort
County Records, Land Grants, 1758-1760.
a Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 44; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax
Lists, 1786-1790, Bladen County.
7 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 44; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax
Lists, 1786-1790, Bladen County.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 291
Joseph Gaitier is not listed in any of the records examined.
Perhaps there is an error in the spelling as Jos. R. Gautier is
listed as state senator, 1791, from Bladen County. This informa-
tion would indicate that Gautier held at least 300 acres of land. 8
Brunswick County
John Cains held 997 acres of land in Brunswick County prior
to 1790; additional grants of 500 acres in partnership with
Christopher Cains and 300 acres with Charles Cains are listed.
He held 9 slaves and represented his county in the house of com-
mons in 1788. 9
Lewis Dupree possesed 873 acres of land and 34 slaves. He was
a member of the house of commons in 1778 and 1787 and state
senate in 1788 and 1791. 10
Alexious M. Forster, member of the state senate in 1787, owned
2,876 acres of land. No slave information is available. 11
Jacob Leonard, member of the house of commons, 1784-1788,
held grants for 300 acres and "part of a lott" in Brunswick
County. His will reveals that all his legal debts were to be paid
and debts due him were to be collected. Leonard also provided
for a liberal education for his children. 12
Burke County
James Greenlee was an extensive property holder with 5,827
acres of land and other miscellaneous grants in Burke County. 13
Joseph M'Dowell, Revolutionary soldier and member of the
house of commons from 1780 to 1788 and of the state senate
from 1791 to 1795, held 2,918 acres prior to the convention in
private ownership. It is difficult to distinguish between Joseph
M'Dowall and Joseph M'Dowall, Jr. The elder M'Dowall held
10 slaves. 14
Joseph M'Dowall, Jr., member of the house of commons from
1786 to 1792, held 9 slaves. The remainder of his property is
confused with that of Joseph M'Dowall. The family, however,
held considerable property. 15
8 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 44.
9 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 49: Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax
Lists, 1780-1782, Brunswick County, 1782.
10 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 49; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
11 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 49; Land Grant Index.
"Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 49; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1780-1782,
Brunswick County, 1782.
13 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 62; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
14 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 62; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
15 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 62; Census of 1790.
292 The North Carolina Historical Review
Robert Miller is listed with 2 slaves in 1790 ; no other informa-
tion concerning his property interest was available from the
records examined. 16
Caswell County
James Boswell is listed as the owner of 385 acres with an
evaluation of £228 in 1784. 17
Robert Dickens was granted 12,078 acres of land between 1778
and 1790 and 3,939 acres with Wm. Waite; he had 16,077 acres
plus an evaluation of £6,369 in the tax lists of 1785. Dickens
was a member of the house of commons in 1782, 1785, and 1786
and of the state senate in 179 1. 18
John Graves held 2,473 acres, granted between 1772 and 1790.
A John Graves, Jr., is listed with 1,500 acres, granted from 1782
to 1790. The tax records also list two John Graves — one with
2,000 acres, the other with 1,690 acres and a £1,966 evaluation.
John Graves is listed as a member of the house of commons from
1788 to 1793. 19
George Roberts is not listed in any of the Caswell County
records available.
John Womack owned 1,860 acres of land with an evaluation of
£1,320. 20
Chatham County
James Anderson, member of the house of commons from 1786
to 1792, was granted 185 acres of land in 1787 and 1788 in
Chatham County and 500 acres in Tennessee. He owned 15 slaves.
His will mentions £25 of "Virginia money," 2- horses, and lands
in Chatham County and Mecklenburg County, Virginia. 21
Ambrose Ramsey, member of the senate, 1777-1788, was an
extensive property holder. He was granted 640 acres of land
in 1779 and held 11 slaves in 1790. In addition his will lists $5,500
and additional security, mills, 400 acres, a ferry, and a fishery. 22
10 Census of 1790.
17 L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Caswell County, 1785.
18 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 80-81; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785;
Caswell County, 1785.
» Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 81; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785,
Caswell County, 1785.
20 Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Caswell County, 1784.
21 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 86; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Chatham
County Records, Wills, Inventories, Sales of Estates, and Deeds, 1790-1799.
22 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 86; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Chatham
County Records. Will Book B, 1798-1833.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 293
Joseph Stewart, member of the house of commons from 1786
to 1789 and of the state senate from 1790 to 1796, owned 1,135
acres of land. 23
William Vestal owned no slaves in 1790 and 205 acres of land
plus "the remainder of estate." 24
Craven County
Richard Nixon, member of the house of commons from 1787
to 1789, owned 19 slaves and had grants for 565 acres of land
prior to 1788. Other small grants were held in partnership ; still
other grants were received after ratification. 25
Benjamin Williams, a member of the state senate in 1788,
held 1,689 acres of land, all granted between 1762 and 1789. He
held no slaves in 1790. 26
Cumberland County
Thomas Armstrong, state senator from 1784 to 1787, held
18 slaves and land grants for 2,900 acres received between 1757
and 1790. He was granted 384 acres in Tennessee. The tax
records of 1787 list Armstrong's acreage as 3,200. His will lists
"a plantation" and various other tracts of land ; his western land
grants totaled more than 9,000 acres by 1789. 27
Alexander McAllaster, an extensive property holder, owned
40 slaves and had received grants for 2,599 acres of land prior
to the convention. He was a member of the state senate from
1787 to 1790 and prior to that had been very active in the forma-
tion of the revolutionary government, representing Cumberland
County at Hillsboro in August, 1776. 28
Davidson County (Tennessee)
William Dobbin possessed grants totaling 1,500 acres of land
in North Carolina and 3,140 acres in Tennessee. 29
William Donaldson was granted 1,530 acres of land between
1786 and 1790. 30
23 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 86; Land Grant Index.
2i Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Chatham County Records, Will Book A,
1798-1819, I, 24.
25 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 122; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
26 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 122; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
27 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 131; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Cumber-
land County Records, List of Taxables, 1777-1787; L. P., Cumberland County Records,
Wills, 1757-1869, I, 14-15.
28 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 131, 125; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P.,
Cumberland County Records, List of Taxables, 1777-1787; L. P., Cumberland County
Records, Wills, 1757-1869, IV, 22.
29 Land Grant Index; Land Records, North Carolina Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791,
microfilm.
30 Land Grant Index.
294 The North Carolina Historical Review
Thomas Evans owned 3,940 acres of land in North Carolina
prior to the convention and 640 acres in Tennessee. 31
Thomas Hardiman was granted 100 acres of land in 1784 and
3,840 acres in 1787. His property in Tennessee included 640
acres of land. 32
Robert Weakley had been granted 5 sections (3,200 acres)
of land with associates prior to ratification. Later grants in
Tennessee totaled 5,220 acres. 33
Duplin County
William Dickson received grants totaling 1,320 acres before
1790 plus 640 acres with Federalist Robert Dickson. William
Dickson held 31 slaves in 1790. 34
James Gillespie owned 30 slaves and received grants for 2,100
acres of land before 1790 ; additional grants were received later.
He represented Duplin County in the house of commons from
1779 to 1783 and in the state senate from 1784 to 1786. 35
James Kenan, member of the state senate from Duplin County
from 1777 to 1783 and from 1787 to 1791, was an extensive
property holder with land grants for 2,790 acres before 1787 and
for 1,000 acres in 1790. Kenan owned 37 slaves. 36
Francis Oliver owned only 3 slaves and had 125 acres of land
entered in 1780 and granted in 1791. 37
Charles Ward, member of the house of commons from 1787
to 1789, owned 12 slaves and received grants for 1,000 acres of
land betwen 1785 and 1788. The tax records for Duplin County
show Ward's total acreage as 1,600 acres. 38
Edgecombe County
Elisha Battle, one of the outstanding leaders among the Anti-
Federalists in 1788, was born in Virginia in 1723 and moved to
the Tar River area in 1743. He was a member of the convention
which met at Halifax in November, 1776, and drew up the state
31 Land Grant Index; Land Records, North Carolina Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791,
microfilm.
32 Land Grant Index; Land Records, North Carolina Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791,
microfilm.
33 Land Grant Index; Land Records, North Carolina Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791,
microfilm.
34 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Duplin County Records, Tax Lists, 1783-
1817, 15.
35 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 139; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
38 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 139; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
37 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Duplin County Records, Tax Lists, 1783-
1817, 19.
38 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 139; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Duplin
County Records, Tax Lists, 1783-1817, 21.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 295
constitution; he represented Edgecombe County in the state
senate from 1777 to 1787 except for the terms of 1782 and 1784.
Battle received separate land grants between 1754 and 1762 for
3,001 acres. He owned 22 slaves. Battle died in 1799 and his will
mentions Negroes, plantation, $225, and 170 silver dollars. 39
Blythel Bell possessed 14 slaves and the "land and plantation
whereon I now live." His political career began with the Hills-
boro convention. 40
Robert Diggs, member of the House of Commons, 1781-1787,
owned 300 acres of land, referred to in his will as a "plantation."
No information is available concerning the number of slaves
Diggs held ; "negroes" are mentioned in his will. 41
William Fort, whose political activity was not extensive prior
to 1788, owned 6 slaves and held land grants totaling 879 acres. 42
Etheldred Gray was an extensive property owner with hold-
ings which included 714 acres "on south side of Tar River,"
also 580 acres "more or less," 875 acres on "Walnut Creek," 200
additional acres on the "south side of Tar," and 250 acres in
Pitt County — a total of 2,619 acres. He had 29 slaves. He was a
member of the house of commons in 1780 and state senator in
1788 and 1789. 43
Franklin County
Durham Hall, member of the house of commons from 1784
to 1786 and in 1789, owned 7 slaves and 165 acres "on the waters
of Tarr River." 44
Henry Hill, state senator for Franklin County from 1780 to
1783, 1784 to 1787, and 1789 to 1791, received grants for 640
acres of land on "Sycamore and Cedar Creeks" in 1779 and an
additional 272 acres in 1780. The Franklin tax records for 1779
reveal that Hill's taxables included 779 acres of land. He owned
28 slaves. 45
39 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 146; Census of 1790; L. P., Edgecombe County Records,
Wills, 1758-1830, I, 64; Land Grant Index.
40 Census of 1790, L. P., Edgecombe County Records, Wills, 1758-1830, I, 73; Wheeler,
Historical Sketches, II, 146.
41 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 146; Land Grant Index; L. P., Edgecombe County
Records, Wills, 1758-1830, III, 85.
42 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
43 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 146; L. P., Edgecombe County Records, Wills, 1758-
1830, V, 15.
44 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 149.
45 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Franklin County Tax Records, 1785-1834,
List of Taxables, 1799; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 149,
296 The North Carolina Historical Review
William Lancaster held 5 slaves in 1790 and had been granted
500 acres of land as early as 1779. 46
John Norwood owned 24 slaves and had been granted 1,957
acres of land prior to the convention. 47
Thomas Sherrod, representative for Franklin County in the
house of commons, 1784-1785, again in 1787, and again from
1789 to 1791, held land grants totaling 1,161 acres by 1799. It
is impossible to list his specific holdings in 1788. He owned 9
slaves. 48
Granville County
Howell Lewis, Jr., state senator, 1785-1787, received grants
in 1788 and 1789 for 1,087 acres of land. In 1782 his property
evaluation was fixed at £2,066 and in 1785 he is listed as possess-
ing 900 acres of land. 49
Elijah Mitchell owned 640 acres of land in 1785; he repre-
sented Granville County in the house of commons in 1788 and
four times afterwards. 50
Thomas Person, born in 1733, was a staunch defender of
the rights of North Carolina through the last years of the colonial
period and early years of statehood. He was a man of the people
and, besides serving in the revolutionary assemblies held at
New Bern, Hillsboro, and Halifax between 1774 and 1777, repre-
sented his county in the house of commons without interruption
from 1777 to 1784, was a member of the senate in 1787, and re-
turned to the house of commons in 1788. Despite his public
activities, Person managed to build up a large estate which con-
sisted of 89,660 acres of land and 62 slaves by 1785. This land
baron denounced both the proposed constitution and the men
who framed it. He was uncompromising and loudly advocated
rejection of the Constitution through all of the contest over
ratification. 51
Joseph Taylor, state senator in 1781, held 2,836 acres of land. 52
*• Census of 1790; L. P., Franklin County Tax Records, 1785-1834, List of Taxables, 1799.
47 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
'"'Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 149; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P.,
Franklin County Tax Records, 1785-1834, List of Taxables, 1799.
49 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 165-166, makes no distinction between Howell Lewis
and Howell Lewis, Jr.; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1780-1782, Granville County,
1782; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Granville County, 1785.
150 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 166; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Granville County, 1785.
51 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 162, 165-166; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists,
1783-1785. Granville County, 1785.
52 Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Granville County, 1785; Wheeler,
Historical Sketches, II, 165.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 297
Thornton Yancey, six times member of the house of commons,
held 542 acres of land in 1785. 53
Greene County (Tennessee)
Asabel Rawlings had obtained about 3,000 acres of land by
1800 ; no information is available concerning his slave holdings. 54
James Roddy possessed 1,400 acres of land prior to the con-
vention ; available records do not list Tennessee counties' slaves. 55
James Wilson held 640 acres of land prior to the convention, 56
Guilford County
John Anderson, who held no slaves, received grants for 550
acres of land. 57
David Caldwell, one of the more radical Anti-Federalists, was
born in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, March 22, 1725. He
went to North Carolina as a Presbyterian missionary after
graduation from Princeton. Caldwell set up a classical and theo-
logical school at Guilford. He later studied medicine and com-
bined the two professions. Caldwell was not interested in politics
and was a member of only two revolutionary conventions — the
convention at Halifax in November, 1776, and the Hillsboro
convention of 1788. Besides the school at Guilford, Caldwell
owned 8 slaves and 791 acres of land. 58
Daniel Gillespie, member of the house of commons, 1779, and
state senator, 1790-1795, owned 6 slaves and had received a land
grant for 500 acres in 1783. Gillespie also obtained 2,000 acres in
joint ownership. 59
William Goudy received grants for 1,220 acres of land; he did
not own any slaves. Goudy was a member of the house of com-
mons from 1780 to 1782, state senator during 1786, and returned
to the lower house in 1787 and 1788. 60
John Hamilton, member of the house of commons from 1784 to
1786 and from 1788 to 1789, held 1,280 acres of land, another
1,280 acres with Thomas Henderson, and other small grants. He
owned 6 slaves. 61
63 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 166; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Granville County, 1785.
64 Land Grant Index.
55 Land Grant Index.
56 Land Grant Index.
67 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
58 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 181; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Records of the
Convention, 1789, indicate that Caldwell also represented Guilford County at the Fayetteville
Convention.
69 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 183; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
60 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 183; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
61 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 183; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
298 The North Carolina Historical Review
Halifax County
John Branch, member of the house of commons from 1781 to
1782 and again from 1787 to 1788, was a man of "true revolu-
tionary stock ... a terror, in his day, to the Tories." Branch
owned 28 slaves and 2,000 acres of land in 1790. His will shows
that his estate included 10,000 acres of land in Tennessee "on the
waters of duck river." 62
Egbert Haywood, member of the house of commons in 1778,
owned 17 slaves and 1,500 acres of land in 1790. During 1788 he
served as a commissioner for purchasing tobacco. 63
John Jones received grants for 1,173 acres of land between
1780 and 1790. The tax records of Halifax County for the year
1790 list only 250 acres under his name. Jones was a member of
the house of commons in 1788. 64
Willie Jones, one of the most powerful political figures of the
age, was born May 25, 1741, in Surry County, Virginia. His
father, a lawyer, brought his family to North Carolina some time
between 1750 and 1753. As agent for Lord Granville and attorney
for the crown, the elder Jones acquired immense tracts of land
by grants, negotiations, and dealings with the Indians; he was
"probably the largest landed proprietor on Roanoke River."
Willie Jones was educated at Eton in England and returned to
North Carolina to inherit his father's old home, "the castle."
Jones soon moved to the town of Halifax where he resided in
one of the "outstanding homes" in colonial North Carolina. A
man of aristocracy and wealth, Willie Jones owned "one of the
finest stables in the South," 9,942*4 acres of land in District
Nine of Halifax County and 120 slaves. He was also involved in
the Transylvania Company (speculators in western land) of
Richard Henderson, and in 1795 he was among "a number of
gentlemen desirous of promoting the navigation of the Roanoke
River," a charter member of the Roanoke Navigation Company
in 1797, and president of the subscribers. In 1796 he managed
the Halifax Factory lottery "for the purpose of raising 5,000
B2 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 201; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Halifax
List of Taxables, Inventories of Estates, Miscellaneous Papers, 1769-1839; L. P., Halifax
County Records, Wills, 1772-1854, I, 76.
63 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 203; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Halifax
List of Taxables, Inventories of Estates, Miscellaneous Papers, 1769-1839; Samuel Johnston
Letterbook, 1788-1789, 23.
64 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 203; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Halifax
List of Taxables, Inventores of Estates, Miscellaneous Papers, 1769-1839.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 299
dollars ... to establish an extensive FACTORY ; for the purpose
of carding, spinning and weaving."
The political career of Willie Jones began in the colonial gen-
eral assembly of 1767 ; he was a member of the lower house. In
1771 he again represented Halifax in the lower house, supported
Governor Tyron in the Regulator disturbances, and was ap-
pointed by the crown to the "Council of the Province of North
Carolina.'' Jones was outstanding in the provincial congresses,
1774-1775, and became marked as a political radical believing
strongly in independence and democracy. In November, 1776,
Jones was an outstanding member of the Halifax congress which
framed the state constitution. He represented Halifax County
in the house of commons of the state assembly, 1779-1787, and in
the senate in 1788. A leader of the democratic element in North
Carolina, the aristocratic Willie Jones led the opposition to
ratification of the Federal Constitution and completely domniated
the proceedings of the Hillsboro convention because of his jeal-
ousy for any force which tended to abridge the newly won in-
dependence. 65
William Wootten owned 14 slaves and 1,000 acres of land
in 1790. 66
Hawkins County (Tennessee)
Stokely Donelson received land grants for 64,885 acres prior
to the convention and an additional 14,380 acres with associates.
Donelson afterwards received grants for around 500,000 acres
of western land. Some of these individual grants were as large
as 60,400 acres. He had a wide interest in Tennessee land war-
rants and was probably the most active of all the promoters of
speculation schemes in North Carolina. 67
Thomas King obtained grants for 17,164 acres of land between
1780 and 1795. He received grants for additional large tracts with
associates. 68
William Marshall entered grants for about 1,000 acres before
1788. These tracts were later granted to him. 69
88 Blackwell Pierce Robinson, "Willie Jones of Halifax," The North Carolina Historical
Review, XVIII (1941), 1 ff., 133 ff.; Census of 1790: Land Grant Index.
66 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Halifax List of Taxables, Inventories of
Estates, Miscellaneous Papers, 1769-1839.
67 Land Grant Index; Stockley Donaldson to Will Tyrill, Raleigh, February 24, 1796,
Miscellaneous Papers, Series One, II, 23.
68 Land Grant Index.
69 Land Grant Index.
300 The North Carolina Historical Review
Hertford County
Lemuel Burkitt listed 100 acres of land, 7 cattle, 3 Negroes,
£84/12/1, 1 horse, and a total evaluation of £2,351 in the tax
records of 1779. Additional information concerning his property
was not revealed by the records examined. 70
William Little was a common name in North Carolina and no
specific information is available for the one representing Hert-
ford County.
Johnston County
Joseph Boon owned 10 slaves and 380 acres of land. He was a
member of the house of commons in 1781 and 1784 and a member
of the senate in 1787. 71
John Bryan, member of the house of commons in 1778 and
again in 1788 and 1789, owned either 2 or 22 slaves in 1790 and
613 acres of land in 1784. 72
William Farmer received grants for 228 acres of land in North
Carolina and 1,786 acres in Tennessee. He owned 10 slaves. 73
Everet Pearce, member of the house of commons in 1787, re-
ceived grants for 1,320 acres of land prior to the convention and
owned 11 slaves. Other property listed for Pearce includes "mill
and apparatus" and a "plantation," evidently the same tract
listed above. 74
Jones County
John Hill Bryan, member of the house of commons, 1788,
owned 14 slaves in 1790. 75
Nathan Bryan, member of the house of commons in 1787 and
from 1791 to 1794, owned 15 slaves in 1790 ; no other information
is available from the records examined. 76
Frederick Hargett, member of the house of commons in 1783
and state senator, 1786-1793, received a grant for 1,508 acres of
land in Tennessee in 1786 and additional grants after 1790. He
70 L. P., Tax Lists, 1779, Hertford County.
71 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 219-220; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P.,
Tax Lists, 1783-1786, Johnston County, 1784.
72 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 219-220 lists the representative as John Bryan, Jr.;
two John Bryans are listed in the Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists
1783-1786, Johnston County, 1784.
78 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
7i Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 220; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax
Lists, 1783-1786, Johnston County, 1784; L. P., Johnston County Records, Wills, 1760-1830,
III, 40.
76 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 221; Census of 1790.
78 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 221; Census of 1790.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 301
owned at least 600 acres in North Carolina prior to the convention
and 16 slaves. 77
William Randall, member of the house of commons in 1783
and again from 1787 to 1789, possessed 19 slaves, 2 lots in New
Bern, 5,000 acres of land "lying on the western waters" in
partnership with "Fredrick Harget," one lot in Fayetteville, and
an unspecified amount of "lands and plantation." 78
Edward Whitty received grants for 310 acres of land between
1785 and 1789 plus "lands . . . purchased from Thomas Eubanks,"
and 160 acres "whereon Esther Ramsey now lives." 79
Lincoln County
Robert Alexander, member of the house of commons, 1781-
1782 and of the senate, 1783-1787, owned 14 slaves in 1790;
other information is inadequate for specific conclusions. 80
James Johnston, member of the state senate, 1780-1783, owned
8 slaves in 1790. Only 50 acres of land had been granted Johnston
prior to the convention ; he undoubtedly owned a larger acreage. 81
Martin County
Thomas Hunter owned 44 slaves in 1790. The land records list
only 189 acres for Hunter. 82
Mecklenburg County
Joseph Douglass is listed in the land records as the owner of
150 acres in 1790 ; he represented his county in the house of com-
mons in 1788. 83
Joseph Graham owned 8 slaves, one mare, and some land.
Graham, born in Pennsylvania in 1759, moved to Mecklenburg
County in 1769. He served in the Revolutionary army. 84
Caleb Phifer, member of the house of commons without in-
terruption from 1778 until 1789, owned 19 slaves and received
grants for 446 acres of land in North Carolina and 640 acres in
Tennessee. Phifer was an active participant in the Revolutionary
77 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 221; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
78 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 221; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Jones
County Records, Wills, 1760-1842, III, 19.
79 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Jones County Records, Wills, 1760-1842, III, 19.
^Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 247; Census of 1790.
81 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 247; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
82 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
83 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 263; Land Grant Index.
84 Tompkins, History of Mecklenburq County, II, 72; Census of 1790; L. P., Mecklenburg
County Records, Wills, 1749-1869, VII, 38.
302 The North Carolina Historical Review
assemblies and rose to the rank of colonel in the Revolutionary
army. 85
Zachias Wilson was born in Pennsylvania in 1735 and moved
to Mecklenburg County in 1750. He was a member of the Halifax
congress in November, 1776. No slaves are listed for Wilson in
1790 ; he was granted 100 acres of land in 1786. 86
Montgomery County
Thomas Butler owned 200 acres of land prior to the Hillsboro
Convention ; he held no slaves in 1790. 87
William Kindall, member of the house of commons for the
years 1784 and 1787, was granted 100 acres of land in 1783 and
150 acres in 1790. He owned 5 slaves. 88
William Loftin listed 920 acres of land in the tax records of
1782 and was granted 498 acres between 1783 and 1792. Loftin
owned 10 slaves. 89
Thomas Ussory owned 4 slaves in 1790 and had been granted
940 acres of land in 1782. He represented Montgomery County
in the house of commons in 1788. 90
Moore County
John Carrel represented Moore County in the house of com-
mons in 1785. It is difficult to determine his property interests
because of similar names in the records examined. 91
John Cox, member of the house of commons from 1785 to 1788,
received grants to 450 acres of land between 1783 and 1789 plus
small amounts in Tennessee. 92
Cornelius Doud owned 3 slaves in 1790; no" other specific in-
formation is available except that he was a member of the house
of commons in 1791. 93
William Martin represented Moore County in the house of
commons, 1788-1791, and was elected to the state senate in 1793.
He owned no slaves in 1791 and the land records examined are
85 Tompkins, History of Mecklenburg County, II, 79; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 268;
Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Land Records, North Carolina Grants in Tennessee,
1778-1791, microfilm.
86 Tompkins, History of Mecklenburg County, II, 83; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
87 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
88 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 271; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
89 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1780-1782, Montgomery County, 1782.
«> Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 271; Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1780-1782,
Montgomery County, 1782.
91 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 273.
92 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 273; Land Grant Index.
93 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 273; Census of 1790.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 303
not specific concerning the property he held prior to the con-
vention. 94
Thomas Tyson, member of the state senate in 1791, owned no
slaves in 1790 ; no additional information is available. 95
Nash County
John Bonds, member of the house of commons from 1785 to
1790, owned 13 slaves in 1790 and had been granted 950 acres
of land in 1782. 96
Redman Bunn owned 4 slaves in 1790 ; his will shows that he
possessed "lands and plantation," 18 Negroes, 7 horses, "2 yoke
of work stears," and $50. Bunn was a member of the senate in
1788. 97
Howell Ellin owned 4 slaves in 1790 and had been granted 360
acres of land in 1782. 98
William S. Marnes possessed 100 acres of land in 1782 and
owned 14 slaves in 1790. 99
David Pridgen owned 5 slaves in 1790. His will lists "land and
plantation" which totaled 1,740 acres, $1,050, and 6 Negroes. 100
New Hanover County
James Bloodworth, who lists 200 acres of land with Timothy
Bloodworth, had received grants for 1,356 acres before the con-
vention. Other property included "1 bay mare, cattle and hogs,
200 Spanish dollars," real estate, and personal property. Blood-
worth represented New Hanover County in the house of commons
from 1782 to 1786. 101
Timothy Bloodworth, prominent citizen of the lower Cape Fear
region, served many terms in the house of commons between
1779 and 1794. He represented New Hanover County in the state
senate in 1788 and 1789 and was a member of the first Congress
of the United States. Bloodworth, a man of no formal education,
was described "as one of the most remarkable men of the era."
A child of poverty, Bloodworth's diligence and ambition more
94 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 273; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
95 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 273; Census of 1790.
06 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 275; Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1780-1782,
Nash County, 1782; Land Grant Index.
07 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 275; Census of 1790; L. P., Nash County Records,
Wills, 1778-1859, II, 26-27.
98 Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1780-1782, Nash County, 1782.
» Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1780-1782, Nash County, 1782.
™° Census of 1790; L. P., Nash County Records: Wills, 1778-1859, V, 23-24.
101 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 294; Land Grant Index: L. P., New Hanover County
Records, Wills, 1732-1864, I, 44.
304 The North Carolina Historical Review
than make up for his lack of education. Preacher, farmer, black-
smith, doctor, watchmaker, wheelwright, and politician are
listed as his professions. Bloodworth owned 9 slaves and received
grants for 4,266 acres of land. He was "almost radical in his
democracy" and opposed ratification of the Constitution in both
conventions. 102
John A. Campbell, senator from New Hanover County from
1783 to 1787 and member of the house of commons in 1789,
owned 300 acres of land in his home county and 2,560 acres in
Tennessee. 103
Thomas Devane, whose name is confused with that of Thomas
Devane, Jr., received grants for 2,056 acres of land between 1735
and 1769. Both Thomas Devane and Thomas Devane, Jr. served
intermittently in the house of commons from 1787 to 1792. 104
John Pugh Williams owned 39 slaves in 1790. The land grant
records list 220 acres for John Pugh Williams and 4,270 acres
for a John Williams. In 1785, 1786, 1788, and 1789, Williams was
a member of the house of commons. 105
Northampton County
John M. Benford, who owned 19 slaves in 1790, lists the
"plantation whereon I now live" and £20 of Virginia money in
his will ; the acreage is not specified. Benford became a member
of the state senate in 1788 and served without interruption until
1802. 106
Robert Peebles, member of the house of commons, 1787-1788,
possessed at least 100 acres of land and 8 slaves. 107
James Vaughan owned 16 slaves in 1790. He served in the
house of commons from 1783 to 1785 and again in 1786. 108
James Vinson lists in his will the "tract of land whereon I now
live," three other plantations, £160 of Virginia currency, and 10
shillings of North Carolina money. Two James Vinsons are listed
in the Census of 1790, one with 9 slaves, the other with 3. 109
103 McRee, Life of Iredell, II, 233; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 294; Census of 1790;
Land Grant Index; Personal Collection, Miscellaneous.
103 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II. 294; Land Grant Index.
104 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 294; Land Grant Index.
ins wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 294; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790.
we wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 296-297; Census of 1790; L. P., Northampton County
Records, Wills, 1770-1880, I, 8.
107 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 296; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
log Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 296; Census of 1790.
109 Census of 1790; L. P., Northampton County Records, Wills, 1770-1808, III, 65.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 305
Onslow County
Thomas Johnston, state senator in 1784 and 1788, owned 9
slaves in 1790 and listed 580 acres of land in 1787. 110
John Spicer, member of the house of commons in 1789 and 1792
and member of the senate in 1783 and again from 1794 to 1800,
owned 22 slaves in 1790 and received grants for 2,108 acres of
land. His will lists, besides his land, £200 of "current money." 111
Daniel Yates, member of the house of commons from 1786 to
1789, possessed 27 slaves, a plantation of 850 acres or more, and
notes and stocks of all kinds. 112
Orange County
Jonathan Lindley owned property "in the town of Orange,"
farm tools, a plantation of 2,657 acres plus other lands, and
numerous town lots. Lindley served in the house of commons
from 1787 to 1790. 113
William M'Cauley, member of tke senate from 1784 to 1788,
owned 822 acres "on the waters of Newhope and south side of
Haw R.," 9 Negroes, 31 houses and lots in Hillsboro, a tavern,
a still, and 80 shillings in money. 114
Alexander Mebane, with the exception of 1785 and 1786, was a
member of the house of commons from 1783 to 1792. He had an
evaluation of £10,478 in 1779; he owned 1,181 acres of land in
Orange County, 6,400 acres in Davidson County, Tennessee,
horses, "mear and colt," sheep, 4 cows, 7 Negroes, a small amount
of specie, books, and several stills. 115
William Mebane owned 12 Negroes, 500 acres of land in
Orange County, and 7,200 acres in Davidson County, Tennessee.
Other personalty listed in his will included 1 mare, books, horses,
cattle, sheep, and hogs. William Mebane was a member of the
state senate in 1782. 116
110 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 299; Census of 1790; L. P., Onslow Tax Lists, 1774-
1790, List of Taxables, 1787.
111 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 299; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Onslow
County Records, Wills, 1746-1863, IV, 20-21.
112 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 299; Census of 1790; L. P., Onslow County Records,
Wills, 1746-1863, IV, 83.
ii3 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 337; L. P., Orange County Records, List of Taxables,
1787; L. P., Orange County Records, Wills, 1785-1865, VIII, 17-18; Land Grant Index.
114 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 337; L. P., Orange Countv Records, List of Taxable
Property, 1788; L. P., Orange County Records, Wills, 1785-1865, VIII, 53.
us Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 337; Land Grant Index; L. P., Orange County Records,
List of Taxable Property, 1788: L. P., Orange County Records, Wills, 1753-1819, III, 21.
lie wheeler, Historical Sketches, IT, 337; Land Grant Index; L. P., Orange County Records,
List of Taxable Property, 1788; L. P., Orange County Records, Wills, 1785-1865, IX, 36.
306 The North Carolina Historical Review
William Shepard received grants for 584 acres of land between
1785 and 1790 ; other realty included 2 lots in Hillsboro. 117
Absalom Tatom, representative from the town of Hillsboro,
owned 500 acres of land in Tennessee. Tatom was a surveyor and
contractor and had served as a tobacco agent. He represented
Hillsboro in the house of commons in 1788 and again from 1797
until 1802. 118
Pitt County
Sterling Dupree owned 8 slaves and had received grants for
516 acres of land by 1782. 119
Arthur Forbes possessed 18 slaves and received grants for
200 acres of land in 1782; another 100 acres was granted in
1793. 120
Richard Moye, member of the house of commons from 1783 to
1786 and again in 1788 and 1790, owned 760 acres of land and
3 slaves. 121
Robert Williams, who represented Pitt County in the senate
from 1782 to 1787 and from 1794 to 1796, owned 6 slaves in
1790 ; information on his landholdings is not available. 122
Randolph County
Thomas Dougan, member of the senate from Randolph County
in 1783, 1784, and 1788, owned 7 slaves and 555 acres of land. 123
Edmund Waddill represented his county in the house of com-
mons in 1787 and in the senate from 1793 to 1798. He owned 22
slaves and his political career suggests ownership of at least
300 acres of land. 124
Zebedee Wood, member of the house of commons in 1786, 1788,
and 1789 and of the state senate in 1791 and 1792, is listed as
holding 110 acres of land and no slaves. 125
Richmond County
Benjamin Covington owned 550 acres of land and 5 slaves in
1790. He represented Richmond County in the house of commons
from 1785 to 1787. 126
117 Land Grant Index; L. P., Orange County Records, List of Taxables, 1788.
118 Trenholme, Ratification in North Carolina, 165; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 337;
Land Grant Index.
119 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
120 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
121 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 347; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
^Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 347; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
123 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 349; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
124 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 349: Census of 1790.
:25 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 349; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
i2« wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 351; Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790,
Richmond County, 1790.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 307
John M'Callaster held no slaves in 1790. A John McAllister
served in the house of commons in 1791. Because of the various
spellings of this name, no clear picture of this delegated property
is available. 127
Charles Robertson represented Richmond County in the house
of commons in 1784. Because the land records list Robertsons,
Robesons, and Robinsons all together in this county, property in-
terests for the delegate are inaccurate. 128
Edward Williams received land grants for 200 acres in Rich-
mond County, 100 acres "over the mountains," 350 acres in An-
son County, and 750 acres in Jones County. He owned 7 slaves.
He represented Richmond County in the house of commons
during the sessions of 1781 and 1788. 129
Robeson County
John Regan, later member of the house of commons, 1797-1799,
possessed 13 slaves and 258 acres of land in 1790. 130
Rockingham County
William Bethell owned 5 slaves and was granted 80 acres of
land in 1789. The remainder of his landed estate cannot be
gleaned from the records. Bethell represented Rockingham
County in the house of commons from 1786 until 1789 and in
the senate in 1790. 131
Charles Galloway, who represented Rockingham County in
the state senate during the session of 1791, owned 14 slaves and
received grants in Tennessee for 5,000 acres. 132
James Gallaway owned 12 slaves and 5,000 acres of land in
Tennessee. He represented his county in the state senate from
1786 to 1790, a fact which indicates some acreage in North
Carolina. 133
John May is listed as the owner of 8 slaves in 1790. No other
information is available from the sources examined. 134
Abram Phillips, member of the house of commons in 1788,
1789, and 1790, possessed 450 acres of land and 3 slaves. 135
127 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 351; Census of 1790.
128 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 351.
129 wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 351; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790; L. P., Tax
Lists, 1786-1790, Richmond County, 1790.
130 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 353, Land Grant Index; Census of 1790.
131 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 355; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790.
132 wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 355; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790.
133 wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 355; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790.
134 Census of 1790.
135 wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 355; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790.
308 The North Carolina Historical Review
Rowan County
James Brannon owned 9 slaves and the land records list a
"Brandon" with 1,284 acres. 130
George H. Berringer is not listed in any of the records
examined.
Thomas Carson, member of the house of commons from 1786
to 1789, possessed 11 slaves in 1790 and had received grants for
8,984 acres of land prior to the convention. His will includes the
listing of a storehouse, a country house, a lot in the town of
Lexington, and 400 acres in Montgomery County. 137
Matthew Locke, brigadier general of North Carolina troops
during the Revolution, was an active participant in the Regu-
lator troubles of 1769-1771. In 177,5 he became a member of the
third provincial congress of North Carolina and was also a mem-
ber of the fourth and fifth. In 1776 Locke assisted in framing the
state constitution. From 1777 to 1781 he was a member of the
house of commons and sat in the senate in 1781 and 1782; he
returned to the house of commons six times between 1783 and
1791. Later he represented his district of North Carolina in the
Congress of the United States from 1793 until 1799. During
this interval he was classified as a "warm Republican." Locke
owned a fertile tract of land on the east side of Grants Creek
about 5 miles from Salisbury, 5,000 acres in Tennessee, some
with associates, and 2,797 acres not specifically located. 138
Griffith Rutherford, member of the state senate from 1777 to
1780 and again from 1783 to 1786, general in the Revolutionary
Army and famous Indian fighter, owned 8 slaves in 1790 and had
received grants for 2,499 acres of land as well as additional
tracts in partnership with James McCulloch. 139
Rutherford County
George Ledbetter owned 14 slaves, and 350 acres of land were
granted to a George "Leadbetter." Ledbetter was a Revolutionary
war veteran and served as justice of the peace in Rutherford
County for a number of years. 140
138 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
137 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 398; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790; L. P., Rowan
County Records, Wills, 1743-1868, III, 56 f.
138 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 398; Land Grant Index.
130 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 384; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790.
140 Clarence W. Griffin, History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, North Carolina,
1730-1936, 117; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
Ratification op the Federal Constitution 309
George Moore represented his county in the house of commons
in 1781 and again in 1785. He also held the office of justice of
the peace numerous times. Moore owned no slaves and 700 acres
of land. 141
William Porter represented Rutherford County in the state
senate from 1780 until 1782 and served intermittent terms in
the house of commons. He was not a slaveowner and the land
records list only 50 acres plus other small grants. 142
Richard Singleton was born in Brunswick County, Virginia,
and settled in Rutherford County before the Revolutionary War.
He was a soldier in the Revolutionary forces and served in the
state senate from 1788 until 1794 and in the house of commons
from 1783 to 1787. He owned 850 acres of land and 1 slave. 143
James Whiteside was born in Virginia and moved to North
Carolina before the Revolutionary War. His parents took land
grants on Beaver Dam Creek and First Broad River. Whiteside
was an agriculturist and doctor of medicine. During the Revolu-
tion he served in the army and fought at Kings Mountain. He
represented his county in the state senate in 1786. His landed
estate comprised at least 350 acres and £100. 144
Sampson County
Richard Clinton, member of the North Carolina Senate with
the exception of one term from 1785 to 1795, owned 37 slaves
and had received grants for 1,747 acres of land by 1784. 145
David Dodd, member of the house of commons from 1785 to
1787, was granted 830 acres of land before 1790; he owned 6
slaves. 146
Hardy Holmes owned 14 slaves, 1,941 acres of land in Sampson
County, and 2,560 acres of land in Tennessee. He represented
Sampson County in the state senate in 1788. 147
141 Griffin, History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, 82 ff; Census of 1790; Land
Grant Index.
112 Griffin, History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, 73; Census of 1790; Land
Grant Index.
143 Griffin, History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, 88; Wheeler, Historical
Sketches, II, 400; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
144 Griffin, History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, 116; Wheeler, Historical
Sketches, II, 400.
"5 Wheeler Historical Sketches, II, 402; L. P.. Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Sampson County,
1784; Census of 1790.
146 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 402; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax
Lists, 1783-1785, Sampson County, 1784.
147 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 402; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
310 The North Carolina Historical Review
Lewis Holmes, member of the house of commons from 1786 to
1789, owned 7 slaves in 1790 and received grants for 300 acres
of land prior to the convention. 148
Curtis Ivey received grants for 2,560 acres of land in Tennes-
see in 1786 and an additional 978 acres with Griffith McRee "on
the west side of Six Runs." He possessed 5 slaves in 1790. 149
Sullivan County (Tennessee)
John Dunkin owned 808 acres of land ; no further information
is available from the records examined. 150
David Looney received grants for 4,152 acres of land between
1780 and 1793. 151
John Scott was granted 1,500 acres of land from 1783 to 1794.
Another source lists 1,700 acres for him. 152
John Sharpe entered and received grants for 2,856 acres of
land between the years 1779 and 1797. The Tennessee land rec-
ords list his holdings as 1,645 acres. 153
Surry County
Absalom Bostick, member of the house of commons in 1789,
owned 20 cattle, 9 slaves, 5 horses, 570 acres, and a taxable
evaluation of £688/15. 154
Matthew Brooks is not listed in any of the records examined.
He represented Surry County in the house of commons in 1778. 155
James Gains possessed 250 acres and 3 slaves in 1789 and 1790.
In 1787 Gains represented Surry County in the house of
Commons. 156
Charles M'Annelly owned 5 slaves in 1790 ; ho other informa-
tion is available from the records examined. 157
Joseph Winston, member of the state senate in 1787 and again
from 1789 to 1790, held land grants totaling 980 acres as early
as 1782 plus 15 slaves and a total evaluation of £1058/10. The
148 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 402; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
149 Census of 1700; Land Grant Index.
150 Land Grant Index.
151 Land Grant Index.
162 Land Grant Index; Land Records, North Carolina Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791,
microfilm.
153 Land Grant Index; Land Records, North Carolina Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791,
microfilm.
164 Wheeler, Historical. Sketches, II, 410; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P.,
Surry County Records, List of Taxables, 1782.
165 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 410.
166 wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 410; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
167 Census of 1790.
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 311
land records list his total acreage as 1,362. He owned 18 slaves
in 1790. 158
Wake County
James Hinton, several times member of the house of commons
for Wake County between 1781 and 1788, owned 36 slaves and
received grants for 3,169 acres of land. 159
Joel Lane, state senator without interruption from 1782 to
1792, was granted 3,615 acres of land and owned 27 slaves. 160
Brittain Sanders, member of the house of commons from 1787
until 1792, was granted 400 acres of land prior to 1790. He owned
16 slaves in 1790. 161
Warren County
Thomas Christmas possessed 943 acres of land in 1784 and
owned 23 slaves in 1790. 162
Wyatt Hawkins owned 829 acres of land in 1784 and 5 slaves
in 1790. He represented Warren County in the house of commons
from 1785 to 1787 and again from 1788 to 1793. 163
John Macon received grants for 1,059 acres of land prior to
1784 and owned 36 slaves in 1790. Macon served in the house
of commons without interruption from 1786 until 1795. 164
Henry Montfort owned 9,680 acres of land by 1783 and pos-
sessed 16 slaves in 1790. 165
James Payne, member of the house of commons in 1784, owned
1,576 acres of land and 26 slaves. 166
Washington County (Tennessee)
Robert Allison owned 450 acres of land ; no other information
is available from the records examined. 167
John Blair was granted 3,390 acres of land prior to 1790 and
2,040 acres after that year. 168
iB8 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 410; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Surry
County Records, List of Taxables, 1782.
159 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 422; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
160 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 422; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
161 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 422; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
162 Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785. Warren County, 1784.
163 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 441; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax
Lists, 1783-1785, Warren County, 1784.
164 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 441; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax
Lists, 1783-1785, Warren County, 1784.
165 Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Warren County, 1784.
166 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 441; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax
Lists, 1783-1785, Warren County, 1784.
187 Land Grant Index.
168 Land Grant Index,
312 The North Carolina Historical Review
James Stuart received grants for 1,532% acres of land between
1782 and 1786; no other information is available from the rec-
ords examined. 169
John Tipton was one of the leaders in the establishment of the
revolutionary state of Franklin in 1784. He was among the first
to resume allegiance to North Carolina and became a political
opponent of John Sevier. Tipton was granted 750 acres of land
before the convention and 1,000 acres afterward. His total
acreage entered upon the records was 2,750. 170
Joseph Tipton, who entered claim for 857 acres with no record
of grant, received grants for 400 acres before 1788 and 600 acres
after the convention. 171
Wayne County
Andrew Bass owned a "plantation on the Thorough Fare
Swamp," 27 slaves, 24 cattle, 5 ewes and lambs, "1 cwt. of seed
cotton," a mill, and an unspecified number of town lots. Land
records list his acreage at 432 before 1790. 172
James Hanley, a member of the house of commons from 1784
to 1786, possesed 1,140 acres of land by 1782. He owned 8
slaves. 173
Richard M'Kinnie, who represented Wayne County in the state
senate from 1788 until 1799, was granted 500 acres of land be-
tween 1779 and 1790. He owned 16 slaves. 174
Burwell Mooring, member of the house of commons from 1780
until 1783 and of the senate from 1783 to 1787 and again in 1791,
is not listed in any of the records examined. His political career,
however, indicates that he owned considerable property. 175
William Taylor is listed in the Census of 1790 as the owner of
2 slaves. Taylor represented Wayne County in the house of com-
mons from 1785 until 1789. 176
Wilkes County
Richard Allen received grants between 1779 and 1790 for 869
acres of land on "Buggabo and Potato creeks," plus other small
169 Land Grant Index.
170 Wapstaff, Steele Papers, I, 30n; Land Grant Index; Land Records, North Carolina
Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791, microfilm.
171 Land Grant Index.
172 Land Grant Index: L. P.. Wayne County Records, Wills, 1776-1805, I, 6.
173 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 460; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
171 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 460; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
its wheeler. Historical Sketches, II, 460.
i™ Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 460; Census of 1790,
Ratification of the Federal Constitution 313
grants. The tax records of 1784 show that Allen owned a total
of 1,220 acres. 177
John Brown, a member of the house of commons from 1786
until 1789, owned 22 slaves and 400 acres of land before 1788.
In 1788 he was granted 6,000 acres in Tennessee. 178
James Fletcher owned either 2 or no slaves in 1790. In 1784 the
tax records show that he owned 4,700 acres of land. 179
Joseph Herndon had received grants for 1,614 acres of land
prior to the convention of 1788. The tax records reveal his total
acreage in 1784 to be 3,136. He owned 9 slaves and represented
Wilkes County in the house of commons in 1781 and 1788. 180
William Lenoir received grants for 4,439 acres of land between
1778 and 1787. An additional 4,431 acres was granted after 1790.
In 1784 Lenoir's landed property totaled 14,749 acres. Lenoir
was a veteran of the Revolution and leader at the Battle of Kings
Mountain in 1780. He represented Wilkes County in the house
of commons from 1781 to 1784 and in the state senate from 1787
until 1796. He owned 12 slaves in 1790. 181
[To be concluded]
177 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Wilkes County, 1784.
178 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 465; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index.
™ Census of 1790; Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Wilkes County, 1784.
180 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 465; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax
Lists. 1783-1785, Wilkes County, 1784.
i8i Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 465; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax
Lists, 1783-1785, Wilkes County, 1784.
VIRGINIA ANTE-BELLUM RAILROAD DISPUTES AND
PROBLEMS
By Charles W. Turner
Rivers, canals, and roads were insufficient to meet the needs
of the Tidewater or hinterland peoples for means of transporta-
tion of produce and livestock in exchange for manufactured
products from Europe and the north in the late 1820's. Land
in the Tidewater and lower Piedmont sections of Virginia was
fast becoming exhausted and the farmers of these sections were
buying new land westward. The coastal cities envied the ex-
panding trade of the northern cities and desired to share in it.
The citizens of eastern Virginia felt that the railroads would
solve the problem of overland transportation and were the first
to give attention to railroad building. The same people influenced
the state legislature to charter and purchase shares to the amount
of two-fifths in the early railroad projects. The state worked
through the Board of Public Works, the agency set up in 1816 to
support internal improvements in Virginia with representatives
from each geographic area making up the membership.
All of the railroad companies were organized by groups meet-
ing at county courthouses or city halls. Surveys would be ordered
and stockbooks opened. The first company to be organized was
the Chesterfield Coalfield Railroad, chartered in 1828, to haul
coal from the Chesterfield coal pits to Richmond. Meanwhile,
the representatives of the Baltimore and Ohio had appeared
before the General Assembly and requested the right to lay
a track from Harpers Ferry to the Ohio River. This right would
be granted tardily, for the state feared the intrusion of an out-
of-state or "foreign" line. Besides these first efforts, there were
fifteen independent companies, of a total of more than sixty
chartered by the General Assembly, that were in operation by
I860. 1 The Petersburg and Roanoke Railroad Company, charter-
ed in 1830, was desirous of securing the trade of the Roanoke
Valley and of diverting trade from the Dismal Swamp Canal. 2
l Niles' Weekly Register, IX (February 24, 1816), 451.
8 Acts of the General Assembly, 1829-1880, 59.
[314]
Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 315
To serve the same corner of North Carolina the Portsmouth
and Roanoke Company built a line from Portsmouth to the state
line. 3 The first "home grown" rail line to succeed in northeastern
Virginia was the Winchester and Potomac to connect Harpers
Ferry with Winchester. 4 A columnist urged this line saying that
the state abounds in the necessary raw materials and the cost of
transportation of produce can be cut from twenty-five to fifteen
cents a bushel and the James River and Kanawha Canal will
have realized its destiny. 5 Two other companies, which received
their charters in the 1830's and were destined to form with
the Petersburg and Roanoke a north-south chain through the
entire state, were the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac
and the Richmond and Petersburg. Both had an original capi-
talization of less than $500,000, were completed rapidly, and
suffered fewer financial reverses than the other lines in the
state. 6
Rail lines located for east-west trade were chartered more
slowly. The reasons for this delay are not hard to find, namely :
the fact that the lines would have greater engineering diffi-
culties in the piedmont and mountain areas, the lines would
have to run greater distances to connect either with other modes
of transportation or link one trade center with another, and final-
ly the rivalry of sections for the rights of way would lessen the
amount of capital available. The first of these lines to succeed
was the Louisa Railroad, chartered in 1836, to be built from
Taylorsville to the base of the northwest mountains. 7 This road
became the well-known Virginia Central by 1860 and the original
path of the Chesapeake and Ohio System of today. Following
this venture, there was the incorporation of three short lines
in the Tidewater: the Richmond and Yorktown, the City Point
(from City Point to Richmond), and the Clover Hill (from
Osborne's on the James River to Richmond) . 8
Southwest Virginia was anxious for railroads. Pressure groups
were before the General Assembly advocating varied routes in
3 The Seventeenth, Eighteenth and Nineteenth Annual Report of the Board of Public
Works to the General Assembly of Virginia (Richmond, Virginia, W. F. Ritchie, printer),
1833-1835, 420-474 (hereafter cited as Seventeenth Annual Report).
* Acts of the General Assembly, 1880-1881, 187.
5 Richmond Enquirer, November 23, 1831.
« Twentieth Annual Report, 1836, 127, 132.
7 Charles W. Turner, "The Louisa Railroad, 1836-1850," North Carolina Historical Review,
XXIV (1947), 37.
8 Acts of the General Assembly, 1836, 41; 1837, 123.
Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 317
the 1840's. The three lines chartered were the Southside, the
Richmond and Danville, and the Virginia and Tennessee. 9 All
of these lines eventually were connected with the Roanoke and
Petersburg and the Seaboard and Roanoke. A strong supporter
stated that these lines would bring large dividends, develop the
interior, and enhance the value of Richmond, Petersburg and
the coastal parts as trade centers; that the Springs would be
more accessible; that foreign capital would flow into the state
in increasing amounts; and that the lines would connect with
western out-of-state lines headed toward the Pacific. 10
East-west lines in northern Virginia were receiving their
charters in the last pre-war decade. The Orange and Alexandria
Railroad Company was the first to open between the two Virginia
towns, Orange and Alexandria. Two other lines connected with
the above line, the Manassas Gap and the Alexandria, Loudoun
and Hampshire. The companies found the job of raising capital
an easy one, since the organization came in a period of rising
prices and the area tapped was rich farm land and thickly
settled. One disadvantage for railroad expansion in this area,
lamented by Virginians of the Tidewater, was the drain of pro-
duce to the north and especially to Baltimore — "That dastardly
city on a miserable creek which, as a leech, seemed to suck the
lifeblood of the surrounding areas, growing larger and larger
with the profits," as one expressed it. 11
Besides a few other lines which had hardly started operation
by 1860, such as the Roanoke Valley, the Norfolk and Peters-
burg, and the Richmond and York River, 12 the people were
concerned with extension and consolidation of lines already
established. The latter came slowly in the east for several rea-
sons : the lack of broad vision, the absence of sufficient capital
to invest in such slow-paying projects, the fear that one railroad
might receive undue profit, and the fact that coastwise and canal
transportation in a measure met the needs. Delay in westward
railway extension resulted from the fear that any extension
movement might help the Baltimore and Ohio, a conviction that
9 Acts of the General Assambly, 181,5-181,6, 92; 81,7-181,8, 184.
10 Richmond Daily Compiler, May 18, 1846.
11 Richmond Enquirer, May 2, 1848.
12 Richmond Daily Dispatch, December 27, 1831
318 The North Carolina Historical Review
federal aid was unconstitutional, and the long-standing animosity
which existed between eastern and western Virginia. 13
Countless difficulties arose to plague the lines, all of which
could be reproduced in any section during the period of early
railroad development. Typical examples will be given of the
difficulties of construction, the problem of state interest and
regulation, rivalry among the companies as indicated in the
battle for the trade of a particular section, through ticket dif-
ferences, gauge wars, and service complaints. Though the solu-
tion of each taxed the patience of each road, the companies
met them as they developed without too much loss of vitality
and tempo.
Land damage claims caused little difficulty for, as in the case
of the Petersburg lines, declining land values spurred landowners
to give or to offer land and materials cheaply. This was one of
the reasons why the Virginia and Tennessee selected the route
followed between Lynchburg and Salem. 14 In contrast the Win-
chester and Potomac reported high land damages for which
the company blamed the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and the
Chesapeake and Ohio Canal companies, both of which were
purchasers of land in the section. 15 The amount of damages
varied according to the need for railroad transportation in the
section, the number of transportation agencies already estab-
lished, and the land values prevailing.
When the question of securing building materials arose, east-
ern Virginia was found to lack a sufficient supply. Civil engi-
neer Charles Shaw stated this in a report to the Board of Public
Works in 1834. The year following, Shaw reported the Peters-
burg railroads were using soft wood found in Tidewater swamps
which would have to be replaced quickly and recommended that
the state go slow in granting charters to new railroads in the
area. 16 The Petersburg and Richmond and the Roanoke lines
were taxed heavily to replace their superstructure with good
timber shortly after opening. 17 Though the northern and western
13 Charles W. Turner, "The Early Railroad Movement in Virginia," Virginia Magazine
of History and Biography, LV (October, 1947), 359.
14 Virginia House Journal, 1831-1832, document 15, Richmond, Virginia, Division of Pur-
chase and Printing, 1833.
15 Seventeenth Annual Report, 501.
16 Seventeenth Annual Report, 426; Twentieth Annual Report, 105,
17 Twenty-sixth Annual Report, 123.
Virginia Ante-Bellum Raiuioad Disputes 319
lines found materials readily available, the needs were greater,
with deep fills, steep grades, and tunnels to be built. The diffi-
culty of burning green wood, the freezing of engines, and the
puckering up of the rails were difficulties to be surmounted in
operation. The rainy season brought soft spots which the Win-
chester and Potomac and other lines complained of. 18
The high cost of equipment from the north and from abroad
encouraged the companies to manufacture their own in their
shops. Independent companies were organized to meet the needs
for engines and cars, such as the Smith and Perkins Locomotive
and Car Works at Alexandria, covering 51,000 square feet of
ground, for which the Orange and Alexandria Railroad built
a turnout. A second iron foundry was the Tredegar Iron Works
of Richmond, operated by the Anderson family. Joseph Ander-
son, the founder, was an outstanding civil engineer of the state.
A railroad was proud to say its engines were made at Tredegar.
One writing in a newspaper expressed southern nationalism
when he declared that "one who must free themselves (from
dependence on the northern manufacturer) must strike the first
blow." 19
After securing the iron for laying on the roadbed, the company
must decide the proper gauge to use. The question of gauge
caused a battle royal. Most of the Tidewater lines, the Richmond
and Danville, and the Virginia Central used the four feet, eight
and a half inch gauge, while the Virginia and Tennessee em-
ployed the five foot gauge. Car transfer from one gauge to an-
other was out of the question and rapid transfer of goods from
one section to another lessened the chance for consolidation.
When the state was contemplating the Covington and Ohio ex-
tension, the matter of gauge was debated in the General As-
sembly. A member, Charles F. M. Garnett, favored the five-foot
gauge, stating that trans-shipment was not too difficult for
the labor cost amounted to eighty cents a 'day per car, and a car
could be loaded by four men in fifteen minutes. 20 Others favored
18 Thirty and Thirty-first Annual Report, 142.
19 Forty-first Annual Report, 49; Richmond Daily Dispatch, June 26, 1853.
36 Richmond Whig, January 30, 1852.
320 The North Carolina Historical Review
the five-foot gauge because it would cut down the competition
which existed between northern markets and the Virginia trade
centers. 21 The narrower gauge was favored by the editor of the
Richmond Daily Dispatch, for it was less expensive, better suited
to general traffic, and safer. 22 To substantiate these claims, a
study which was made by the British Parliament was given. 23
1. That as regards safety . . . the decided preference is due
neither gauge . . .
2. That in respect of speed we consider the advantages are
with the broad gauge, but we think the public safety would
be endangered . . .
3. That in the commercial case the trans-shipment of goods
we believe the narrow gauge to possess the greater con-
venience . . .
4. That the broader gauge involves the greater outlay. . .
5. That the most successful roads in the country are built
on 4'8V2" gauge.
Failure to come to agreement as to gauge delayed the legisla-
tive appropriation for the Virginia Central so that the war
caught the vital middle Virginia railroad incomplete. The gauge
question caused other delays in completion prior to 1860.
When the rails had been laid and operation had begun, com-
petition between rival modes of transportation soon arose, as,
for example, that which developed between the Richmond, Fred-
ericksburg and Potomac and the Bay Steamship Lines. Both
companies, in order to secure as much of the trade of the area
as possible, slashed fares and distributed handbills condemning
the rival company. 24 Next the Richmond, Fredericksburg and
Potomac purchased the steamship called "Mount Vernon" to be
used on the James by its passengers. The General Assembly re-
ceived complaints against both companies, stating that both
parties had exceeded their powers. Though a committee of the
General Assembly studied the problem, their recommendations
were not enforced and the fare war continued. 25
Rivalry for the trade of an area involved two of the Virginia
railways in one of the bitterest controversies in American rail-
road history. The Portsmouth and Roanoke and Petersburg and
21 Richmond Whip, January 19, 1854; February 14, 1854.
22 Richmond Daily Dispatch, December 9, 1852.
23 Richmond Daily Dispatch, June 6, 1853.
24 Twenty-third Annual Report, 121.
25 Virginia House Journal, 18*6-18^7, document 22, Richmond, Virginia, Division of
Purchase and Printing.
Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 321
Roanoke companies, two of the oldest lines of the state, were the
companies involved. Both railways met at Weldon on the Roanoke
River and the first bridge was built by the Portsmouth and
Roanoke. The other company might have used the same by paying
a reasonable fee, but this was declared to be too high. The Peters-
burg and Roanoke built its own bridge and began to wage a fare
war to secure the trade of the area. Sufficient revenues were
not available to keep both lines running profitably, and the Board
of Public Works recognized this fact in a report to the General
Assembly in 1843. 26 The Portsmouth and Roanoke had never been
without a mortgage, and in order to continue operation, the line
was permitted by the General Assembly to sell a section between
Gary's and the bridge at Weldon. 27 The Petersburg and Roanoke
was offered this section at one-half the original cost. The latter
road refused to deal with the representatives of the company or
continue to pick up the road's passengers. The Portsmouth Com-
pany, suffering from further declines in revenue, appealed to
the General Assembly for help. The Board of Public Works was
called in to act as mediator. 28 An offer of $12,000 for the section
was made by the Petersburg and Roanoke but the other line held
out for $15,000. Meanwhile, the claim of Francis E. Rives
developed.
Colonel Clement Rochelle had built the Weldon Bridge. The
Portsmouth Company was not able to pay him and he in turn
became obligated to a second company. Rochelle transferred his
claim to Francis E. Rives, interested in the rival road, and by
an oversight, the mortgage was not recorded in North Carolina
court records. He agreed to allow the Portsmouth and Roanoke
to function if it would pay $1.00 for each passenger carried over
that section. The company refused to do this, whereupon, be-
cause of the technical error, Rives took over the bridge and
seventeen miles of the line lying in North Carolina and began
to bargain with the Petersburg and Roanoke to loan him an
engine and some cars. In broad daylight he started to Margarets-
ville to take up two miles of track so as to cut connections be-
tween his line and the Portsmouth and Roanoke. President
26 Howard D. Dozier, A Histon/ of the Atlantic Coastline Railroad (New York, New York:
Houghton Mifflin Company, 1920), 96-97.
27 Virginia House Journal, lS^O-18^1 (Richmond, Virginia: Division of Purchase and
Printing), 236.
28 Twenty-fifth Annual Report, 371-372; Tvjenty-sixth Annual Report, 140.
822 The North Carolina Historical Review
Gwynn of the Portsmouth and Roanoke went down and restored
the two miles and overturned his trains, with help of course, and
ran their cars over the whole line in the winter of 1843. 29 Rives
was arrested by the Portsmouth and Roanoke Railroad and
placed under heavy bond. His trial came up in the superior court
of Northampton County, North Carolina, as part of the line ran
into North Carolina. The opinion of the judges was that the
Portsmouth and Roanoke had a right-of-way over the soil cov-
ered, that the soil would revert to the original owner when the
section ceased being used for its purpose, that the right-of-way
could not be transferred, and that the purchaser did acquire
title to the iron and the timber by purchase, but not the use of
the right-of-way. Rives was fined $2,500.
There were many explanations written by Rives for his ac-
tions. All the while he was contracting with the Petersburg and
Roanoke which would pay $60,000 for the bridge and seventeen
miles of the road in installments every three months. However,
if the Portsmouth and Roanoke used the line, the payments
would stop. This contract was signed by President H. D. Bird
and Francis E. Rives. 30 The Portsmouth and Roanoke ceased to
run in 1845, for the road's stock had declined, it had discontinued
service, and its rolling stock lay dilapidated. The Board of Public
Works held a mortgage on the Portsmouth and Roanoke and the
Board sold the company at public auction in front of the court-
house at Portsmouth. 31 The same Board bought it in for $60,000
and leased it to the city of Portsmouth under the title, the Sea-
board and Roanoke Company. Many people were provoked at
Rives and dared him to be at the auction. 32 The Rives-Bird con-
tract was a sad commentary on state power and showed how
strong the Petersburg and Roanoke interests were in the Assem-
bly. In the final analysis, the Petersburg and Roanoke gained a
seventeen-mile line leading into North Carolina.
Rivalry among the lines was shown in the through-ticket
squabbles. Lines were complaining constantly that they were
not securing a fair share of their through ticket arrangements.
As early as 1838 the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac,
29 Richmond Enquirer, January 13, February 1, 1844.
30 Thirtieth and Thirty-first Annual Report, 74, 76.
31 Acts of the General Assembly, 1845-1846, bill 168.
32 Norfolk and Portsmouth Herald, March 8, 1847.
Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 323
the Richmond and Petersburg, and the Petersburg and Roanoke
had agreed to a ticket costing $7.75 divided as follows : 33
R. F. and P. (61 miles from Aquia Creek
to Richmond $3,721/2
R. and P. (22i/> miles from Richmond to Petersburg) 1.25
P. and R. (59 miles from Petersburg to Roanoke) . . . 3.111/j
$7.75
The Baltimore and Ohio refused to reduce fares on the Wash-
ington Branch and was left out of the arrangement. A clearing
house of the same lines was formed, and later a through ticket
was decided upon in a meeting held on December 13, 1842, to be
divided as indicated in the following table. 34
Potomac Boat Line (from Alexandria to Aquia Creek) $2.00
R. F. and P 4.00
R. and P 1.37i/ 2
P. and R 3.121/2
$10.50
The Petersburg and Roanoke failed to agree to its share and
refused to issue through tickets after August 15, 1844, unless
the rate per mile was the same on all lines, the Potomac steam-
boat rate be reduced to half the existing rate, and the expense
of advertising be borne in proportion to need for it. Many fiery
statements were published showing the ill will existing among
the lines. The Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac accused
the Petersburg and Roanoke of causing the failure of the Ports-
mouth line, the Portsmouth and Roanoke condemned the Rich-
mond, Fredericksburg and Potomac for charging the highest
rates in the country, being blind to the value of the through
ticket, and failing to allow passengers certain conveniences in
its coaches. 35 The Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac re-
plied by increasing the through ticket by fifty cents, the amount
to be divided between the steamboat company and itself. With the
failure of the Portsmouth line, the Petersburg and Roanoke
worked out a second through-ticket arrangement with the City
33 Thirtieth and Thirty-first Annual Report, 349.
3i A clearing house was formed in 1840 to settle matters among the various lines,
consisting of one director from each road plus a representative from the Board of Public
Works. Dozier, A History of the Atlantic Coastline Railroad, 99.
35 Thirtieth and Thirty-first Annual Report, 201-208.
324 The North Carolina Historical Review
Point Railroad and Bay Steamship lines in order to draw off
the trade from the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac. 36
As late as 1858 the through ticket had not been agreed upon.
Finally a big meeting was held of all companies between New
York and Charleston, and four months of conferences resulted
in a through ticket which gave the lines above the James River
a lower rate due to greater travel and trade than those south
of the James River.
Through tickets between the Virginia Central and the Orange
and Alexandria were made to allow traffic to pass without a
break in the journey from Alexandria to Staunton on the Vir-
ginia Central. The latter of these arrangements Richmond mer-
chants complained of, for it might drain trade from their doors
and they had subscribed heavily to the stock of the Virginia
Central. Why were they discriminated against was the question.
President Emund Fontaine declared this claim false. Next the
Orange and Alexandria declared that the Virginia Central
charged too much for transporting freight on a short haul. The
Virginia Central replied that the reason was mountain grades
and suggested that the Orange and Alexandria experiment with
its own cars and find out for itself. 37 Some writers thought the
through ticket question ought to be settled and worked out more
quickly by various roads, for much business was being lost as
a result of that factor alone. 38
In these and other disputes the Board of Public Works failed
to take a firm stand. Though the state owned from two-fifths
to three-fifths of the stock in various companies, the Board
seldom opposed the railroads' actions. There was the case where
the state failed to own quite three-fourths of the stock in the Rich-
mond and Petersburg, yet it asked that a third director represent-
ing the state be appointed. The company refused to seat a certain
N. M. Martin and the Board agreed to drop the matter after
protest. 39 One reason for the lack of conflict between the Board
and the companies was the fact that the Board members were
generally stockholders of different lines.
30 Annual Report to the Stockholders of the Richmond and Petersburg Railroad Company,
18 46-18 b7 (Petersburg, Virginia: Ellerson and Company, 1866).
37 Richmond Daily Dispatch, March 29, 1855.
38 Richmond Enquirer, October 5, 1858.
39 Dozier, A History of the Atlantic Coastline Railroad, 45-46.
Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 325
The intense rivalry between vested interests within and out-
side of the General Assembly was an ever-present factor in rail-
road progress, sometimes restraining and at other times pro-
pelling the movement. The earliest and one of the bitterest
pressure groups was the one which desired to further the canals
of the state rather than the railroads. The editor of the Richmond
Whig opposed the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac proj-
ject in 1833, declaring that every effort should be made to finish
the James River and Kanawha Canal in order to provide the
"Grand Atlantic Chain" to the Ohio. 40 Several years later he was
requesting a railroad himself from Richmond to Lynchburg, for
the canal was being built too slowly and the stock was being
purchased too gradually. 41 Newspapers such as the one mentioned
above recommended by 1845 that the canal be extended no further
than Lynchburg. 42 Even they had begun to read the handwriting
on the wall. Some of the early railroads, such as the Winchester
and Potomac, complained that the canals took some of their
trade. 43
A debate was held in 1845 at the Exchange Hotel in Richmond
on the relative merits of canals and railroads. Lieutenant Gov-
ernor William H. McFarland supported the cause of the railroads
and James C. Cabell, president of the Kanawha Canal, supported
the canal side. The former declared that for half the year water
transportation was blocked with ice, that there was constant
danger of washouts, that freight rates were higher on canals, and
that the Erie Canal could not be compared to those in Virginia.
Cabell used the latter as his perfect example with its lower costs.
He challenged McFarland on the question of length of time when
ice blocked the canal and concluded with the statement that the
state had invested too heavily to let the canal project down. 44 Cabell
continued to fight railroads through 1851, and in reply to Presi-
dent Gwynn of the Portsmouth and Roanoke, stated that some
of the mileage of the railroads had cost $65,000 a mile, while
even the Erie Canal was constructed more cheaply and its rates
were falling all the time. He failed to compare his own canal, on
40 American Ra'lroad Journal (New York, New York: 1833-1866), September, 1833.
41 Richmond Whig, January 9, 1836.
42 Twenty-sixth and Twenty-seventh Annual Report, 333.
43 Richmond Whig, October 24, 1845.
44 Notes Relative to the Route, Cost and Bearings of a Railway from Covington to the
Head of Steamboat Navigation on the Kanawha River, addressed to Walter Gwynn (Rich-
mond, Virginia: privately printed), 1851.
326 The North Carolina Historical Review
which $7,500,000 had been expended. 45 Cabell was supporting
a dying cause, and to save his interests he was pulling out every
stop to win his point. Virginia had actually been building rail-
roads more cheaply than any other state in the Union; canals
had drained its pocketbook early and its citizens only gradually
stopped the hole. Others supported the cause of the Chesapeake
and Ohio Canal and felt that the Baltimore and Ohio ought to
stop fighting its continuance to Cumberland. 46
A second fight in the General Assembly developed over the
"foreign" railroad, the Baltimore and Ohio, which was invading
Virginia. The Richmond Enquirer in 1827 urged the General
Assembly not to allow the Baltimore and Ohio to enter Virginia,
for it would be giving up a "sovereign right." Niles' Register of
Baltimore took the opposite view and argued that if Virginia for-
bade the Baltimore and Ohio the state would be blocking progress
and it would be purely a case of jealousy of Baltimore. The maga-
zine called upon Virginia to advance from fifth place in the Union
in internal improvements and added that unless she developed her
resources, the Pennslyvania farmers would laugh at Virginia's
primitive ways. 47 Virginia did allow the Baltimore and Ohio as
far as Harper's Ferry and later as far as Cumberland. To Wheel-
ing and to Parkersburg were the next demands, but interests in
the Tidewater felt that northwestern Virginia should free itself
from isolation and that besides the state commerce would only be
drawn more and more to Baltimore. Colonel Crozet, on the other
hand, wrote in the Richmond Whig that the extension would
not interfere with Virginia improvements. "Don't oppose," he
declared, "for one must heed the call of the times." Another
writer in the same paper felt the extension would spell ruin for
seven counties, for already $4,000,000 capital was requested for
the road. This would be for Baltimore at the expense of Vir-
ginia. 48 Some of the members of the House of Delegates favored
the Wheeling terminus, while others argued for Parkersburg. 49
The act permitting the Wheeling extension was passed with
such obnoxious features at (1) a through ticket of four cents
45 Richmond Whig, February 13, 1845.
**Niles' Weekly Register, XXXIIT (December 29, 1827), 273.
47 Richmond Whig, August 29, 1845.
48 Richmond Daily Compiler, June 16, 1845.
49 Virginia House Journal, 181^5-18^6, document 1, 55.
Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 327
per mile when the Virginia average rate was six cents, (2) per-
mission for other roads to connect with it, (3) taxation of its
property by the state, (4) the purchase of the Winchester and
Potomac, (5) construction of depots and switches below Harper's
Ferry, and (6) provision for opening the road in ten years.
Under these conditions, the Baltimore and Ohio refused to pro-
ceed with construction. The Baltimore and Ohio would be subject
to the changeable will of the General Assembly, to rival improve-
ments, to burdensome taxes, and to the need for placing an extra
depot at Harper's Ferry. Finally, the route was far from being
the shortest to the Ohio River/' Some eastern Virginians were
glad. The act had served to delay northwestern improvement. It
was an apt example of legislative effort to hamstring a project
which was neither "home grown" nor truly welcome. Appeals
were immediately made for modification of the act by northern
and western Virginians and the act was modified and accepted by
the B. and O. 51 In 1860 the B. and 0. petitioned the Congress to
allow a junction of the Washington branch with the Virginia ex-
tension at Alexandria on the District side. Individuals were still
anxious that this be not granted, for opposition to this line was
still prevalent. 52
To show sectional bickering within the Assembly let us take the
case of the Covington and Ohio extension. One member of the
Assembly preferred the spending of $12,000,000 for building a
road through Appomattox by the Roanoke River to the west.
Another Assemblyman printed an article favoring the same route
and giving the following reasons why he supported it: (1) trade
and travel would converge on Richmond; (2) grades would be
too steep over the central route; (3) a direct line would be had
to Louisville, St. Louis, and even Europe; and (4) two lines were
already anxious to connect with the proposed line using the above
route. 53 Other Assemblymen urged that the Virginia Central be
extended from Covington to the Ohio. The Daily Dispatch la-
mented the combinations and systems in the General Assembly
which were pushing and restraining the progress of that rail-
60 Documents of the House of Delegates, 1850-1851, document 18 (Richmond, Virginia:
Division of Purchase and Printing), 385.
61 Richmond Daily Dispatch, June 8, 1860.
62 Richmond Compiler, January 6, 1846.
ra Address to the Citizens of Richmond on the Construction of a Continuous Railroad
Communication from the City to the Waters of the Ohio (Richmond, Virginia: Colin and
Nowlin), 1852.
328 The North Carolina Historical Review
road scheme as late as March, 1858. 54 Finally, after meetings
in the northwestern part of the state and countless memorials to
the Assembly, the later body got around to chartering the Cov-
ington and Ohio in I860. 55
Opposition was registered for practically every extension at-
tempted. Several examples are cited here to emphasize the point.
When the Danville Road wished to extend in order to connect
with the V. and T. line at Lynchburg, certain citizens of Pitts-
sylvania, Charlotte and Campbell counties declared river trans-
portation was sufficient. If nature has made us a natural high-
way, why is it necessary to supplement it, they concluded. Cer-
tain newspapers favored it ; others opposed it. The Richmond and
Petersburg tried to discourage it, fearing competition. 56
Opposition was registered again in the case of the Southside
Railroad which desired a state loan for further extension. Joseph
Segar of Elizabeth City County spoke in its favor. He said that
Virginia was building internal improvements too slowly, that
joint stock subscriptions would not work, that the James River
and Kanawha Canal had been a failure, that trade and commerce
had to develop before returns could come in, and that the call
was urgent for state loans. Money lay idle in the hands of the
Board of Public Works, while the credit of the state was the
highest ever. Why were the railroads receiving such small re-
turns, only seven per cent on the average (1852), he inquired.
Of course, one could point to the failures of the Portsmouth and
Roanoke, but it had not extended far enough to reap profits.
Finally, trade and travel would increase and a new day would
dawn through loans for public improvements. 57 Thomas Wallace
was moved to make some remarks in favor of the loan in the
House of Delegates. After calling attention to the failure of the
bill of 1852 allowing the Southside Railroad to sell bonds, he
described the flow of money from western Virginia mines and
the incoming of immigrants. He felt the actual wealth of Vir-
ginia would soon reach $800,000,000. The opening of Virginia
was necessary, for Norfolk and the Chesapeake Bay had been
54 Richmond Daily Dispatch, March 15, 1858.
55 Richmond Daily Dispatch, February 17. 1858.
58 Richmond Daily Dispatch, April 8, 1852.
57 Speech of Mr. Segar of Elizabeth City County on a Bill Authorizing a Loan of State
Bonds to the Southside Company (Richmond, Virginia: Ellerson and Company, 1853), 3-21.
Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 329
forgotten. Their business had been sapped by Baltimore. In con-
clusion, he asserted that the three railroads of the southwest
had improved land values twenty-nine per cent and had caused
immigration to increase and the slave population to jump from
448,000 to 473,000 between 1840 and 1850. Furthermore, all
Virginia railroads were paying for themselves and carrying
freight for as little as four and a half cents a ton-mile. 58 In op-
position, another man felt that the link with the Virginia and
Tennessee and through the latter with the Orange and Alexandria
would make Lynchburg a barrel with both ends out funneling
commerce to Baltimore. 59 This loan was made for extension of
the Southside westward and congratulations were extended the
road by Richmond editors. 60
Other extensions were fought over, such as the extension of
the Virginia and Tennessee to Lynchburg. 61 The Orange and
Alexandria was heading for the same place, to the dismay of
those who feared the Baltimore drainage. 62 The editor of the
Daily Dispatch feared that Baltimore would benefit, but at the
same time he felt that Virginia's internal improvement lag was
helping not only Baltimore but also New York to reap increased
revenues. 63
There were legislators who were against the state's engaging
in internal improvement schemes and lamented the tax increase.
One published the total railroad debt of the state as $6,620,800
as of 1852 64 and feared state monopoly. The state, he said,
lavished money on too many local projects and forgot the main
lines. 65 Another spoke of the sectional and local jealousies which
had caused a lack of coordination and interstate unity in rail-
road planning. His criticism was in part justified, for as late as
1857-1858 the Board of Public Works refused to help the Orange
and Alexandria Railroad connect with the Virginia and Tennes-
see ; instead it favored a new line, the Manassas Gap Road, with
appropriations. One of the "diehards" who opposed state spend-
ing for internal improvements was Charles Bruce of the Senate
68 Speech of Thomas Wallace of Petersburg on a Bill Authorizing a Loan to the Southside
Company (Richmond, Virginia: Ellerson and Company), 1853, 2-18,
59 Daily Republican (Lynchburg), January 5, 1853.
60 Richmond Daily Times, January 26, 1853.
81 Daily Republican, February 2, 1853.
62 Richmond Daily Dispatch, June 13, 1853.
63 Richmond Daily Dispatch, February 4, 1853.
84 Richmond Daily Dispatch, May 10, 1852.
65 Richmond Daily Dispatch, December 26, 1853,
330 The North Carolina Historical Review
in 1858. He argued that the Assembly ought to think before
sinking money in any more railroad projects. The Danville Rail-
road would not pay for years to come; the Southside and Vir-
ginia and Tennessee had debts, and the Piedmont Valley Rail-
road was going bankrupt. "How profitable were these roads?
What villages had they built up? Decreased cost of transporta-
tion had come only with increased taxation." Inflated currency
had caused the auditor's report to show a $98,000 increase in
valuation. Figures proved that the value of the counties with
railroads had increased only five per cent over those without
them. The state had to pay out $1,200,000 for her indebtedness
and received only $400,000 in dividends. The population was de-
creasing and Negroes were being drawn away due, in part, to
the railroad lease system. His argument concluded with questions
asking whether railroads had increased production and whether
water transportation was not cheaper. 66 This argument was an
example of "card stacking" of facts and figures, which if com-
pared with those used by internal improvement advocates, would
not have tallied, as we have shown. It had the effect of delaying
certain appropriations until too late, such as those for the Wash-
ington and Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac connection
and the Virginia Central extension to the Ohio. These petty
jealousies among individuals in and out of the Assembly and be-
tween cities, sections, and rival modes of transportation ac-
counted for the lack of a unified railroad system in Virginia be-
fore the Civil War.
After securing the lines and effecting operation, there were
complaints by patrons of various railroads of receiving faulty
service. The Winchester and Potomac was so poorly built that
complaints were made of rough travel and delays, and the com-
pany was forced to improve its tracks. 67 The Richmond, Fred-
ericksburg and Potomac gave poor service. In December, 1836,
ten people complained that when riding from Fredericksburg to
Richmond, a distance of sixty miles, they started so as to arrive
the same evening and reached Taylorsville at four in the morn-
ing. The passengers were then required to wait in the cold cars
m Speech of Charles Bruce in the Senate of Virginia on the Internal Improvement Policy
of the. State (Richmond, Virginia: Ellerson and Company, 1858).
67 Thirtieth and Thirty-first Annual Report, 149.
Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 331
while the train force slept in warm houses nearby. The group
finally reached Richmond at noon after having been on the track
for twenty hours. The same company was criticized by the Rich-
mond and Petersburg for having too small a lunch counter at
Richmond. The Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac replied
that the other company should improve its dirty cars, increase
the number of its engines, and remedy its constant delays and
loss of baggage. 08 The president of the Petersburg Company an-
swered the charge of delays by declaring that he had inquired
of engineers and they had stated that only twenty-six passengers
had ever been delayed on the road and this was blamed on the
weather. 69
Breakage and loss of produce were common, and the railroads
gradually introduced safety measures. One case involving the loss
of seven bales of cotton stored by the Richmond, Fredericksburg
and Potomac reached the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia.
Justices Lyons and Marson concurred in the opinion that since
a man by the name of Jones had requested that the Richmond,
Fredericksburg and Potomac delay shipment until prices went
up on cotton, the company was not responsible as a common
carrier. Jones received no damages. 70 Shipping agents began to
take advantage of the right of storage and charged special fees
in addition to their regular fee for handling. The General Assem-
bly, by an act, stopped that abuse. 71 Fires burned shops and
wooden bridges frequently, while engines were thrown from the
tracks by ice or obstructions. To lessen the latter, the Chester-
field Railroad secured an act as early as 1832 providing that
if anyone maliciously sought to destroy railroad property, such
a person would be imprisoned. If he were a slave, thirty-nine
stripes would be reasonable punishment and the company would
be able to secure damages equal to three times the actual value
of the property destroyed. 72 A second act of the forties had
guaranteed fifty to five hundred dollars to anyone who would
apprehend a person wilfully destroying railroad property. 73
e 8 Thirtieth and Thirty-first Annual Report, 329-330.
69 Thirty-second and Thirty-third Annual Report, 443.
70 Richmond Whiff, March 13, 1850.
71 Virffinia House Journal, 1839-1860, 54.
72 Acts of the Geveral Assembly, 1832, 74.
73 Acts of the General Assembly, 181,3, 119.
332 The North Carolina Historical Review
The weather often caused delays and accidents, as a case cited
from a local newspaper reveals. The Virginia Central Railroad
was blocked by deep snow in January, 1857, and for two days one
train was marooned six miles from Richmond and food could not
reach it. 74 But human carelessness was a cause for others. The
disregard of signals on the same line at Melton's, where trains
customarily passed each other, caused a collision three quarters
of a mile from the station on December 25, 1856. The conductors
were blamed for it, and John H. Timberlake, superintendent of
transportation, resigned because of the misunderstanding over
the problem with President Fontaine. 75 A third difficulty occur-
ring on the Virginia Central gave rise to the Sanger vs. Virginia
Central Railroad case. Jacob Sanger was injured when a car
was derailed by a huge stone left on the tracks. Sanger sued for
damages and the circuit court's dicision was confirmed by the
Supreme Court of Appeals that $6,000 should be awarded Sanger.
Judge Thompson of the latter court held that the company was
liable for any carelessness of its employees, and it had been
proved that the stone had been left there by one of the Virginia
Central employees. This was an important case, for it was the
first in Virginia to settle the extent of liability of railroads as
passenger carriers. 76
Other roads had accidents too, which showed that much needed
to be done for the sake of safety. Articles were written and laws
passed against carelessness. One stated that horrible accidents
were happening to persons of both sexes. "Better we tear up the
railroads than let them wreck the havoc they are doing." 77 Anoth-
er law required that a watchman be placed at every street cross-
ing, because a fuse was not enough. 78 One paper came to the de-
fense of the railroads and declared that with all the denunciations
heaped on the railroads, the number of deaths in proportion to
the number of passengers carried was much smaller than by
transportation by stage or carriage. 79 Railroads received little
mercy at the hands of juries and paid for cows, fractures, and
detentions. They were considered soulless corporations and were
74 Richmond Whig, January 24, 1857.
75 Richmond Examiner, January 30, 1857; Richmond Whig, January 2, 1857.
76 American Railroad Journal, September 17, 1859.
77 Richmond Daily Dispatch, September 13, 1835.
78 Richmond Whig, January 5, 1855.
79 Richmond Daihj Dispatch, July 9, 1853.
Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 333
treated as such. 80 Accidents could be expected in the beginning
years to be lessened as time went on.
Difficulties developed in relations with the federal government.
Mail contracts were awarded railroad companies in the thirties
and differences resulted over both the rate of pay received for
service performed and also over the time required for delivery.
Congress decided to make every railroad a mail route in 1837, 81
and Amos Kendall, as Postmaster General, in 1835 required that
all mail cars be locked. The first two railroads to carry the mail
were the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac at $200 per
mile annually and the Petersburg and Roanoke at $300 a mile. 82
In 1839 the contracts were not renewed, for the department
wished to reduce the rate paid and the railroads refused, declar-
ing that they could not do the job for less and that it would in-
volve delays. Failure to agree caused the Post Office Department
to have the mails carried on horseback a few months. 83
Contracts were revised until the Richmond, Fredericksburg
and Potomac stopped carrying the mail in 1847. 84 The road re-
fused to reduce the rate below $300, which it had been receiving
for several years. The mail was then carried by water over the
Bay lines, and as the Richmond and Petersburg refused to take
the through mail for $100 a mile, it was carried over the turn-
pikes until December, 1849. At that time the companies had the
right returned to them on the $237 basis. The Richmond, Fred-
ericksburg and Potomac lost it for only two years, once in 1855,
when the Orange and Alexandria and Virginia Central underbid
the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac 85
Other railroads were anxious for mail contracts. The Ports-
mouth and Roanoke put in a bid offering what it called greater
economy and regularity than any other road. 86 The City Point
Railroad agreed to haul the mail for $500 per annum over its
short line 87 and the Virginia and Tennessee agreed to handle it
80 Richmond Daily Dispatch, May 16, 1855.
S1 J. Cooley, editor. The American Railroad (New York: Chnrles Scribners Sons, 1897),
311-315.
82 Virainia House Journal, 1838, document 10, 4.
83 Virginia House Journal, 1838, document 36, 77-97.
84 Dozier, A History of the Atlantic Coastline Railroad, 45.
85 Dozier, A History the the Atlantic Coastline Railroad, 41, 45: Thirty-second Annual
Report, 396-399: John B. Mordecai, A Brief History of the Richmond, Fredericksburg and
Potomac Railroad, Richmond, Virginia, privately printed, 1940.
86 Thirty-second and Thirty-third Annual Report, 567-575, 584-585.
87 Twenty-eighth Annual Report, 90.
334 The North Carolina Historical Review
for $41,000 annually. 88 Returns from mail carriage were con-
siderable sums, and each line desired this special privilege. The
letters were paid for by weight on receipt, and the depot agent
would send a bill for total monthly mail received to individuals
for payment. Mail to be sent was gathered in bags by the agents
and sent out daily.
The cases in which federal courts had a hand were few. The
Supreme Court had to handle a case when interests along the
Rappahannock River complained that a bridge of the Richmond,
Fredericksburg and Potomac was too narrow and low and threat-
ened navigation. Associate Justice McLean had declared in a
similar case that railroads must construct safe bridges and ones
which did not obstruct navigation. This precedent was followed
here. 89 The federal district court, sitting at Staunton, heard
another case in which the War Department was required to allow
the Winchester and Potomac Company the right to run its en-
gines through public property in Alexandria, in spite of the
danger of fire. The Congress heard complaints of the Virginia
railroads, for on one occasion the Richmond and Roanoke pe-
titioned Congress for relief from the through ticket discrimina-
tion. This petition was rejected. 90 The Orange and Alexandria
transferred some federal claims of 1790 for collection, from
which the Board of Public Works felt the railroad might secure
some funds to the amount of $120,000. The bill was still before
Congress in 1857. 91
In conclusion, the difficulties facing the railroads were many
and may be summarized. (1) Sectional rivalries inside and out-
side the General Assembly were sufficient to restrain progress.
Virginia spent much time, energy, and money on canals. The
chartering of so many rival roads in the Tidewater made for
bitter competition between the different lines, causing the actual
failure of one. These roads were in a comparatively poor agricul-
tural section of the state and often were too poorly constructed
to give long service without constant renewal. (2) The intense
jealousy felt toward Baltimore and the Baltimore and Ohio by
Virginia was real and caused delays in railroad expansion in
88 Twenty-sixth and Twenty-seventh Annual Report, 100.
R9 Virginia House Journal, 1839-1840, 148-149; Richmond Daily Times, May 16, 1853.
80 Thirtieth and Thirty-first Annual Report, 467.
nNiles' Weekly Register, LX, July 31, August 7, 1841, 349.
Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 335
northern Virginia. (3) As to lack of service, one feels, looking
over the whole picture, that it was but normal to expect the
delays, Post Office quarrels, and lack of suitable accommodations
in this beginning period. (4) The matters of gauge and through
ticket were further signs of sectional differences. (5) Financial
problems were fairly normal with the exception of the Ports-
mouth and Roanoke and were always slight considering the num-
ber of business slumps surmounted. (6) The accident record was
generally good and already they were beginning to seek remedies
to lessen the mishaps. Blunders, to be sure, were many but not
fatal, and the service rendered to Virginia and the South prior
to the war was great.
LETTERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA TO
ANDREW JOHNSON
Edited by
Elizabeth Gregory McPherson
The papers of Andrew Johnson in the Library of Congress
comprise more than 30,000 pieces, extending from 1829 to 1930,
and including correspondence of his family. On the basis of
material relating to North Carolina during Reconstruction his
papers would rank as outstanding for local history. They are
also of tremendous interest not only because they are papers of
one of the Presidents of the United States born in North Caro-
lina, but also because they cover an important span of local and
national history that portrays many valuable contributions made
by President Johnson in several fields of endeaver.
To a man of President Johnson's inheritance, social position,
and temperament, the problems of Reconstruction were pecul-
iarly difficult. His progressive and colorful career from a tailor's
bench to the President's chair was a climb up the social and
political ladder that was not easy. His political career began as
an alderman of Greeneville, Tennessee, to which place he had
migrated in 1826 from Raleigh, North Carolina. In his political
climb he went ahead with the support of the working men whose
cause he always championed. In business President Johnson was
successful, and from the emoluments of his tailor shop at Greene-
ville he accumulated a modest estate. The earliest item in his
papers is an account book of his tailor shop begun in 1829, but
the main body of his papers is for the period that he served as
Senator from Tennessee and as President of the United States.
His manuscripts include records of applications for office, pardon
and amnesty papers, proclamations, messages to Congress, tele-
grams, letter books, notes of William G. Moore, his private secre-
tary, and many letters. Among his correspondents were cabinet
members, military leaders, jurists, diplomats, and other men and
women of eminence as well as those from North Carolina whose
letters are printed herewith.
[ 336 ]
Letters to Andrew Johnson 337
From David F. Caldwell 1
Greensboro N. C. Oct 15 [18] 59
Hon Andrew Johnston
Dear & much respected Sir ; Your note of the 12 instant has been
received, and I hasten to respond to the sam[e] ; When I wrote
to the PM at Greenvill[e] I had received no answer to my let-
ter, which had been written som[e] four or five weeks. I could
not account for your silence, but in two reasons, 1 st that you were
absent, or, 2 (1 that you did not care, or never desirous to have
nothing more to do with me, in the way of corresponding. And I
desired to know which of these motives, if influenced your action
For though I rank myself above no honest man I am for from
wishing to intrude myself upon the notice of any one As you have
delt frankly I have thus given you my motives for making the
inquiry I did for your Post Master I did not desire the miserable
manuscript I sent you I wrote it in such great haste that on re-
gaining it I am heartily ashamed of it-but friendship, I did not
know how to get on with out, hence my anxiety for to recover it
I received your last letter & the communication, I mean the letter
before the one received today some four or five days since and I
feel greatful to you for your kindness in returning them to me.
I am sorry that you cannot see this matter in the light I do I
feel confident that I am right and if your next Legislature will
but adopt & strictly adhere to the system I proposed you will
have no more Bogus Banks in Ten- The state & your improve-
ments will prosper and your people soon relieved from debt &
heavy taxation I feel confident of this fact Or I would not urge
it upon you I feel the more concerned about the matter, as I am
seriously contemplating removing to Gibson County of your
State, there to engage in the cultivation of cotton, & the practice
of the Laiv I dislike to sunder all the ties that bind me to my
native state, but I have many relatives and friends in Gibson who
are doing well & press me strongly to emigrate and setel near
them- assuring me that I can greatly benefit myself by so doing
Under these circumstances I hope you will excuse me for troub-
ling you so much as I have done- I am so sure that I am right-
that I cannot fail to to be zealously efected when I look at the
crisis that will soon be upon your Legislature If it were any thing
else than chartering a Bank, it would not matter so much as if
it did not suit the views of the Legislature they could repeal the
act when they convened again- but this is not the case by no
means- what your Legislature does next winter will last through
this generation & will tell for good or evil with great power
Wod to Heaven all your people understood the great importance
1 Prior to the Civil War David F. Caldwell of Guilford County was a Whig; served in the
house of commons; and was a candidate on the Republican ticket for a seat in Congress
from the Fifth North Carolina District, but was defeated. In 184 8 he presided over a
convention held in Salisbury for the purpose of asking the legislature to build a railroad
from Danville, Virginia, to Charlotte, North Carolina. He continued to advocate the
building of railroads to unite the eastern part of the state with the western part. J. G. de
Roulhac Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina (1914), 281n; Burton Alva Konkle,
John Motley Morehead and the Development of North Carolina, 1796-1866 (1922), 294-298.
338 The North Carolina Historical Review
that attaches to the action of these servants, touching this matter
I know they would ponder long before they would submit to
having another bach of monopoly bogus banks chartered in your
state They are and will prove forever an unmitigated curse to
any state And I aver from my experience that the stockholders
in them where the Banks are chartered as yours & ours are, can
control all the financial affairs of the state through them that,
they can not only accumulate great fortunes, but will certainly
acquire influence enough to dictate to the Legislature- & if they
do not ultimately break down your Roads to purches them up
like they did in Pennsylvania- it will be because they do not
deserve to exercise their power and capital in that way But you
are for a state slutreasury [Sic] I am sorry very sorry my
friend that you are anxious to place the Party in Tennessee on
this platform. Pardon me for saying to you in all candor, that I
honestly think it will prove most disasterous to the party And I
do hope you will ponder long before you take that, as I think,
fatal step Of course I cannot undertake to assign the reason, to
you at the present time, that induces me to speak so confident
on this point But I am prepared to say that sub Treasury system
would prove more disasterous than to continue the present mo-
nopoly Bogus system of Banking
If you see Gov Harriss I hope you will prevale upon him to
ponder long over the suggestions I have made- My observations
my experience & the time I have given to the investigation of this
subject, I say it in all modesty, should induce him to give my sug-
gestion some consideration - 1 A specie Basis- 2 State stocks,
in R.R. compleated & in successful opperation, to be deposited
with the P Treasury to double the amount of the capital of the
Bank- 3 then the liability clause- binding the individual property
to double the amount of the capital of the bank 4 The public Treas-
urer to register & counter sign all the notes of the Banks. Then
limiting the dividends of the Bank & Road to 7 per cent interest
per Annum untill they the Road & Bank had each on hand a sur-
plus fund of $100,000- This would give such confidence in the
solvency of the Banks & Roads as to throw up the stock in both
for shares par-& thus gradually but certainly advance the credit
& prosperity of your native state- while at the same time, it
would give you, a sound convertable uniform currency that would
command a premium over the circulation of all the others in your
state- as the R.R. Banks in Georgia during the past panic Why
is this I will try to explain 1 st Then the bank is required to do
as it would be done by That is Besides the principal all banks
require that a security to sign all notes discounted and the rule
is that the principle shall be solvent- the capital- and that each
security shall be worth double the amount loaned-The liability
clause & the R R Stock-The Banks consequently- in fact never
when they adhere to the rule loose a debt- see my report as to the
safety of Banking So if the Legislature will require the capital to
be paid in to the vault of the Bank in specie then require the stock
Letters to Andrew Johnson 339
in corporated roads to be deposited & the liability clause thus
engrafted in the charter the public will see that the security is
such that there is no chance for any creditor of the bank to loose
a cent by it- And as Banks do not create public credit but live &
thrive on it- it is all important to keep their credit up above par
if we wish them to prosper and benefit the public The Banks
chartered thus would have the credit- to drive into the vaults all
the money as deposits This taken with the revenue of the roads
would enable the Banks to discount to producers who brought
in freight to the roads freely This would enable the Banks to
draw upon the produce sent to the market especially cotton & C
and as their interest lay in this way- the Banks would benefit the
country by encouraging the Planters Miners Manufacturers &
Mechanics with all others who produced or brought forward
freight to the road or roads- These positions cannot be success-
fully refuted- though all interested in the old Bogus corporation
will cry out that the stocks in such bank cant or wont be taken
Thus have none- But it will be taken- but I most reluctantly close
If any member of your Legislature desires any aid I can give him
if he will let me know I will try & accomodate him if he will let
me know it
From David F. Caldwell
Greensboro N C Oct 1859
Hon A Johnson
Dear Sir: Your favor of the 14th is just to hand and I hasten
to respond to the same I am truly sorry to find that a letter that
I wrote to you in the kindest spirit - and particularly as an
apology to you, for writing the letter of enquiry I did to your
Post Master, should now call for an apology from me- I voluntary
for the reasons stated in my last wrote you several letters In
one of those I enclosed you a printed communication which I
requested to return to me when you had red it- stating at the
time that I had no copy of it, and would soon have a demand for
it I waited for it for some time it did not come into hand I then
wrote you a polite note requesting you to return the same I re-
ceived no reply to that note I then thinking you might like many
other leading men, be from home on a visit to a distant state I
ventured to write to the P M to ascertain whither you were ab-
sent as I suposed [sic] - I received no answer to my note to the
PM I then thinking my letters might have miscarried I concluded
to write to you again which note you answered & made every
necessary explanation, and the other day all the manuscript, with
the printed slips came safely to hand I certainly have no causes
to complain of you or your conduct And I hope you will sensure me
for nothing I have said or done as I certainly have not intended
at any time to cast any blame on you I thought at one time before
I received your letter before the last, that there was so much
trichery abroad in this land and Nise & Darling correspondents
that you might be a little julus of my position nature & honer and
340 The North Carolina Historical Review
that such motives had caused you to pass by letter & request in
silence That is the honest thought I ever entertained touching
the matter - And had you entertained such motives I could not
under all the circumstances have blamed you If the above is not
sufficiently explicit and poligetic [sic~\ be kind enough to inform
me in what point it is deficient I will strive to amend it untill
you shall in every particular be satisfied I will conclude if I can
at any time an in any way be of any service to you as yours I
shall be pleased to serve you- And till then I beg to
remain truly yours
H° A Johnson
Greenvl Ten
From J. W. Anderson
Mars Hill N.Ca
Deer 15th 1860
Hon. A. Johnson
Mars Hill College This Institution through me.respectfully
asks you to make to their Institution the History of your state,
so that they may record your name as one of the donors, to the
Institution,
Respectfully
Yours
Secretary
From David F. Caldwell
Greensboro N.C. Feb 28 [18] 61
Hon A Johnston:
Dear Sir:
I rejoice greatly to find you so strong a Union man and can
from the heart bid you God speed in all your efforts in so holy a
cause My object in writing to you is 'to request you to send me
a copy of your & Mr Douglass speaches I regret to see so few of
the Democrats standing with you nearly all in this state are the
most ultera disunionists
Respectfully yours
Hon A. Johnston
Washin [ing] ton D.C.
From John A. Gilmer 2
[Feb. ? 1861?]
Honl Andrew Johnson
Dear Sir.-
This will be handed to you by my friend Wm. H. Baum, who
is a good & honest man- He worked hard for us last winter night
2 John A. Gilmer was a member of Congress from Greensboro, North Carolina, and a close
friend of William H. Seward. President Lincoln offered Gilmer a position in his cabinet,
but being unable to persuade the President to withdraw troops from the South he declined
the post. As a member of the secession convention he voted with the conservatives. Hamil-
ton, Reconstruction, 20.
Letters to Andrew Johnson 341
after night in backing your speech & the speech of others to N.C.
Va. & all without pay- He is a devoted friend to the Union- He
is industrious & competent- He is needy- Please have something
done for him before you leave Washington.
Respectfully
Yours
Private
From R. J. Powell 3
Washington, D.C.
2nd May 1865.
Dear Sir:
As a personal friend, for I claim to have been such from our
first acquaintance, nearly twenty years ago permit me very re-
spectfully to suggest as follows :
In some parts of the North you may not have been fully under-
stood- would it not have an influence for good- if you should
show yourself to our soldiers and at least shake hands with the
officers, when on their way to their Northern homes-?
If you think it best so to do- the matter can be arranged and
carried out in a quiet way- and not known to the public until
it is accomplished.
With high respect
Very truly yours
To the President
Andrew Johnson
From John M. Schofield 4
Office U.S. Military Telegraph
War Department.
The following Telegram received at Washington, 12 10 P.M. May
13, 1865.
From Raligh NC May 13, 1865.
President of the U.S
Ex Gov. D. L. Swayne Mr D. F. Moore and Mr Wm Eaton of
North Carolina desire permission to visit you on business Con-
3 Dr. Powell was a native of North Carolina holding a position in the Patent Office.
In order to have close communication with the President, Governor Holden appointed
Powell agent of the state. In and through him President Johnson was informed concerning
the governor's wishes. Hamilton, Reconstruction, 107n, 113-114.
4 John M. Schofield was in command of a division of General William T. Sherman's Army
in North Carolina and was present when General Joseph E. Johnston surrendered to
General Sherman at Durham, North Carolina, and was authorized to execute the details
of the event. He continued in command of North Carolina until the formation of the
provisional state government. Dictionary of American Biography, XVI, 452-454; Hamilton,
Reconstruction, 100, 102-104, 148-149, 158, 293.
342 The North Carolina Historical Review
nected with the future of the state 5 -They are men of unquestion-
able loyalty and of great influence. I suppose they represent some
shade of political opinion different from that of Mr Holden and
his friends who are going to Washington but I understand they
all agree on the main question of Union and Freedom.
J. M. Schofield
Maj Gen Comdg
77 col
From Joseph A. Cooper 6
Headquarters 2 d Div. 23 fl A.C.
Salisbury N.C. May 13 h 1865
His Excellency Andrew Johnson
President of the United States.
I have been looking around in this old State of your birth
place, for men with whom you and myself, in common with other
Union men, can act for the good of our country, and for a man
whom I can recommend as a suitable person for Military Gov-
ernor of North Carolina
I find in the person of the Hon. Nathaniel Boyden, the very
person the very purest and soundest sentiments for the old flag-
and I have no doubts whatever of his sterling principles and fixed
purposes for the restoration of this State to the Federal Union 7
I feel sure the appointment of Mr. Boyden would meet the
approbation of all good and true men
He is a man with whom you have served in Congress.
Please pardon me for making this suggestion, I feel it to be
my duty as an American citizen.
Believe me your Excellency
Your old friend as ever.
Brig Gen vol's.
5 These men were summoned to Washington by President Johnson for a conference
concerning the establishment of a provisional government in North Carolina. Upon their
arrival the President showed them his proposed plan for the reconstruction of North
Carolina. Bartholomew F. Moore objected on constitutional grounds, but the President
did not yield. Upon invitation they went to the White House the following day. When
they arrived, they found that William W. Holden and his party were there. The proposed
proclamation of the President was submitted for discussion, but Moore, Eaton, and Swain
declined to take any part in the conference and left the room with the President. Upon
his return to the room, he found that Holden's name had been inserted on the proclamation
as provisional governor of North Carolina. Apparently the President was pleased, but
Swain advised Holden not to accept the appointment. Hamilton, Reconstruction, 106-107.
6 Joseph A. Cooper of Kentucky was commissioned colonel of the First Tennessee Infantry,
August 8, 1861; colonel of the Sixth Tennessee Infantry, May 18, 1862; brigadier general
of volunteers, July 30, 1864, and brevet major general, March 13, 1865, for gallantry and
meritorious services in the battle at Nashville; was mustered out, January, 1866. Francis B.
Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, I (1903), 326.
7 Nathaniel Boyden (1796-1873), a representative in Congress from North Carolina, was
born in Massachusetts; served in the War of 1812; moved to Stokes County, North Carolina;
taught school for several years; studied law and was admitted to the bar; was a member
of the state house of commons in 1838 and 1840; moved to Salisbury in 1842 and continued
to practice law; was elected as a Whig to the Thirtieth Congress (Mar. 4, 1847-Mar. 3,
1849); was a member of the state constitutional convention of 1865; was elected as a Re-
publican to the Fortieth Congress, and served from July 13, 1868, to March 3, 1869;
was elected as an associate justice of the Supreme Court of North Carolina in 1872; and
served until his death November 20, 1873. Biographical Directory of the American Congress
1774-1927 (1928), 725.
Letters to Andrew Johnson 343
From William W. Holden 8
Office U.S. Military Telegraph.
War Department.
The following Telegram received at Washington, 12 05 P M.
May 14 1865.
From Raliegh NC May 13 1865.
His Excy
President Johnson
I have been unavoidably detained but will reach Washington
by Thursday evening next-The condition of affairs in this state
is cheering, A large majority of the people are delighted on im-
mediate emancipation and are ready for civil, Government as
soon as it can be conveniently established. Gen Schofield the Dept
Commander is acting with wisdom and firmness and giving
satisfaction to the true men. With High respect
56 col
Office U.S. Military Telegraph,
War Department.
The following Telegram received at Washington, 9 25 P M. May
15, 1865.
From Raleigh NC. May 15 1865.
The President U S.
Messrs Moore, Swaine & Eaton will start for Washn on Wed-
nesday - Mr Holden started this morning -
J M Schofield
Maj Gen Comdg.
16 Collect
From Robert P. Dick and others 9
Washington City.
May 26 th . 1865.
His Excellency
Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States.
We the undersigned citizens of North Carolina, most cordially
approving of your Excellency's plan for establishing civil author-
ity in our State, and restoring her to her proper relations with
8 William W. Holden (1818-1892), political journalist and governor of North Carolina,
was born in Orange County. He became a printer's devil at the age of ten, worked on the
Star, the leading Whig newspaper in Raleigh, was in 1843 offered the North Carolina
Standard, the leading Democratic paper, on condition that he become a Democrat, and
during his editorship the editorials contained the most advance secession doctrine. He was
a delegate to the Charleston and Baltimore conventions in 1860, refused to withdraw from
the latter, and supported Breckinridge for President. At the secession convention of the
state he voted for secession, supported Vance for governor in 1862, but broke with him
and was a candidate for governor in 1864. After his appointment as the provisional
governor of the state in May, 1865, he again swerved his political allegiance from the
President to the radicals and supported the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment. In
1866-1867 he spent much time in Washington advising the radicals and working for the
overthrow of the state government. With the support of the carpetbaggers he was elected
governor in 1868 and his administration was one of corruption and incompetence, which
resulted in his impeachment. His last public office was that of postmaster of Raleigh,
1873-1881. Dictionary of American Biography, IX, 138-140.
"Robert P. Dick, J. P. H. Russ, W. R. Richardson, R. J. Powell, E. W. Jones, and W. S.
Mason went to Washington with Holden and were present for his interview with the
President on May 18, 1865. Hamilton, Reconstruction, 107n.
344 The North Carolina Historical Review
the government of the United States, would most respectfully
recommend our fellow citizen William W. Holden Esq/ as a
Suitable person for the office of Provisional Governor, as we have
the highest confidence in his firmness, integrity, and ability, and
his devoted loyalty to the constitution and Union of the States ;
and we feel assured that he will be very acceptable to our people.
Robt. P. Dick
I.P.H. Russ
W.R. Richardson
W.S. Mason
Jno. G. Williams
R.J. Powell
E.W. Jones
From William W. Holden
Washington City, May 26, 1865
To His Excellency the President of the United States.
Sir: I would respectfully recommend William S. Mason, Esq. as
a suitable person to be appointed District Attorney for the State
of North Carolina. Mr. Mason is thoroughly loyal to the Consti-
tution and the Union, and is well qualified for the office. His ap-
pointment would give general satisfaction in the State.
Very Respectfully
From William W. Holden
Washington City, May 26, 1865.
To His Excellency the President of the United States.
Sir : I would most respectfully recommend Robert P. Dick, Esq.
for the office of Judge of District Court of the United States for
North Carolina. 10 Mr. Dick is throughly loyal to the Constitution
and the Union, and is well qualified for the office ; and I believe
his appointment would be acceptable to the people of the State.
Very Respectfully,
From William W. Holden
Washington City, May 26, 1865.
To His Excellency the President of the United States.
Sir: I would most respectfully recommend W.R. Richardson, 11
Esq. for the office of Marshal for the District of North Carolina.
Mr. Richardson is thoroughly loyal, and is well qualified for the
office, and I believe his appointment would be acceptable to our
people.
Very Respectfully
10 Robert P. Dick was one of the few Democrats selected to hold important offices in
North Carolina under the provisional government, but he could not take the oath of office.
The law which debarred him from taking office was not repealed, so after two months
of waiting he resigned and became a provisional appointee. Hamilton, Reconstruction, 116.
11 W. R. Richardson had been a candidate for a seat in the house of commons during the
Civil War and he could not take the oath foi officeholding required by law. See his letter
of March 17, 1866, to President Johnson.
Letters to Andrew Johnson 345
From William W. Holden
The following Telegram received at Washington, 12:45 M
June 14th 1865 from Raleigh June 13, 1865
His Excellency
A Johnson
Col D Heaton treasury agent is about removing a lot of Cotton
belonging to this state at Graham Depot N C. 12 This cotton was
not Captured prior to the surrender of Genl Johnston, Genl
Schofield favors its restoration to the state but does not feel
empowered so to order. I earnestly hope that none of the property
owned by the state will be Claimed as forfeited to the United
States. Enough of Payments can be collected to pay the Expenses
of the provisional Government including the Convention & first
meeting of the General Assembly. In view of the destitute con-
dition of our people I beg you not to enforce confiscation of
state property
Very Respy
Prov Govr.
From Zebulon B. Vance 13
To his Excellency
Andrew Johnson
Pres't U.S. A.
Sir,
Some two weeks since I had the honour to address you a letter
soliciting a personal interview with your excellency, which, as I
have received no answer thereto, I concluded is disapproved.
I have now most respectfully to request that you will order
my release from confinement, on my parole of honour to appear
whenever & wherever required, to answer any charges which
may be preferred against me.
I am, very respt'y
Yr Excelleny
Obt Svt.
Carrol Prison
June 16 th '65
12 David Heaton (1823-1870) was born in Hamilton, Ohio; studied law and was admitted
to the bar; was elected to the Ohio state senate in 1855; moved to Minnesota in 1857;
was a member of the state senate of Minnesota from 1858 to 1863; was appointed special agent
of the Treasury Department and the United States Depository in New Bern, North Carolina,
in 1863, served in the House of Representatives in Congress from North Carolina from
July 15, 1868, until his death on June 25, 1870. Biographical Directory of the American
Congress, 1774-1927, 1082.
13 Zebulon B. Vance (1830-1894), governor and senator, is best known for the part that
he played in the Civil War. As governor he attempted to negotiate with General William
T. Sherman when he approached Raleigh, but failed because he understood that he would be
arrested. As a result he fled from Raleigh on April 12, 1865, to consult with President Jeffer-
son Davis in Charlotte. The conference was unsatisfactory, and as a result he surrendered
to General Schofield at Greensboro on May 2 and was directed to join his family in States-
ville. By the order of President Johnson he was arrested on May 13, was sent to Washington,
D. C, and was imprisoned in the Old Capitol Prison where he was held a prisoner until
he was paroled on July 6. There seems to have been no official reason for his arrest or
parole. Dictionary of American Biography, XIX, 158-161,
346 The North Carolina Historical Review
From Harvey M. Watterson 14
"Copy of Dispatch No 2"
Newbern N.C.
June 20% 1865
His Excellency
Andrew Johnson
President of the U.S.
Sir:
The complet in regard to the death of the Irishman's pig,
might be appropriately employed in describing the downfall of
Jeff Davis' Confederacy:
"When it live, it lived in clover ;
When it died, it dies all over"
I find the same feeling here that universally prevailed in Vir-
ginia. No people were ever more thoroughly conquered and sub-
dued. Point out to them the way that leads to amicable relations
with the Government of the United States, and they will be
certain to take it. Those persons to whom you have granted
anmesty and pardon, are exceedingly thankful, and the few that
I have seen of the excepted classes are quite hopeful. All dis-
union feeling, and every wish to establish a separate Southern
Confederacy, have been pulverized by the War. If there be any
thing like it in history, it has escaped my observation^
Not a great many of the old citizens, I am sorry to be obliged
to say, are here ; and turn which way you will a majority of the
persons you see are negroes. It is estimated that there are of
such persons, within a circle of twenty miles round Newberne,
from forty to fifty thousand, and even higher. These have as-
sembled, since the occupation of this region by the Federal forces,
from various portions of the State. Many of them are without
labor, and there is no demand sufficient to furnish them with
employment. Some thousands of these negroes have heretofore
been rationed by the Government, and it is apprehended that
when this support is withdrawn plunder and robbery will ensue.
So here is work, and plenty of it for the Superintendent of the
Freedman's Bureau.
I feel that it is beyond the line of my duty to go into an argu-
ment on any subject. What you want are facts. Well - I give it
to you as a fact that Newberne is now garrisoned by at least
three thousand colored troops under the command of Gen. Payne-
a militia man from Boston at the beginning of the war. I also
give it to you as a fact that the citizens of this town are deeply
impressed with the belief that they deserve no such punishment
as Gen. Payne and his negro troops. That it is wholly unnecessary
and very bad policy, there can be no question. Boston, today, is
not more loyal than Newberne.
14 Harvey M. Watterson (1811-1891), editor and congressman from Tennessee, and other
statesmen were appointed by President Johnson to visit the southern states and to report
at length to him upon the conditions they found here. Watterson travelled from June to
November, 1865, and made a series of reports of historical value today.
Letters to Andrew Johnson 347
This Gen Payne superseded Gen J.N. Palmer, on the 6 th of the
present month.
The "Daily North Carolina Times," the only paper published
here, and loyal to the core, in speaking of Gen Palmer, on the 16 th
inst said :
The numerous friends of this worthy officer will be please to
learn that he has been promoted to the rank of Major General.
We trust that he may long live to enjoy the honor and dignity of
the position thus confered
The General has been long and favorably known in this de-
partment as a man of kindness and moderation, and the former
citizens of this community, those who have remained here as
well as those who have recently returned to their homes, all so
far as we have been able to learn, and we have mixed freely
among them, speak of the highest praise of his sterling qualities
and universally manifest a desire that he shall be permitted to
remain with us until our troubles are over and civil law fully
established.'
Whether General Palmer desires to remain here I do not know,
but the Times has expressed the wishes of the pople, not only
here, but of the whole State ; and should be placed in command
of the Department of North Carolina, there is no officer who
would be more acceptable to her citizens, or who would more
faithfully carry out the views of the Government. He is an old
army officer, and an honor to his profession. Like yourself, too,
he is for a white man's government, and in favor of free white
citizens controlling this country.
I need not tell you that the Treasury agents who have lived
and flourished, during the past two years, are not saints. It
would be strange if some of them are not good men, but really
it does seem that such are exceptions to the rule. If the history
of their operations in the Southern States were correctly written
out at length, surely they would never again have the impudence
to hold up their head among honest men. I had my eye on a pretty
bad case in this town (one Peter Lawson,of Lowell) which I
intended to report to you, with specifications, but since I re-
received your proclamation of the 13 th inst, I deem it unnecessary.
Peter's 'occupation' is now gone, and every honest man in this
community is glad of it.
Last, though not least: when Newberne was captured by the
Federal forces under Gen Burnside, in March, 1862, a large
part of the population left their homes and went to the interior.
The military, on its entry, and afterward the Treasury depart-
ment, took possession of the abandoned property; and all the
dwellings, plantations, and houses of business belonging to those
who became refugees, are now either held by the Military, or
are under the control of the Treasury agents. Most of the latter
(that is what the Treasury controls) have been rented by the
year; and the business houses, mills, wharfs, docks &c. are in
348 The North Carolina Historical Review
the possession of temporary tenants and inaccessible to the own-
ers.
A large number of the old residents, since the termination
of the War, have applied for the restoration of their property.
The following letter from Gen Palmer will show [what has]
been done about it:
Newberne, N.C.
June 20 th 1865
Hon. H.M. Watterson
Newberne
My dear Sir.
In reply to your request to be informed what action has been
taken by me while in command of this District to enable persons
to avail themselves of the benefits of the President's amnesty
proclamation I will state:
That whenever person made a respectful application for the
restoration of property, I required them to show that they be-
longed to neither of the excluded classes, and if they had taken
upon themselves all the obligations required, an order was at
once issued which would secure to them the title to their property,
and the possession of it as soon as it was no longer needed for
any public purpose.
All the case were examined with great care, and nearly all
the applicants were persons who had taken no active part in the
Rebellion, but who had been dragged away from this place at the
time of the capture, or who had been frightened away by the
order of Gen Branch who ordered the place to be burned as soon
as he saw that it must be captured.
Some seventy of these applications were examined and the
order for the restoration in the greater part of these was made
on the 3 d inst. On the 6 th inst, however, I was released from the
command of this District by Gen Payne, who brings with him
such a large force that he may have found it necessary to retain
all the buildings I had proposed to give up immediately.
Newberne in my opinion needs no large force. A few com-
panies near the town would I think answer every purpose, but
I have no desire to question the propriety of the acts of my su-
perior officers.Were the matter left to me, however, I should
consider it sound policy to clear the town of troops and let the
people come back and get about their usual avocations.
I have understood that but few persons have been able as yet
to obtain possession of their property. A good deal of it is in the
possession of the Treasury agent, and what action is taken by
his Department to comply with the Presidents order I cannot say.
I am, Sir very respectfully
Your Obt. Servant
J.N. Palmer
Brt Maj Gen Vols
I will simply add that, in my humble opinion, the sooner the
views of Gen Palmer in regard to Newberne matters are carried
Letters to Andrew Johnson 349
out, the better for this people, the better for the United States,
and the better for the Administration.
I shall go up to Raleigh tomorrow, where I learn that Gov.
Holden is getting long finely.
Your friend & Obt. Servant
From Harvey M. Watterson
Raleigh,N.C.
June 27 th 1865
Mr President.
Learning that Gen Cox, in the morning, will set out for Wash-
ington, I avail myself of the opportunity to send you a line of
friendship.
At Richmond, at Newberne, and at Raleigh, I have reason to
know that I have done some service to the Administration by my
representation of its head. I have often said in the right quarter
that from two positions the Chases and Sumners would never
drive the President: First, that the Southern States are in the
Union, and have never been out : Second, that the suffrage ques-
tion belongs to the States alone.
I will send you my report to-morrow, and the next day will
leave for Wilmington
All is politically right in North Carolina
"Your friend
From William W. Holden
State of North Carolina,
Executive Department,
Raleigh, N.C., June 27th, 1865.
His Excellency
President of the United States —
Sir.
Allow me most respectfully to ask your favorable considera-
tion of the accompanying petition. 15 This Religious Sect in North
15 The petition of the Quakers is as follows :
"Petition"
"To Andrew Johnson, President of the United States"
"From the Meeting for Sufferings of North Carolina yearly meeting of Friends, held 19th
of 6 mo 1865"
"We respectfully petition that members of the religious society of Friends be excused from
taking the oath or affirmation prescribed for all citizens of those states which have been in
rebellion against the United States Government."
"Our reasons are, first, that we believe said obligation, as to us, to be unnecessary, from
the fact that our religion prevents us from ever placing ourselves in rebellion against the
government under which we live, or from ever offering violent opposition to the execution of
its laws. And accordingly, we do not know a single instance among the members of our
Society, of any who were in favor of a rupture of the U. S. Government, or who were in
favor of the war which was waged against it. On the contrary, we were much opposed there-
to, and many of use suffered both in property and person rather than give any aid therein.
Some were imprisoned for months, some were whipped on the bare back, suspended for hours
by the thumbs and suffered other personal indignities and abuse ; Some were kept for days
(in two instance for five days and nights) without a particle of food or a drop of water —
for refusing to take up arms. Their firmness and constancy, in this respect, were and are
heartily approved by the whole body of the Society. — Hence for us, we believe said obligation
to be unnecessary."
"Secondly, we have felt a scrupulous tenderness as to taking affirmations 'to defend' any
government lest it may be construed that we could bear arms in its behalf — a practice in
direct violation of one of our primary principles, and a principle which has characterized
us for our Society from its very origin, now more than 200 years ago."
"If it should not meet the approbation of the President to release us entirely from said
affirmation we ask that it may be so modified as not to violate our conscientious scruples."
"Signed by direction and on behalf of the meeting aforesaid."
Nei-eus Mendenhall, Clk.
350 The North Carolina Historical Review
Carolina, have been true and faithful union men during the re-
bellion.
The oath of Amnesty is "faithfully to support, protect and
defend" the Constitution. They fear this may mean to defend by
arms, therefore, they desire,
First to be excused from having to take this Oath. Second ; if
any oath of allegiance be required of them that it may be the
one prescribed by North Carolina Statutes, namely, " I do sol-
emnly and sincerely declare and affirm, that I will truly and
faithfully demean myself as a peaceful citizen of North Carolina :
that I will be subject to the powers and authorities, that are or
may be established for the good government thereof, not incon-
sistent with the constitution of the said State and the constitu-
tion of the United States, either by yielding an active or passive
obedience thereto, and that I will not abet or Join the enemies
of this State,by any means, in any conspiracy whatever, against
the said State ; that I will disclose and make known to the legis-
lature, executive or judicial powers of the said State, all treason-
able conspiracies, which I shall know to be made or intended
against the said State/'
Third : If neither of these requests can be granted that it may
be stated by authority in the Newspapers that when Quakers
take the Oath of Amnesty it is not expected that they bind them-
selves to defend the Government with arms.
I am most Respectfully
Your Obedient Servant.
From William W. Holden
State of North Carolina,
Executive Department,
Raleigh , N.C.,June 29 , 1865.
To His Excellency the President.
Sir : You will find herewith a letter from Judge Dick in relation
to the oath he is requested to take to qualify him for his office.
Allow me to invite your careful attention to his letter . Mr.
Mason, the District Attorney, is in a similar situation. If it be
at all possible I would be greatly gratified to see it so arranged
that these gentlemen could fill these places. The oath required is,
it is true, the law of the land, but it seems to have been framed
for a state of war, and not of peace. This State is now at peace
with the federal union and with the world. If such men are to be
deprived of the right to hold office, it will be difficult to fill the
federal offices in this state with any but strangers.
I need not add more. Judge Dick and Mr. Mason are warmly
attached to the administration and to you personally, and they
are anxious to occupy positions in which they can most effective-
ly serve the administration and the country.
Very respectfully,
Letters to Andrew Johnson 351
From Robert P. Dick
Raleigh N C
June 29 th 1865
His Excellency, Andrew Johnson.
President of the United States.
Sir.
Gov Holden has just informed me that the difficulty in rela-
tion to my qualifying as Judge of the U.S. District, Court, - has
not, - and in the opinion of the cabinet, cannot be removed.-
I greatly desired the position, as it would be an endorsement by
you of my fidelity to the Government of the United States.-If
the appointment in any way embarrasses you in the discharge of
your official duties, let it be withdrawn as I am willing to make
any sacrifice for the public good
I deeply regret the difficulty as my removal from office will
seriously injure me in public opinion, as it will be regarded as a
disapproval of my past political course by your administration-
My appointment is generally known throughout the state and
universally approved of by loyal men.- I have been opposed to
secession all of my life- I took an active and prominent position
against the rebellion. I have never for a moment either expected
or desired the success of the Confederate Government.- I held
office under the state government, but not for the purpose of
aiding the rebellion, but to try and assist in- extricating my state
from the impending ruin of treason. I have always loved the
Union, and ever desired to see it restored, and I have constantly
labored (indirectly) to that end. I could not throw myself in
direct opposition to the overwhelming torrent of rebellion with-
out loosing my life. For four years I have endured proscription
and persecution, in church, society, and state, and I have ever
fought as good a fight against treason as was possible for any
one to do and live. If I cannot hold office in North Carolina no
one else can, who remained at home in the midst of the storm. -
Those who left may have shown loyalty, but they exhibited little
true courage.-If I cannot hold office, then every federal appoint-
ment must be made from the Northern States Nine tenths of our
people are earnestly desirous of returning to the Union with their
whole soul,-but foreign tax gatherers and northern judicial offi-
cers will necessarily greatly try their patience and retard the
restoration of genuine fraternal feeling
There is no northern man.-who has not entered the army-
who has endured more for the union than I have- or who has
loved it with a deeper and prouder affection
My loyal people know this and they were rejoiced when they
heard that I had received the endorsement and approval of the
President of the United States-
There are many difficulties yet a head. I have given up a
hundred slaves- my tvhole estate- cheerfully and cordially be-
cause the peace and quietude of the country demanded it.- I have
entered the field for immediate and complete emancipation.-
352 The North Carolina Historical Review
I shall sustain with my whole strength your policy for I am satis-
fied that it is the wisest and best course that can be adopted.-
I want to elevate the negro as rapidly as possible by education
and christian influences, and I want to see him kindly and gen-
erously treated- I fully approve of your position on the question
of negro suff rage.-
As Judge of this district I could exert a wholesome influence
upon our people, which cannot be done by a foreigner .-
I do sincerely trust that some way can be derived by which
genuine North Carolina men can hold the federal offices in this
state.- Suspicion and rebellion have destroyed nearly all of the
property of a people who, at least, have ever been loyal to the
union of their fathers, - and I do hope that a great and mag-
nanimous government will not long make them feel the humilia-
tion of subjugation in seeing foreign tax gatherers "sitting at
the receipt of customs".- and strange judges administering law
and equity. -
But let this matter end as it may, be assured that I am the
firm and steadfast friend of your administration, as I sincerely
believe that you will do all you can for our loved and common
country
Your kindness to me while in Washington will ever be remem-
bered as one of the most pleasant recollections of my life- With
the best wishes for you and yours- I am with high regard
Your true friend & servant
From Lewis P. Olds 10
Raleigh N. Carolina June 29 1865
Hon d Sir,
Having in mind the construction of a Poem arising mainly
out of the present state of affairs, in reference to the more gen-
eral tide of Progress in all Humanizing Institutions and effort;
and the framework necessarily including your connection there-
with I find it impossible to proceed without such allusion as
would at once be taken as referring to the great and interesting
part you are,in the order of Providence,most surely conducting
in the eventful drama.
I need not promise that my allusions to your connexion with
the History of the Times would be of the most adulatory char-
acter; for upon the theory whereon the Poem rests: viz The
Progress of the Idea of Republican Institution,or technically.
"The Star of Empire-" necessarily implies ; your very material
aid to the Cause of Freedom.
The Poem will be long and varied running through Past ages,
and prospectively the Future also, the Idea elaborated being that
Involuntary servitude every where must give place to Liberty,
10 Lewis P. Olds was the son-in-law of William W. Holden. The governor made efforts to
place Olds in a position of trust. He was unsuccessful in having him nominated for the
office of attorney general of North Carolina, but he was able to have the presidency of the
University of North Carolina tendered him. Olds was xinfit for the position and declined to
accept. Hamilton, Reconstruction, 493-494, 529-530n, 537, 624.
Letters to Andrew Johnson 353
and hence our country. The Spanish Colonies ;Af rica itself, every
spot must be purified from the noxious influence , and further,
(and here lies the chief thought) ,- That Civil Liberty as begin-
[n]ing to be perfected here, will overturn and overturn till all
else will succumb and Kingdoms, autocracies and the like, be done
away, and in all this Progress, the part we as Americans take
is not necessarily coercive, but that time prepares, and the Great
Idea now exhibited in the U. States - shall be restive under
all Illiberal restraints.
I am afraid these lines trespass upon your valued time, but
you will doubtless discover my drift, and your more lofty and
true conception will quickly enable you to see my desire to allude
to your administration when discoursing on such absorbing topic.
I ask your permission to make such allusions as the piece dic-
tates (should my health allow its completion
Very Respectfully
From Harvey M. Watterson
Dispatch No 3
Raleigh, N. C.
June 29 th 1865
His Excellency
Andrew Johnson
President of the U.S.
Sir.
I had myself but an imperfect idea, when I left Washington,
of the extent to which the Southern people were subjugated. I
feared that a rebellious spirit animated the hearts of thousands.
Be assured that my visit to Virginia and North Carolina has
dispelled all my apprehension on that point. I have talked with
quite a number of gentlemen of every shade of politics, since my
advent into this state and city, and they all concur in the senti-
ment- that the Rebellion has been ground into impalpable pow-
der. None can be found so insane as to think of further resist-
ance to the authority of the United States.
North Carolina, like Tennessee, was literally dragged into the
Rebellion, and I feel a lively sympathy for the great body of her
citizens. The old secession leaders see that they are politically
ruined, and all I have to say to that is- God be praised. Never
again, even if inclined, will they be able to mislead their neigh-
bors.
Gov Holden is progressing with the great work before him
about as rapidly and as satisfactorily as any mortal man could
well do. He is a calm, clear headed, systematic, laborious gentle-
man ; and I can bear testimony to the kindness and courtesy he
displays in his official intercourse with every body. The admir-
able traits in his character are fast removing any prejudices that
may have been engendered against him by the terrible conflict
through which we have just passed. The general idea prevailing
here is- and in that idea I fully concur- that you could not have
354 The North Carolina Historical Review
made a better selection for provisional governor of North Caro-
lina. I doubt, all things considered, whether you could have made
as good. I think he is the very man for the business. In the work
of reconstruction, he has already appointed Magistrates in about
55 counties out of 85. These Magistrates, I need not inform you,
will organize the counties and re-establish civil law.Out of these
he is choosing special Boards, of the best men, to administer the
amnesty oath to the people. These Boards he says, will sift the
wheat from the chaff. None but loyal men will be allowed to
vote or hold office.
Gov Holden says that on account of the immense area of terri-
tory, in the western part of the State, and the want of mails,
the work of re-organization cannot proceed as rapidly as
he desires. He hopes, however, that by the beginning of next
year, he will have all the machinery of state government in com-
plete operation.
I take it forgranted that the Post Master General will, as soon
as he can, give mail facilities to North Carolina. She is greatly
in need of them. A mail should be at once established, if possible,
to every county town, at least.
Gov Holden says that there are many persons in the western
part of the State who ought to be pardoned, but without mails,
it will require much time to send their petitions and get answers.
There is much complaint that property belonging to persons
who have been restored to their rights by the amnesty proclama-
tion, is still held by Treasury agents. Gov Holden thinks, and
so do I, that an order to place such persons in possession would
be hailed with gratitude, and would add at once to the prosperity
of Newberne, Wilmington, and other towns.
Gov Holden is confident that, within the next four or six
weeks, the county police or militia will be organized. He thinks,
after that organization is perfected, and I fully concur with him,
it will not be necessary to keep many troops in, the State.
The appointment of Magistrates or Justices in the counties,
about 3,500 in all, and of Mayor and Commissioners of towns,
will go far to promote order and obedience to law. This work is
nearly accomplished.
You can scarcily have an idea of the present poverty of these
people. I mean, specially, their want of ability to raise money.
As a humane man I must be permitted to say that, if it be at all
possible, let the collection of the Federal tax be suspended for
a time. The people generally are not able to pay it. When they
are, I am well assured, they will do it cheerfully.
Hon Kenneth Raynor, with whom we both served in Congress,
has just left my room. 17 He read me his petition to you for a
17 Kenneth Rayner (c. 1810-1884) served in the North Carolina legislature and in Congress
from 1839 to 1845, and in 1848 he came near receiving the nomination for vice-president
instead of Fillmore. Rayner broke with the North Carolina Whigs in 1860, but he eventually
favored secession. In 1863, however, he secretly joined the peace movement led by Holden,
and in 1865 he espoused the reconstruction policy of President Johnson. The next year he
wrote anonymously the Life and Times of Andrew Johnson. Dictionary of American Bio-
graphy, XV, 416-17.
Letters to Andrew Johnson 355
special pardon. Notwithstanding its length I trust that you will
find time to read it. It is so true, so sincere, and so manly, that
I regard it as a model paper.
I shall set out in the morning for Wilmington, highly pleased
with my first visit to Raleigh.
Your friend & Obt Svt
H. M. Watterson
From Kenneth Rayner
Raleigh No. Carolina-
July 8- 1865.-
His Excellency,
Andrew Johnson,
President U.States
Dear Sir,
My application for relief,
under the Amnesty proclamation, was filed in Gov. Holden's
office, a few days ago. I am aware, that owing to the very great
number of these petitions, it is impossible for your Excellency
to read any more than a small portion of them. As suggested
to me by Hon. H.M. Wat[t]erson and also by Gov. Holden, you
will probably read those only, from persons who may have been
prominent in the politics of their States heretofore ; or who may
be personally, or by character, known to your Excellency. Having
had the honor of serving with you in the Congress of the U.
States 1843-'45- I hope your Excellency will pardon the liberty
I take, in requesting that you will read over my application when
it reaches Washington. It is longer than I could have wished it to
be; but on reading it over to Mr. Wat[t]erson, he advised me to
forward it Just as it was; and he was kind enough to speak of
it as an interesting paper, which did credit to me &c fee-
Having so long been such an enthusiastic , ardent, and un-
compromising union-man having so long and so laboriously
fought the battles of the union, against secessionists and agita-
tors - having been denounced and oppressed (as in the case)
for my strong unionism, in times past - I really feel that it is
a duty I owe myself, to try and have my position thoroughly un-
derstood by your Excellency. I claim to have been, not only not
opposed to the union- but I claim to have been for 20 years, an
active, vigilant, and devoted advocate of the Union. I have paid
the penalty of my devotion to the Union. So strong and unquiet-
ing was I, in my Union sentiments, that my loyalty to the South
was suspected ; and I have many times heard of my being public-
ly denounced in the Southern States by fire-eating secessionists
as an Abolitionist.
I have taken the liberty to forward to your Excellency - for
which I hope you will pardon me- copies of a couple of addresses
delivered by me ; one before the graduating class at West Point ;
the other before the N.C. State Agricultural Society, at their
annual fair. These will show what have been my long-cherished
356 The North Carolina Historical Review
sentiments in the past- I also forward to you, some copies of the
"Standard," with leading Editorials, written by myself. These
will show what are my views and feelings at present.
The most perfect quiet order and calmness prevail throughout
this State at the present time. There is not the least possible
chance of any further outbreak or disturbance. The collapse is
as thorough, overwhelming, and complete - as was the tornado
feeling that swept over the South in 1861, dethroning reason,
and upsetting the old land marks of public opinion.
Your Excellency can have no conception of the utter and ab-
solute, poverty of the people of the Southern States. There is no
money here, literally none. I have conversed with a great many
federal officers of the army, who are very difficult to be con-
vinced, that there are no large quantities of gold here, in the
South, hoarded by individuals. There never was a greater mis-
take. There is scarcely any gold in the South. The wealthiest
men- the most sagacious business men, strange to say - were
left at the close of the war without a Dollar. The many fectitious
demands for specie, during the war have carried all the gold out
of the country and thus all the monied wealth of the South was
represented by by hundreds of millions of worthless "Confed-
erate" papers- Nor do I see how we are to get any money in the
State. The amount of Cotton, tobacco, naval-stores &c now on
hand (the articles that heretofore brought money in the State)
is a mere trifle. None of those articles have been made during
the war ; and the stock on hand at the beginning of the war has
been continually decreasing, till it has dwindled down to a very
small affair. No cotton tobacco or rice is being grown this year ;
so that our future financially and pecuniarily, is dark enough.-
In regard to the land-tax of 1861, I assure you, I am sustained
in my opinion universally (not having conversed with one who
differs with me) - that our people cannot pay it. The money is
not in the State to pay it with. There are no Banks to lend, and if
there were no one could borrow, with any hope or prospect of
paying the instalments as they become due. I assure your Ex-
cellency, you would confer a great boom on our people by ex-
tending the time for the collection of this tax. If the collection
of the tax is enforced now, a very large portion - I believe the
larger portion - of the land in the State must be sold to raise
the money. If they are thus sold, they will sell for almost noth-
ing; for almost every body is anxious to sell, & no one wishes
to buy.
I assure your Excellency, I am not exaggerating, when I speak
of the utter poverty of the Southern people. I think history pre-
sents no parallel to it, among civilized men- I am resolved that
I will be hopeful as to the future - relying as I do and the energy
and enterprise, and adaptability of our people ; but for the pres-
ent, during our transition state, we have difficulties of no
ordinary magnitude, to encounter. To meet these difficulties in
the right way, and with the proper spirit, will require the most
Letters to Andrew Johnson 357
patient forbearance and christian fortitude of our people, and
the most calm and sagacious consideration of our statesmen.
Gov. Holden is progressing successfully in the reorganization
of the State Government. In the discharge of his duties, he is
giving general satisfaction; and I think the common sentiment
of our people is, that all loyal and conservative men should rally
around and sustain him in his laborious duties, towards the
restoration of law and order.
And as to your Excellency, I beg to be allowed to say - that
the feelings of our people towards you, are those of confidence
and hope. The calm and the considerate are your warmest and
earnest friends. They fully appreciate the difficulties of your
position, in adjusting and harmonizing those conflicting interests
and jarring discords, necessarily resulting from four long years
of bloody strife. Firmness of purpose and devotion to principle,
are awarded to your Excellency by public opinion, generally.
Your friends feel every confidence, that if the people- the whole
people North and South - will do justice to your motives, and
duly appreciate the many conflicting circumstances that must
in the nature of things, regulate your actions - you will very
soon rally around you a party (no, I will not say party, but a
brotherhood) of honest and patriotic men that will defy all the
carpings of the factions, and all the intriguers of vicious
political aspirants. Judging from my own feelings in regard to
the matter, and from what I observe in reflecting men generally.
I entertain the confident hope we shall [have] no such thing as
political parties , for eight years, at least. Our government and
country may be regarded as having just entered on a new state
of existence. As it was, during the eight years of Washington's
administration - when the country was in its infancy - so, for
the next years to come, there should be no organized parties.
There should be but the one party of patriotism, of freedom, of
the development and progress of our free institutions. We have
heard a great deal of "second Washington" &c- This has gener-
ally been the language of fulsome flattery; or of honest attach-
ment for admired Statesmen. But in fact and in truth, he who
may safely and successfully navigate the ship of state for the
next-eight years, will go down to history as having some claim
to the title of second Washington indeed. If, in the providence
of God, one should be the chosen instrument to accomplish this
great end - thus as I have said elsewhere, "your name will be
historic, as the founder and re-invigorator of your republican
institutions."
Again I must beg pardon for annoying your Excellency with
this long letter. I have written freely, but honestly and sincerely.
I think it the duty of all men in the South, who have been promi-
nent in political life - who are observant men - and who wish
well to your administration - to give to your Excellency their
views and impressions, as to the present condition and future
prospects of the Southern people.
358 The North Carolina Historical Review
The people of the Southern States look up to, and appeal to
your Excellency, for leniency and forbearance, in their present
depressed and unhappy condition. No sensible Southern man ex-
pects you to ignore or disregard the feelings and sentiments of
the Northern people resentful as they may be towards the South.
All we can expect or hope for is, that time and reflections may
soften and allay the acerbity of Northern feeling; and that a
correct understanding of the condition of the Southern people,
may bring the Northern mind to the opinion expressed to me a
short time since by a General office of the U.S. army viz : that
"The South had been punished enough."
With profound respect,
Your obedt. Servt.-
From Harvey M. Watterson
"Copy of Dispatch No U"
Wilmington, N.C.
July 8 1865
"His Excellency
Andrew Johnson
President of the U.S.
Sir,
It is hardly necessary for me to say to you
that, in the estimation of these people, the Rebellion has been
utterly annihilated. Many are glad of it. Those who are not, sub-
mit about as gracefully as badly whipped men can well do. They
say- and I believe them to be sincere- that they have had enough
of war to last them the remainder of their days ; and if another
rebellion takes place - so far as they are concerned - it will
have to come from the North
This town, like Newberne, is garrisoned by a brigade of negro
troops. This may be for the best, but I do not believe it. I deem
it unnecessary to add another word on this subject - having no
doubt that you are well informed in regard to all such matters.
The Postmaster, Collector of the Port &c, recently appointed
for Wilmington, are all good men. There is some question, how-
ever, whether they can take the oath required. Nobody doubts
that they are and have been all the while good union men; but
like nearly everybody in North Carolina,from 17 to 55 years
of age, they may have, in some form or other, been mixed up
with the Rebellion
I stayed in Raleigh a week longer than I intended at the date
of my dispatch from that city. It being the capital of the State,
I had an opportunity of making the acquaintance and talking
with gentlemen from nearly every part of the State. I feel that
I have pretty thoroughly canvassed North Carolina; and I can
say to you with confidence that her future loyalty is as certain
as that of any State in the Union. The original secessionists are
surely all dead, or have fled to parts unknown; for I am yet to
Letters to Andrew Johnson 359
find the first man who is willing to admit that he belonged to
that class of politicians !
Hailing from the President's own State, many have sought my
acquaintance. In every instance you formed a large share of the
conversation. Of course I was at home on that subject, and rest
assured that I have done it ample justice. You know, and I
know, what you have done for the Southern people since your
inauguration, and I never fail to detail all that - act by act.
In the single item of cotton - I mean your abolishment of the
enormous tax upon it- you have generously surrendered to the
South at least fifty million of dollars. I say to these people, sup-
pose Chase, or Sumner, or even Hannibal Hamlin were President,
think you that the last farthing of this iniquitous tax would not
be collected? All assent to this interrogation proposition, and
they at once begin to realize the pleasing fact that they have a
friend instead of an enemy in the Presidential chair
When I meet a gentleman disposed to complain, because the
President dont do this, or does do that, I say to him- Sir, if the
President were at once to do all you desire, it would be a sad
day's work for the South. And why? Because it would array
against him an overwhelming majority in both branches of Con-
gress, and thus render him utterly powerless to help the South.
No, no, my friend, you had better let the President go on in his
own way. He understands perfectly what he is doing, and all
will be right in the end. This view of the subject generally satis-
fies the party He has never thought of it before.
Permit me to assure you that your Administration is growing
daily in the confidence of the people of North Carolina. The
position that you are now understood to occupy in regard to ne-
gro suffrage, is more than any thing else doing the work. I have
been sometimes asked if I thought the President would stand
firm on this question. Stand firm, I would reply, when was An-
drew Johnson ever known to be driven from a political position
deliberately taken. I would then give the person a mess of Ten-
nessee politics.
It is clear to my mind that you are to have a war with the
friends of Chase, who is evidently a candidate for the next Presi-
dency, and expects to be elected on the issue of negro suffrage.
Let it come -the sooner the better for your Administration and
the better for the country. You will whip them to death. I will
here repeat what I said to you in Washington. These agitation
constitute one wing of the concern that brought on the late
terrible war. The Southern wing has already been crushed, and
the victory will never be complete till the Northern wing is put
hors de combat. Then and not till then will the country have
repose
I am very anxious to get out of this place, for it is very sickly.
There is a fever raging here and it is said to have become an
epidemic. If I can not get a government transport for Savannah
within the next two days, I will be forced to go back to Fortress
360 The North Carolina Historical Review
Monroe for one. In that event I think I will run up to Washing-
ton you may wish to change my programme
Your friend & obt. svt
From William H. Holden
(Copy)
State of North Carolina,
Executive Dept.
Raleigh, N.C, July 15, 1865.
To the Mayor & Commr's of the Town of Wilmington.
Gentlemen,
Your communication of the 12th inst., concerning the
conduct of colored people of your Town, and your apprehension
of an insurrection, has been received, and forwarded to Maj.
Gen. 1 Ruger commanding the Department of North Carolina,
with an Earnest appeal to him to take the matter immediately
into his consideration, and with a request that he would at once
arm the "Police Guard of New Hanover County and also furnish
you with arms and ammunition, for such town Guard as you
might think proper to organize. 18
You have acted right in not appointing any of the colored peo-
ple to office. The right to hold office depends upon the right of
suffrage, and that is to be settled hereafter by the state Govern-
ment , as provided for by the Proclamation of the President.
If the colored people shall attempt by armed force, to obtain
control of public affairs, or to avenge any supposed wrongs or
grievances at the hands of the whites, they will be visited with
swift and condign punishment.
The colored people are now free, and will be protected and
respected as long as they are obedient to the laws, but if they
18 The memorandum is in the same handwriting as the letter in which it was sent to Presi-
dent Johnson.
(Copy)
Ordered by the Commissioners of the Towji of Wilmington, that, whereas on the 2nd day
of their administration, Paul Mc Greal, Esq., the Chief of Police of this town, while in
the discharge of his official duties was arrested by colored troops and taken before the Provost
Marshal, for no offence, but that he had a pistol attached to his person, which weapon, he
has constantly carried by the consent of the commanding officers, hitherto stationed at this
Post, and, whereas, the commissioners consider such arrest an indignity, not only to said
chief of Police, but to the civil government of this town, and an act which unless publicly
rebuked, will (will) greatly tend to lessen the influence and authority of the Commissioners &
their officers even the colored population of this town and be productive of much trouble,
Therefore, His honor, the Mayor is requested and instructed to communicate to Bvt. Brig.
Genl. Duncan, Commanding, the circumstances of said arrest in all its minutiae, and request
him to cause such punishment as the case demands to be administered to the offenders ; and
further that he will issue such orders as will effectually prohibit any further interference
with the civil authorities of this town, when in the discharge of their legimitate functions.
Ordered, further, that the Mayor communicate to Lt. Col. J. W. Donnellan, that Gen. Order
no 12, issued by him July 24, 1865, or so much, thereof, in the words following viz: "In
Order to secure and preserve good feeling and harmony between between the civil & military
authorities, all officers in the command of detachments, as well as Regional commanders will
exercise the utmost care to keep their men within the bounds of their proper camps and
quarters. Especially will those officers whose detachments are within th city limits exert them-
selves to prevent their lounging and idling about the streets, a practice totally unfitting and
unbecoming a soldier, is in a great measure disregarded ; that soldiers not on duty are con-
stantly in the streets, and particularly are they in practice of lounging about the market
place, and that the Mayor represent the positive necessity of a strict compliance with the
order refered to, and insist upon the Enforcement of its requirements."
Letters to Andrew Johnson 361
resist the laws and shed blood, they must abide by the conse-
quences.
Very Respectfully,
Your obedt. servt.
From William W. Holden
Office U.S. Military Telegraph,
War Department.
The following Telegram received at Washington,9 00 P M. July
17 1865.
From Raleigh July 17 1865.
Prest of the U S
Sir
I have appointed about three thousand Magistrate [s]
& Mayors & Commissioners for all the towns county courts have
been organized & I am now prepared to issue a proclamation for
a convention I will write you at length by a special messenger
in the course of a few days I desire your approval of a plan for
administering the amnesty oath to the people of the state & also
your approval of my proclamation before it is issued I will send
them with my letter I think a convention could be assembled on
the tenth day of October it could be called sooner but in so im-
portant a matter I think I aught to proceed deliberately & care-
fully Please ans so that I may know this has been received
From William W. Holden
State of North-Carolina
Executive Department.
Raleigh, N.C., July 24, 1865.
To the President
Sir: I send herewith a proof-sheet of the Proclamation I pro-
pose to issue for a Correction. I could have prepared it ten days
ago, but for indisposition, which continues, and which has some-
what unavoidably retarded public business. Please examine the
proof-sheet, make such corrections as you may deem necessary,
and hand on to Mr. Mason or Dr. Powell , to be returned to me.
I had thought of several plans for administering the amnesty
oath to the people, and the plan adopted in the Proclamation seem
to be the best. It would not be safe to confide this power to all
the Justices, though I believe they are all loyal, yet there are
weak men among them, and persons would be qualified to vote
who aught not to be.
If the Convention should assemble on the 2 d of October the
Constitution could be altered and submitted to the people by the
2o th November ; 19 and then, in anticipation of the ratification of
the Constitution by the people, the Convention could provide
19 In accordance with the plans of Holden and President Johnson the convention met in
Raleigh on October 2 and Judge Edwin G. Reade was unanimously elected president. In this
body there were few men who had favored secession. With these there were many who had
favored the peace movement during the war. They were unanimous in their desire to restore
the state to the Union. Hamilton, Reconstruction, 120-121,
362 The North Carolina Historical Review
for the election of Governor and members on the 15 th or 2o th De-
cember, so that the new or regular government could be inaug-
urated on the 1 st January 1866. 20
I have thought it best to begin at the foundation and build
upwards. We now have 3,500 Magistrates, Mayors and Com-
missioners in the towns, with police, with Sheriffs and Constables
in the Counties. The civil power is now felt in every neighbor-
hood in the State; and the result is, as a general rule, that the
people are submissive and quiet, and looking anxiously to the
time when the State will be restored to her relations with the
government. In addition to this heavy labor, (for the anteced-
ents at present disposition of every man appointed had to be
ascertained,) I have had to see the reorganization of the Banks
and the Railroads. This latter work is well nigh accomplished,
and these corporations will pass from the hands of traitors into
the hands of loyal men.
Many of the oligarches are still unsubdued I think it is a good
plan to hold their pardon in suspence, and, whether their estates
are to be confisicated or not, they aught not to be allowed to
vote for twelve months to come. But I find, what is a little singu-
lar, that the ultra original secessionists who profess to have
repented, appear to be really more penitent than the ulter par-
tizans of Vance who were once Union men. By the way, it would
not be a good policy to extend a pardon to Vance for sometime
to come . Your administration is very popular in North Carolina,
but there are indications on the part of some of the oligarchs
and the old Whig leaders to concoct opposition. A firm discreet
use of the pardoning power and the patronage of the government
will contribute greatly to keep them down , and thus preserve
tranquility and order in the State.
The amount, $7,000 broght by Mr. Treasurer North, will prob-
ably be enough to defray the expenses of my office until the
regular government is established. We shall be able I think, to
realize several hundred thousand dollars from the cotton and
rosin you were kind enough to allow us.
My health is very feeble, and I have written this while suffer-
ing pain.
I am rejoiced to learn that your health has been restored. May
your valuable life long be spared to your friends and your coun-
try.
With high respect,
20 In a letter written on October 14, 1865, and signed by fifty-tbree members of the con-
vention, Governor Holden was requested to be a candidate for governor in the approaching
election held on November 9. The outcome was most disappointing to Holden and his friends
because Jonathan Worth received a majority of 5,937 out of a total vote of approximately
60,000. Hamilton, Beconstruction, 133-139,
Letters to Andrew Johnson 363
From Jane Johnson
Raleigh N.C.
Aug. 2. 1865.
To
Andrew Johnson
President of the United States
The undersigned is the widow of Jesse Johnson, your uncle,
who has been dead seven years. I have three children, a girl 14
years old, a boy 10 years old, and a girl 8 years old : they are all
rather feeble and incapable of assisting me. I am very poor, have
no home of my own and no means of support. Dr. Fabius Hay-
wood of this city, has been very kind to me and my children,
and has done us much service ; he gave me permission to use his
house at an old tan-yard as long as I chose ; but even this has been
seized and by the military authority turned over to Messrs Heim,
Kline & Grausman. I am now ordered to leave the premises, I
cannot procure another house, and I see no way but to go into
the Street. Your friends here thought if the case was presented
to you, that you would assist me in some way. I hope you can in
Someway aid me and my children, so that at least we can have
a home
I am yours very respectfully
[To be continued]
BOOK REVIEWS
A North Carolina Naturalist, H. H. Brimley: Selections from his Writings.
Edited by Eugene P. Odum. (Chapel Hill, N. C: University of North
Carolina Press. 1949. Pp. xvi, 205. $3.50.)
This volume provides informative and refreshing reading for
either the layman or the professional naturalist. Each of the
selections is complete within itself, whether it tells a tale of deer
hunting or gives an account of assembling a whale skeleton.
H. H. Brimley was able to paint very vivid word pictures of his
experiences both in poetry and prose. Sometimes with the pene-
trating inquisitiveness of the scientist, sometimes with the light
touch of the humorist, he was able to convey his deep interest
in the study and the conservation of our game and fish resources.
The selections are grouped into six parts, each part treating
one phase of the many activities of this highly respected natural-
ist. Each of the six parts undoubtedly could have been lengthened
into an individual book that would have made interesting read-
ing. The varied subjects, however, become a complete unit within
the covers of a single volume bound together by the editorial
comments which preface each section in the book. The editors
notes lend additional insight into the man, Brimley, as well as
provide a certain amount of chronology lending continuity to
the manuscript.
In addition editor Odum, as a preface to the entire volume,
gives a well written, brief, and accurate account of the life of
Brimley. As curator of the North Carolina State Museum for
many years, Brimley was responsible, perhaps more than any
other man in North Carolina, for instilling the true concepts of
conservation into many a budding naturalist. His influence was
felt not only in North Carolina but throughout the South and
even over the entire United States.
It is certainly fitting, therefore, that choice selections of the
writings of H. H. Brimley be assembled within one volume, and
as such it has definite value, both historical and scientific. The
job of editing has been well done. Anyone with an interest in the
out-of-doors should find this book well worth reading.
John D. Findlay.
State Game and Fish Commission,
Nashville, Tennessee.
[364]
Book Reviews 365
Nationalism and Sectionalism in South Carolina, 1852-1860: A Study of the
Movement for Southern Independence. By Harold S. Schultz. (Durham,
N. C. : Duke University Press. 1950. Pp. x, 259. Illustrations and index.
$4.50.)
Why did South Carolina take the lead in the secession move-
ment of 1860? In an admirable study of political leadership and
party alignments in South Carolina, 1852-1860, Mr. Schultz
traces the steadily mounting forces leading to the ultimate tri-
umph of the extremists in the state. First, however, he describes
the political situation in 1852, seeking in the heritage of the
nullification conflict and of the secession movement of 1850 an
explanation of South Carolina's advanced position among the
southern states. To the politicians of the 1850's "state rights"
and "resistance" to federal encroachments had long been famil-
iar slogans. Calhoun's domination of the state for twenty years
had left South Carolina broken into political factions, with no
leader powerful enough to unify public opinion. After failure to
achieve disunion in 1850 through lack of cooperation from other
southern states, South Carolina extremists bided their time,
knowing that the moderates of South Carolina and the other
cotton states would join them the moment they considered slav-
ery direfully threatened by the federal government.
Monographic studies by Boucher, Hamer, White, and others
have described in detail the political upheavals of 1832 and 1850-
1852 and have briefly outlined certain developments of the en-
suing decade, such as the rise of the National Democrats. Biog-
raphies have traced the role played by leading South Carolina
secessionists and unionists from nullification through the Civil
War. But it has been left for Mr. Schultz to write an analytical
account of the secession movement per se. Taking up the threads
of the abortive movement of 1850-1852 and weaving them into a
connected narrative, he has covered year by year the reaction
of South Carolina factions to national political issues. From re-
luctant "acquiescence" in the compromise in 1852 the pendulum
swings toward nationalism when South Carolina joins the
National Democrat party in 1856, only to swing back gradually
to sectionalism in 1857; thereafter events and realignments
play into the hands of the extremists. The final chapter, "In-
366 The North Carolina Historical Review
surgency, 1860," shows the culmination of the plan tenaciously
striven for by the extremists after 1852.
The central theme in South Carolina politics in the decade
of the 1850's, according to the author, is the slavery issue. Cer-
tainly so far as issues may be adjudged by avowed expression,
fear of the antislavery movement was the paramount cause of
South Carolina's secession. Mr. Schultz's interpretation is bol-
stered by innumerable quotations from source materials. He has
spared no labor in delving into South Carolina legislative jour-
nals, Congressional records, personal correspondence, and con-
temporary newspapers to ascertain the views of public men.
His findings are presented in a series of maps, tables, and graphs,
which, in the opinion of this reviewer, are the most original and
valuable contribution of the book. The thirty districts of South
Carolina are divided into three groups according to the proportion
of slaves to population. Then, by a careful analysis of votes of
representatives from these groups on pertinent resolutions in
the legislature from 1855 to 1860, the author shows that dis-
union sentiment was strongest in the districts having the highest
proportion of slaves.
Mr. Schultz's findings as a whole corroborate those of previous
writers on South Carolina political history. But it is in his unify-
ing of the whole South Carolina secession movement, his mar-
shaling of facts, and his judicious conclusions that he has con-
tributed an important chapter to the history of the South.
Certain opinions of former writers he has modified in the light
of additional research. For instance, he considers the National
Democrats weaker than previously estimated, and Orr a party
politician rather than a leader of the state. On the other hand,
he depicts the irreconcilables, or separate secessionists, as more
influential in the party realignments after 1856, finally con-
verting the wavering to their long-held beliefs that the anti-
slavery party was destined to dominate the federal government.
Secession after Republican victory in 1860 was the result.
Lillian A. Kibler.
Converse College,
Spartanburg, S. C.
Book Reviews 367
The Direct Primary in Georgia. Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences,
volume XXX, no. 4. By L. M. Holland. (Urbana: The University of
Illinois Press. 1949. Pp. 125.)
This work describes the origin of the direct primary as a
device for escaping the Bourbon control of the Democratic party
organization during the 'seventies. Major features of its sub-
sequent development have been the formulating of devices for
handling the Negro vote and the constant factionalism growing
out of the numerous personal machines of outstanding leaders.
First used at the county level, the primary has tended to state-
wide proportions under the joint and sometimes conflicting
sponsorship of the Democratic party and the General Assembly.
Professor Holland has examined considerable materials on his
subject in newspapers, official publications, and edited col-
lections. To the brief train of events already laid down in general
treatments his work adds useful summaries of party rules and
outlines of state laws. Although seventeen weekly newspapers
are included in the bibliography, local and personal materials are
overshadowed by references to "them lying newspapers" at At-
lanta and Macon.
The work is entirely too restricted to include sufficient in-
terpretation and analysis. Clashes of personalities are reduced
to objective statements of fact, except for the "unprecedented
action" taken at intervals by individuals or groups to keep them-
selves in control of the party machinery. Arguments for and
against the various changes made by party conventions and the
General Assembly are virtually ignored. Likewise, evaluations
of the rules and regulations in terms of effect on the political
life of the state are negligible, though there is a fairly constant
attitude of condemnation for demagoguery on the one hand and
close ring control on the other. The author would have turned
out a better book if he had occasionally laid aside his mantle of
objectivity and presented a vigorous picture of things as they
are against a background of his conception of things as they
should be. Rather than exercise this prerogative of the political
scientist, he has evidently attempted the impossible task of fit-
ting Georgia politics into the standard framework built by such
writers as Merriam and Overacker. Hence his contribution to
368 The North Carolina Historical Review
historical perspective for the period or to a better understanding
of state politics is of doubtful value.
As a literary production the work adds little to the reputation
of the Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences. Footnotes are so
numerous and poorly digested that they become a hindrance
rather than an aid to careful reading. Too frequent lapses into
vague and incoherent style indicate either overeagerness of the
author to rush into print or unpardonable negligence on the part
of his dissertation adviser. Fifteen spelling faults spotted in a
single reading leave much to be desired in proof reading. There
is no index.
Paul Murray.
East Carolina Teachers College,
Greenville, N. C.
The Jefferson Papers of the University of Virginia, A Calendar Compiled
by Constance E. Thurlow and Francis L. Berkeley, Jr., with an appended
essay on the papers of Thomas Jefferson by Helen D. Bullock, University
of Virginia Bibliographical Series, Number Eight. (Charlottesville: Uni-
versity of Virginia Library, with assistance from the research council
of the Richmond Area University Center. 1950. Pp. xii, 343.)
This calendar gives the bibliographical data and a brief sum-
mary of the 2,341 Jefferson papers of the University of Virginia.
This is followed by a thirteen-page essay by Helen Duprey Bul-
lock concerning the collecting and the present location of Jeffer-
son's writings, most of which are now in the Library of Congress,
the Massachusetts Historical Society, and the National Archives.
The calendar gives the names of all persons mentioned in each
paper and all these names are in the elaborate index. This re-
viewer was unable to find any name or subject in the main body
of the work that was not in the index.
The papers are mostly letters written by or to Jefferson.
There are also records of court proceedings and land sales and
plans and minutes of meetings in connection with the founding
of the University of Virginia. The entire period of Jefferson's
life is touched, but there are only eight entries for the year 1794
and ten for 1795. There are more on the beginning of the Uni-
versity than on any other subject.
Jefferson's versatility as a statesman, lawyer, scientist, schol-
ar, educator, farmer, and useful citizen is illustrated by the
Book Reviews 369
variety of subjects of his correspondence listed in the calendar.
The index of the publication should be pursued by any scholar
writing on subjects directly relating to Jefferson or even on
such topics as the colonial history of Virginia, Virginia during
the Revolutionary War and later, George Roger Clark's Illinois
expedition, the early settlements in the Ohio basin, especially in
Kentucky, Indian relations, farming and gardening during the
eighteenth century, fish ponds, canal building, the medical pro-
fession, the influence of newspapers, or quite a number of other
political, social, and economic questions. Hundreds of writers in
the future will find that their labor has been lightened by the
careful work of the compilers of this calendar.
Gilbert L. Lycan.
The John B. Stetson University,
De Land, Florida.
The Confederate States of America, 1861-1865. By E. Merton Coulter. A
History of the South, edited by Wendell H. Stephenson and E. Merton
Coulter, vol. VII. (Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University Press.
1950. Pp. x, 644. $7.00.)
In this volume Professor Coulter has made a valuable con-
tribution to our knowledge of southern society under the stress
of war. Indeed, a new day has dawned in writing the history
of the Confederate States when in a volume of 568 pages of text
only 40 pages are concerned with military history. Professor
Coulter writes with candor of the mistakes and failings of the
Confederacy. "With Shakespeare's epigram reversed," he ob-
serves, "the good that they did lived after them, the evil was in-
terred with the Confederacy." This volume is based on an im-
mense amount of research among the sources, and it has a
refreshing independence of point of view, an honest reading of
the documents. One can be thankful that it is free from heroics,
from the rodomontade of neo-Confederate oratory. Professor
Coulter's judgments are good, such as, for example, his belief
that the Confederate government made a mistake in imposing
national conscription and his conclusion that South Carolina was
not guilty of precipitancy in leading the secession movement.
He takes a moderate and tentative view in regard to Lincoln's
S70 The North Carolina Historical Review
policy that preceded the firing on Fort Sumter. His judgment
of Davis, also, is eminently fair, a recognition of his weaknesses
and strength and a conclusion that he was a better man for
president than Toombs or other aspirants.
The central theme in Professor Coulter's story is how the
morale of the southern people broke down in the course of the
Civil War. This theme is not original, for Professor Edward
Channing years ago wrote of the "loss of the will to fight" in
the Confederacy, but Professor Coulter has done a splendid job
of carefully describing this sad phenomenon. The first dip in
morale occurred in the spring of 1862 after the fall of Fort
Donelson and the surrender of New Orleans. The double dis-
aster of Gettysburg and Vicksburg sent the morale of the people
to a low depth. Yet there were many factors other than military
defeats which broke the morale of the Confederacy: the bitter
attacks of newspapers on Davis. Davis's inability to arouse de-
votion to the cause, national conscription, the impressment act,
speculation, failure of Confederate diplomacy, fatal financial
policies. One of the important contributions of this volume is a
study of the weakness of Congress, previously an obscure chapter
in Confederate history. So timid was Congress that it failed to
pass a realistic tax law until the war was half over, and Professor
Coulter notes that the Confederacy derived only one per cent of
its income from taxation.
This new history of the Confederacy is a rich mine of facts as
well as wise judgments of Confederate mistakes — the result of
the hind-sight of the scholar. The Confederate government did
have some virtues which were lacking in the conquering govern-
ment — it preserved a remarkable freedom of the press, and Pro-
fessor Coulter maintains that there were few dishonesties prac-
ticed in war contracts, unlike the situation in the North. This
study includes informative chapters on the fine arts and the
press, literature, education, and religion in the Confederacy, and
a particularly interesting account of the peace movement in the
latter days of the war. The volume, moreover, is accurate in
most details ; however, Longstreet did not arrive too late for ef-
fective service at Chickamauga, French public opinion, as Lynn
Case's study shows, was sympathetic to the South rather than
Book Reviews 371
to the North, the date of the completion of the Mobile and At-
lantic Railroad to Columbus, Kentucky, was 1860, not 1851, James
Louis Petigru's name was not spelled Pettigru, A. Dudley Mann
was a Virginian, not a Georgian, and the number of armed Con-
federates surrendered at Appomattox was much higher than
8,000. Professor Coulter seems to be devoted to the Trinity in
selecting chapter headings, one third of them listing three topics,
such as "Money, Bonds and Taxes" and "Prices, Profits, and
Labor." His volume is equipped with a splendid critical bibliog-
raphy.
Clement Eaton.
The University of Kentucky,
Lexington, Ky.
Essays in Southern History, Presented to Joseph Gregoire de Roulhac
Hamilton. The James Sprunt Studies in History and Political Science.
Volume 31. Edited by Fletcher Melvin Green. (Chapel Hill: University
of North Carolina Press. 1949. Pp. vii, 156. Cloth, $2.50, paper $1.25.)
Professor Hamilton is the dean of the historical guild in the
South. Everywhere he is honored and respected for his many
years of productive scholarship as a teacher, writer, editor, com-
piler, collector, and administrator. He is an inspiration to his
fellow craftsmen. Eight of his former students and associates
have now prepared and presented Essays in Southern History
to him. Each contributor has previously conducted research on
other aspects of the subject on which he now writes. The Essays
therefore represent a scholarly and mature contribution; the
entire symposium shows minute attention to details of research
and printing. Emphasized are politics and the Negro. The Essays
demonstrate again that many southern interests and attitudes
before and after the year 1861 are the same.
James Harold Wolfe, presenting "The Roots of Jeffersonian
Democracy: With Special Emphasis on South Carolina," dis-
cusses southern support of the Jefferson party. The essay also
helps explain the enigma of politics in ante-bellum South Caro-
lina. "Lewis Thompson, A Carolinian and His Louisiana Planta-
tion, 1848-1888 : A Study in Absentee Ownership," adds informa-
tion about Deep South sugar plantation economics. It also en-
hances Joseph Carlyle Sitterson's reputation as the leading au-
372 The North Carolina Historical Review
thority in his field of historical interest. The third essay having
an early setting is Henry Thomas Shenks, "Conservative Con-
stitutional Tendencies of the Virginia Secession Convention."
Therein is discussed the wilful and abortive revision of Virginia's
1850-1851 constitution by reactionary, propertied, "rump" dele-
gates to the state's secession convention in 1861. The proposed
constitution was not ratified; democratic principles were per-
haps not entirely abandoned.
Samuel Denny Smith writes on "The Negro in the United
States Senate" and discusses the ineffectual terms of two Missis-
sippi Senators, Hiram Rhoades Revels (1870-1871) and Blanche
K. Bruce (1875-1881). Both men were hampered by fellow Sen-
ators, were tolerated rather than accepted as party members,
and were political curiosities. In his "Public Education in North
Carolina during Reconstruction, 1865-1876," Daniel Jay White-
ner stresses school finances and maintenance of separate white
and Negro schools. His essay is also a partial reply to certain
revisionist and/or publicist interpretations of southern educa-
tional developments during Reconstruction. James Welch Patton,
in an intriguing discussion of "The Republican Party in South
Carolina, 1876-1895," presents the story of a patronage-hungry,
factionalized Republican organization and the means by which
it was strangled by Democratic machinations.
Fletcher Melvin Green, in "Some Aspects of the Convict Lease
System in the Southern States," surveys the evils of the convict
lease system and mentions late nineteenth century efforts toward
reform. Regional lack of sympathy (after 1865) for the Negro is
pointed out as a basic reason that the South permitted barbaric
treatment of its convicts. The most lengthy essay, "The Ideology
of White Supremacy, 1876-1910," by Guion Griffis Johnson,
completes the Essays. Presented are extensive materials on Old
and New South attitudes toward the Negro. It supplements ad-
mirably earlier interpretations on the "central theme" of south-
ern history and the "mind of the South."
Weymouth T. Jordan.
The University of Florida,
Tallahassee, Florida.
Book Reviews 373
Plain Folk of the Old South. By Frank Lawrence Owsley. (Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press. 1949. Pp. xxi, 235. Maps, appendix.
$3.50.)
In an abbreviated form, the first four chapters of this book
were delivered in 1948 at Louisiana State University as the
"Walter Lynwood Fleming Lectures in Southern History." To-
gether with the fifth and last chapter, which is concerned with a
statistical analysis of landownership and slaveholding, they pur-
port to rescue the "plain folk" of the Old South from the ob-
scurity or oblivion to which they have been relegated by some
who write our history.
In the first place, Professor Owsley points out the need for a
reinterpretation of ante-bellum southern society. The traditional
view of that society, springing from the writings of such men
as Frederick Law Olmstead, George M. Weston, and J. E.
Cairnes, divides the white population into two categories: the
planters who lived in white-columned mansions and were at-
tended by squads of Negro slaves, and the poor whites — who were
generally landless, illiterate, shiftless, irresponsible, unhealthy,
and frequently vicious. Actually, the structure of ante-bellum
southern society was far more complex. An analysis of the avail-
able records reveals as the true picture of the Old South one in
which "the core of the social structure was a massive body of
plain folk who were neither rich nor very poor." This fact is
adequately substantiated by the inclusion of over ninety statis-
tical tables compiled from the sources. The idea that in the Old
South the non-slaveholder was pushed off by the planter into
the pine barrens, sand hills, and mountains is soundly contra-
dicted. "The truth of the matter is that the plain farmers settled
where they chose and stayed as long as it suited them."
Folk customs are discussed in chapter III. Here the plain folk
are seen in the rural environment — attending house-raisings,
corn shuckings, singing schools, weddings, camp meetings, mar-
ket places, and the many other activities that made up their way
of life. The role of the plain folk in southern life is discussed in
chapter IV. They played their part not as supernumeraries but as
a vital element in the social and economic structure of that sec-
tion.
374 The North Carolina Historical Review
The chief criticisms of this book are that the author almost
completely ignores the plain folk of the Upper South, and, since
the book is limited in size, several quotations appear to be ex-
cessively long — particularly one on pp. 126-131. Several mis-
spelled words were noted such as Rowan and Bedouin. The book
is attractively bound, and although by no means an exhaustive
study it is a very worth-while contribution towards correcting
the false picture of society in the Old South.
Cornelius 0. Cathey.
The University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill, N. C.
A Treasury of Southern Folklore. Edited with an introduction by B. A.
Botkin. Foreword by Douglas Southall Freeman. (New York: Crown Pub-
lishers. 1949. Pp. xxiv, 776. $4.00.)
A Treasury of Southern Folklore is, as the title indicates,
full of legends, traditions, and beliefs of the people of the South.
The volume covers a wide variety of subjects. As Douglas South-
all Freeman says in his foreword, this is an "a la carte book." To
read straight through such a volume as this one is a tedious
process; to pick up such a book, reading here and there the
myths, tales, and ballads of the southern people, is a delightful
experience. It is impossible to give an idea of all that A Treasury
of Southern Folklore contains ; one needs to examine the volume
to realize its scope. Southern foods and recipes, legends about
famous and infamous southerners, religious practices in the
South, tales about pirates and buccaneers, tall tales, witchcraft
and conjuring practices, and stories and sayings illustrating
local pride are only a few of the numerous subjects of the book.
Origins of commonly heard expressions and quotations, such
as "Dixie" and the well-known comment of the governor of North
Carolina to the governor of South Carolina, are given. The editor
is careful to include variations in tales where the differences are
significant.
The last section, entitled "The Singing South," has a particular
appeal to a person interested in folk music, for not only are the
words set forth but the music to approximately fifty folk songs
is included. The variety in the volume is amazing ; the editor has
Book Reviews 375
done an excellent job of selecting materials of such variety that
few persons will be unable to find selections of particular in-
terest. The introductions to the several parts of the book, written
by the editor, are enlightening and entertaining.
Mr. Botkin is well qualified for the task of editing this volume
on southern folklore, having previously edited A Treasury of
American Folklore and A Treasury of New England Folklore.
He was chief of the Archive of American Folksong in the Library
of Congress from 1942 to 1945 and was elected president of the
American Folklore Society in 1944. Not only did he collect print-
ed materials but he traveled widely in the southern states gather-
ing materials and making recordings of songs and sayings of
the South.
Tales from all classes of people and stories of all types are
found in this book. The detailed table of contents and an excellent
index will be of value to a person desiring to know the origin
of some particular saying or looking for some table to use for
illustrative purposes.
Fannie Memory Farmer.
Meredith College,
Raleigh, N. C.
The Territorial Papers of the United States. Vol. XIV, The Territory of
Louisiana-Missouri, 1806-1814. Edited by Clarence Edwin Carter. (Wash-
ington, D. C: Government Printing Office. 1949. Pp. 915. Symbols, index.
$2.75.)
Dr. Clarence E. Carter and his staff have achieved pre-war
momentum in the publication of The Territorial Papers of the
United States, for volume XIV, The Territory of Louisiana-
Missouri, 1806-1814, has appeared within the year following the
publication of volume XIII.
This is the second volume containing selections of important
documents pertaining to the Territory of Louisiana-Missouri
from 1803 to 1821. It contains papers relating to the administra-
tions of Governors or Acting Governors Browne (1806-1807,
115 pp.), Bates (1807-1808, 54 pp.), Lewis (1808-1809, 152 pp.),
Bates (1809-1810, 80 pp.), Howard (1810-1812, 276 pp.), and
Clark (1813-1814, 136 pp.).
376 The North Carolina Historical Review
The scope of the documents in this volume is as broad and as
varied as in the preceding one, for the problems of the territory
were similar or the same. Land still remained perhaps the most
important subject for written records, although the inhabitants
of the area were concerned with Indians, Indian trade and trad-
ing factories, the establishment of local government, military
posts, internal improvements, British agents and traders, ad-
jacent territories, the acquisition and survey of land, lead mines,
and the militia, and were constantly petitioning or memorializing
the national government on all manner of subjects. Familiar and
unfamiliar names continually appear: Daniel Bissell, Maurice
Blondeau, Nicholas Boilvin, William C. Carr, the Chouteaus,
Rufus Easton, Edward Hempstead, General Benjamin Howard,
Judge John Lucas, Jared Mansfield, John Mason, William Rector,
William Russell, George Sibley, and Edward Tiffin. Included
also are minor characters with such interesting names as Marie
Pierre Le Due and Hyacinthe St. Syr. The documents present an
irregular but well-rounded and complete history of the territory
during the period.
This volume maintains the high editorial standards of the
earlier volumes of this important and significant series.
Edwin Adams Davis.
Louisiana State University,
Baton Rouge, La.
Benjamin Franklin and Catharine Ray Greene: Their Correspondence 1755-
1790. Edited and annotated by William Green Roelker. (Philadelphia:
American Philosophical Society. 1950. Pp. iv, 147. $3.00.)
Four years after Franklin passed away died the woman with
whom he had carried on a correspondence of more than 30 years.
Wife of Rhode Island's governor, William Greene, the former
"Caty" Ray of Block Island was praised in a Newport Mercury
obituary notice for excellence of character and amiableness of
manners. And indeed these virtues are reflected in her many
letters to Franklin, along with much gayety and not a little hu-
mor. The correspondence does much credit to both, revealing
in Catharine not only a fine spirit but a determination to better
herself, and in Franklin a kindly and paternal attitude. The
Book Reviews 377
underlying chronicle deals chiefly with family matters and social
life. The war going on seems remote and muffled, though we
catch an occasional flash of something more serious such as poor
old Jane Mecom' s flight from Philadelphia when General Howe
approached, the depredations of British troops to Rhode Island,
and the sewing of shirts and other garments for the Continental
soldiers.
There is only an occasional reference to political activities as
in Franklin's letter from Paris dated Feb. 28, 1778 : "For tho'
the Wickedness of the English Court, & its Malice against us
is as great as ever, its Horns are shortened ; its Strength dimin-
ishes daily; and we have formed an Alliance here, & shall form
others, that will help keep the Bull quiet, and make him orderly.
... I live here in great respect, and dine every day with great
Folks; but I still long for home & repose; and should be happy
to eat Indian Pudding in your Company & and Under your hos-
pitable roof ."
Of particular interest is the 18th century spelling both of Mrs.
Greene and of Jane Mecom, Franklin's adoring sister, revealing
as it does their dependence on the sound of words, since educa-
tional facilities for females were scant. For instance, "Caty"
spelled Germantown as "Jarmen town," which teaches us how
it was pronounced in the eighteenth century, and Mrs. Mecom
puts down "Suckses" as her nearest approach to success. The
notes by Mr. Roelker, director of the Rhode Island Historical
Society, will be of salient help to the lay reader.
Phillips Russell.
The University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill, N. C.
The Southern Country Store, 1800-1860. By Lewis E. Atherton. (Baton
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. 1949. Pp. xii, 227. $3.50.)
Of the approximately 6,000,000 white southerners of the 1850's,
fewer than 350,000 owned slaves ; not quite 100,000 held as many
as ten slaves; under 10,000 possessed more than fifty slaves —
and only these, says Professor Atherton, "could be called planters
in the full sense of the term." Like the planters, the "poor whites"
also constituted a minority group. Obviously, then, southern
378 The North Carolina Historical Review
society was made up chiefly of small, non-slaveholding farmers.
The planter, with his wealth and power, dominated the South,
and the "poor white" attracted much attention. Yet the yeoman
farmer was more truly typical of the whole region than either.
As the great planter employed the plantation as his basic unit
of production and the factor as his economic agent, so the small
farmers used the farm and the country or village store. This
book is a thoroughgoing analysis of the southern store and the
various economic functions it performed.
The author first appraises the factorage system that centered
in the coastal cities. Then he turns to the interior store, which
supplied the rural population with a wide variety of merchandise,
collected and marketed cotton and other farm products, and
furnished the necessary credit and exchange. From business
records, letters, and newspapers found in southern historical
collections he has drawn many interesting examples of stores
and storekeepers in practically every state of the South. The book
demonstrates conclusively the economic and social importance
of the small farmer and the country store in ante-bellum times.
Political historians, says the author, "have made too much out
of the democratizing of the Civil War on southern class structure
and the consequent rise of the crossroads store"; they "have
tended to trace all modifications within the South to the effects
of war, and even to mistake these for a seemingly complete new
system of merchandising to meet the needs of an entirely new
southern middle- and lower-class society" (p. 176).
Professor Atherton, who is chairman of the department of
history at the University of Missouri, deserves praise for this
significant work. His research has been enormous, his organiza-
tion of material skillful, and his presentation clear and concise.
His careful study of what he has called "the essentially petty
capitalistic nature of southern civilization" will surely result
in a recasting of some of the traditional views concerning the
Old South.
The well-printed volume contains a bibliography, an index,
and copious footnotes. In reading it this reviewer experienced
only two minor irritations : the absence of any type of illustrative
Book Reviews 379
material, and the author's overdependence upon the word "none-
theless." Nonetheless, The Southern Country Store, 1800-1860,
is a first-rate job.
Stuart Noblin.
North Carolina State College,
Raleigh, N. C.
The Army Air Forces in World War II, Volume II, Europe — Torch to
Pointbank, August 1942 to December 1943. Edited by W. F. Craven and
J. L. Cate. (Chicago, 111.: University of Chicago Press. 1949. Pp. xxi,
897. $6.00.)
In 1942 General Arnold, commanding the AAF, directed that
appropriate steps be taken to insure within a reasonably short
time after war's end the writing and publication of a history of
air warfare in World War II. To that end every unit of the AAF
down through squadrons was charged with the responsibility of
collecting and collating the data required for this project. To
every Air Force was assigned a professional historian.
The volume here being reviewed is the second of seven to be
published. When the series is completed it will be the most cur-
rent work of its kind ever published, assuming present publica-
tion schedules are met. Judged by the first two volumes it is be-
ing written not as a memorial to the AAF, but to serve as a guide
to military planners who may again be confronted with the prob-
lems of military warfare.
This is a volume to be scanned by the reader interested only
in a comprehensive survey of the military operations and de-
cisions of the American (and British) air effort in Europe and
Africa between August, 1942, and December, 1943. It is to be
studied by the reader interested in the details of the strategy,
tactics, and theory of modern aerial warfare and of that most
involved of all modern military problems, the administration of
air forces and commands and of combined ground, sea, and air
commands.
The several historians whose work has gone into the prepara-
tion of this volume have edited and compiled with meticulous
attention to detail the story of the AAF during this critical
period when it may be said that air power came of age. Por-
trayed, in addition to the matter suggested above, are the basic
conflicts between the services indicating conflicting conceptions
380 The North Carolina Historical Review
of warfare (conflicts not yet resolved) ; also the thoughtful re-
search that went into plans for the actual strategic bombing
effort.
In places the volume is exceedingly dry and replete with com-
pilations of alphabetically described units, commands, and cam-
paigns. In other places the tenseness and drama of spectacularly
successful or spectacularly disastrous operations are unspectacu-
larly yet interestingly portrayed. One such account deals with
the low level B-24 attack on the Ploesti oil refineries. In that
operation 177 airplanes, manned by 1,725 airmen, attacked with
fair success a critically important segment of the Axis's oil
supply. Unfortunately, through a series of unpredictable mis-
haps surprise was lost and 54 airplanes and 532 airmen did not
return.
Air warfare's major requirement for careful and professional
research into practically every phase of human activity can
readily be seen as our air effort turned from the tactical to the
strategic during 1943. The lack of such research is apparent at
times ; at other times it is obvious that it was done.
This volume and the others of the series will provide an enor-
mous amount of basic data for the military historian and for
the military student.
James F. Pinkney.
Davidson College,
Davidson, N. C.
Disposition of Federal Records: How to Develop an Effective Program for
the Preservation and Disposal of Federal Records. National Archives
Publication No. 50-3. (Washington: United States Government Printing
Office. 1949. Pp. v, 40.)
Why should records be preserved? Which records? Which
temporarily? Which permanently? Which destroyed? This man-
ual was designed to answer these questions for the various agen-
cies of the federal government that are required by law to de-
velop programs for the disposal of their records. In outline form
it clearly states the disposition problems faced by every agency
and offers assistance on evaluation and analysis, methods of
retirement and preservation, reduction of bulk and insurance
of permanency by use of microphotography, and the ultimate
Book Reviews 381
disposal of records. In preparing this pamphlet the compiler
of this manual, Theodore F. Shellenberg, program director of
the National Archives, has drawn widely from the experience
in records management gained by the staff of the National Ar-
chives during the past two decades. It is objectively written and
intended for use by the non-professional as well as the profes-
sional archivist. Sample illustrations and forms mark the spe-
cific steps which must be taken to dispose of records legally.
Appendices include a select bibliography and the texts of the
various laws and regulations governing disposal and preservation
of federal records.
E. G. Roberts.
Duke University Library,
Durham, N. C.
HISTORICAL NEWS
Dr. Charles S. Sydnor of Duke University will hold the Harold
Vyvyan Harmsworth professorship of American History at
Oxford University during the academic year 1950-51. Dr. Sydnor
has also been appointed to the Advisory Committee of the His-
torical Office, Department of the Army, Washington, D. C.
Dr. William B. Hamilton of Duke University has been awarded
a Faculty Study Fellowship by the American Council of Learned
Societies to enable him to study law part time at Duke University
during the coming year.
Dr. Harry Stevens of Duke University will teach during the
second term of summer school at the University of Cincinnati.
Dr. Stevens has published an article, "Melville's Music," in Musi-
cology, vol. II (July, 1949).
Dr. Paul H. Clyde of Duke University has been appointed
director of the summer school at Duke University. Dr. Clyde has
published "Jackson's March to Empire : Some Biographical Eval-
uations," The Journal of Modern History, XXI (December,
1949).
Dr. Wendell H„ Stephenson of Tulane University was awarded
an honorary degree by Duke University at the past commence-
ment.
Dr. Arthur B. Ferguson of Duke University wrote a consider-
able part of volume II of Army Air Forces in World War II.
This is the latest volume in this series.
Documents on German Foreign Policy, 1918-1945, has been
published by the State Department. These two volumes are the
first of the series for which Dr. E. M. Carroll of Duke University
was for three years the Chief American Deputy in Europe.
[ 382 ]
Historical News 383
Mr. Howard Braverman, a candidate for the doctorate at Duke
University, will become a member of the history department at
Long Island University in September.
Dr. J. A. McGeachy, Jr., of Davidson College has been pro-
moted to professor of history. During the summer school he will
teach at the North Carolina College in Durham.
Dr. Richard C. Todd, who has been teaching at High Point
College, will become an assistant professor of history at East
Carolina Teachers College this fall.
Mr. Paul McCain, a graduate student at Duke University, will
next fall become a professor of history at Brenau College, Gaines-
ville, Georgia.
Dr. George D. Harmon, a native of Chatham County, N. C,
and head of the department of history at Lehigh University, at
the last commencement was given an engraved desk set in
recognition of his twenty-five years service at that institution.
The de Graff 'envied Name In Literature, by Thomas P. de
Graffenried (New York: The William-Frederick Press, 1950,
pp. 32.) has been received by the State Department of Archives
and History.
The Public Letters and Papers of Joseph Melville Broughton,
edited by D. L. Corbitt, has been published by the North Carolina
Council of State. The book contains 718 pages and is illustrated.
It can be procured by addressing a request to Mr. D. L. Corbitt,
State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh, N. C.
"The Early Campaigns in North Carolina as Seen Through
The Eyes of a New Jersey Soldier (Private Edmund J. Cleve-
land, Co. K. Ninth New Jersey Volunteers) Part I, August 24,
1862-December 31, 1862," edited by Edmund J. Cleveland, Jr.,
appeared in Proceedings of the Neiv Jersey Historical Society:
384 The North Carolina Historical Review
A Magazine of History, Biography, and Notes on Family, volume
LXVIII, no. 2 (April, 1950), pp 119-160.
Mr. Willis G. Briggs, president of the North Carolina Society
of County Historians, on May 5 delivered an address before the
Bertie County Historical Association on "David Stone and His
Career." Prior to the address Mr. and Mrs. Ernest Tyler enter-
tained a group of twenty-five people with a supper on their lawn
at Roxobel.
The History teachers of the colleges and universities held their
semi-annual dinner on May 5 at the Carolina Country Club in
Raleigh with Wake Forest College the host. The institutions
represented were Davidson College, Duke University, Meredith
College, North Carolina State Department of Archives and His-
tory, North Carolina State College, Peace Junior College, Salem
College, the University of North Carolina, Wake Forest College,
and the Woman's College of the University of North Carolina.
On May 28 the North Carolina County Historians made a tour
of Vance County, visiting "Burnside," which tradition says was
the home of Memucan Hunt, first state treasurer, and named
"Burnside" about 1824 ; St. John's Episcopal Church, built about
1757 and first known as "Nutbush," and moved in 1772 to its
present site ; Sneed's Tavern, built on one of the original lots of
Williamsboro and a favorite of lawyers and judges prior to the
Civil War ; "Bishop Ravenscroft's Home" ; "Cedar Walk," built
about 1750 by Hutchins Burton for a boarding school and called
"Blooming Hope" ; and the home of Chief Justice Leonard Hen-
derson. Those who made the tour were from Chapel Hill, Hender-
son, Lexington, Lillington, Louisburg, Raleigh, and Wadesboro.
After completing the tour, Mr. and Mrs. Samuel T. Peace served
luncheon on the lawn of their home in Henderson. Mr. Peace and
Miss Claudia W. Hunter made brief talks about most of the
places visited.
The spring meeting of the Historical Society of North Carolina
was held at Davidson College on Saturday, April 15. Papers were
read by Dr. E. W. Knight of the University of North Carolina on
Historical News 385
"Southern Opposition to Northern Educational Influences Before
I860" and by Dr. Chalmers Davidson of Davidson College on
"Catawba Springs, Carolina's Spa." Mr. D. L. Corbitt of the
State Department of Archives and History then reviewed the
publication program of that organization.
Mr. William S. Powell of the State Department of Archives
and History has recieved a grant in aid from the Institute of
Early American History and Culture in Williamsburg to work
on a biography and to collect the letters of John Pory (1573-
1635) and also to collect ballads for a revised edition of Sir
Charles Firth's An American Garland. He plans to spend Sep-
tember and October in England at the British Museum, the Public
Record Office, Oxford and Cambridge, and several county ar-
chives.
Professor Elisha P. Douglass of Elon College has received a
grant in aid from the Institute of Early American History and
Culture to work on a study of "Democracy in the American
Revolution."
Dr. James Kimborough Owen of the Louisiana Law Institute,
Baton Rouge, has received a grant in aid from the Institute of
Early American History and Culture for the completion of his
study of the "Southern Parish System in the Eighteenth Cen-
tury."
The United Daughters of the Confederacy in Statesville have
undertaken to raise funds to move the "Vance House" from West
Broad Street to Grace Park and to establish a museum therein.
This house, occupied by Governor Vance towards the end of the
Civil War, must be moved to make way for a new business build-
ing. If sufficient funds are not obtained it is expected that the
house will be torn down.
A special exhibit of eighteenth-century Wedgwood pottery is
being shown in the Hall of History during July and August as
a part of the recognition given the Wedgwood industries in con-
nection with the unveiling of a marker in Macon County near
the site of a clay pit from which Thomas Griffiths, a South Caro-
386 The North Carolina Historical Review
lina planter, took clay in 1767 for the potteries in England. Mr.
Hensleigh Wedgwood of New York is expected to be present in
mid-August when the marker is unveiled.
The Department of Archives and History has ordered a Bar-
row laminating machine and a fumigating vault to be installed
in the Division of Archives and Manuscripts.
The Division of Archives and Manuscripts of the Department
of Archives and History recently added eighty-seven items to its
Calvin H. Wiley Collection, a gift from Wiley's daughter, Miss
Mary Callum Wiley of Winston-Salem. These items consist of
speeches, parts of speeches, letters, and articles for the press
of North Carolina's first Superintendent of Common Schools.
On March 10 Governor W. Kerr Scott appointed Benjamin
Franklin Brown of Raleigh, retired dean of the Basic Division
of North Carolina State College, a member of the Executive
Board of the Department of Archives and History to fill the
unexpired term created by the death of Robert Digges Wimberly
Connor, who died on February 25.
The Asheboro Presbyterian Church celebrated its centennial,
May 3-7, with religious services led by various prominent min-
isters.
On April 5 the United States Army Band gave in Washington,
D. C, a concert in honor of the state of North Carolina as one of a
series for the thirteen original states. The state was officially
represented by Lieutenant Governor H. P. Taylor of Wadesboro
and Dr. Christopher Crittenden, director of the State Depart-
ment of Archives and History.
On May 18 a tablet was unveiled in Halifax marking the site
of the first courthouse of Halifax County and of the meeting of
the Fourth Provincial Congress. Dr. Crittenden delivered an
address, "Seventeen Seventy-six: the Critical Year."
Dr. Crittenden has delivered addresses as follows : "The State
Department of Archives and History and its Program," Kiwanis
Historical News 387
Club, Durham, March 23, and also Civitan Club, Greensboro,
April 14 ; 'The Charter of Carolina, 1663," Wake County Com-
mittee, Colonial Dames of America, March 30; "Historic Sites
in North Carolina," Woman's Club, Jacksonville, April 13.
On March 29 Dr. Crittenden met in Hillsboro with a group
of citizens of that town to discuss ways and means of preserving
historic buildings and sites in the community.
On April 15 a tablet in memory of Calvin Graves, who cast
the deciding vote in favor of construction of the North Carolina
Railroad, now a part of the Southern Railway system, was un-
veiled at the new Southern passenger station in Raleigh. Gov-
ernor Scott delivered a brief address and members of Graves's
family participated in the ceremony.
In March, April, and May Dr. Crittenden and Mr. William
S. Powell of the staff of the State Department of Archives and
History taught classes on the geography and history of North
Carolina as a part of in-service training courses for Raleigh
policemen.
On March 1 Dr. Crittenden lectured on the administration of
historic sites as part of a short-term course given to state parks
administrators of the South by North Carolina State College
and the State Department of Conservation and Development.
On April 27 Dr. Crittenden and Mrs. Joye E. Jordan attended
a meeting of the Moore County Historical Association at the
home of Mrs. Ernest L. Ives, near Southern Pines.
Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, head of the Division of Museums of the
Department of Archives and History, will be a member of the
teaching staff of a class on the problems of the small museums
during the first week of the Seminars on American Culture of-
fered by the New York State Historical Association, Coopers-
town, July 2-15. Other members of the faculty for this course
are Dr. Carl E. Guthe, director of the New York State Museum
of Arts and Sciences; Mr. Bertram K. Little, director of the
388 The North Carolina Historical Review
Society for the Preservation of New England Antiquities; Mr.
Loring McMillen, director of the museum of the Staten Island
Historical Society; and Mr. Frank 0. Spinney, curator of the
Old Sturbridge (Mass.) Village Museum and Crafts Center.
The North Carolina Society, Descendants of the Palatines,
held its spring meeting May 24 at Trent Pines Club in New Bern.
Mrs. M. B. Koonce of Raleigh, Miss Delia Hyatt of Kinston, Mrs.
W. D. Pollock of Kinston, Miss Sara Louise Stewart of New
Bern, and Miss Lucy Cobb of Raleigh appeared on the program.
After the program the following officers were elected: R. A.
Nunn, president; Miss Verdie Noble, first vice-president; Mrs.
R. L. Duval, second vice-president; Mrs. W. B. Harr, third vice-
president; Miss Sara Louise Stewart, secretary-treasurer; Miss
Junie Whitfield, chaplain; Miss Sybil Hyatt, registrar; Mrs.
M. B. Koonce, corresponding secretary; J. Parson Brown, his-
torian; and Mrs. S. D. Broadhurst and Miss Delia Hyatt, col-
lectors of relics.
Mr. Albert N. Sanders, a candidate for the Ph.D. at the
University of North Carolina, will be a member of the staff of the
history and political science department at John B. Stetson Uni-
versity for the 1950-1951 term.
A literary map of North Carolina, four-color lithography on
100 per cent rag paper, 33" x 22", is now available. This map
carries the names of North Carolina writers and is illustrated
by Primrose, a nationally known artist of Raleigh. There are
127 names of authors on the map which was published and pre-
pared by The North Carolina English Teachers Association.
It is suitable for framing and can be used in the office, library,
or classroom. Please address order to The North Carolina Eng-
lish Teachers Association, Box 1050, Chapel Hill, N. C. Price
$1.50.
The American Association for State and Local History has an-
nounced that at its annual meeting in Portland, Oregon, in
August Awards of Merit will be given for outstanding work in
the field of local history by state historical societies, local histori-
Historical News 389
cal societies, and local newspapers, radio stations, private busi-
ness organizations, and others. The member of the Committee on
Awards for the South Atlantic States (Maryland, Virginia, West
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama,
and Florida) is William S. Powell of the North Carolina State
Department of Archives and History. Recommendations for
Awards of Merit should be sent to him not later than August 15.
Books received include John Leonard Fulmer, Agricultural
Progress in The Cotton Belt since 1920 (Chapel Hill: The Uni-
versity of North Carolina Press, 1950) ; William H. Dillistin,
Bank Note Reporters and Counterfeit Detectors, 1826-1866, With
a Discourse on Wildcat Banks and Wildcat Bank Notes (New
York: The American Numismatic Society, 1949) ; Arthur Eugene
Bestor, Backwoods Utopias: The Sectarian And Owenite Phases
of Communitarian Socialism In America, 1663-1829 (Phila-
delphia: University of Pennslyvania Press. London, Geoffrey
Cumberlege, Oxford University Press, 1950) ; Richard B. Har-
well, Confederate Music (Chapel Hill: The University of North
Carolina Press, 1950) ; Carl Bridenbaugh, The Colonial Crafts-
man (New York: New York University Press, 1950) ; Fifteenth
Annual Report of The Archivist of the United States For The
Year Ending June 30, 191+9 (Washington : United States Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1950) ; General Services Administration,
The National Archives Preliminary Inventory of the Records of
the United States Senate, Preliminary Inventory No. 23 (Wash-
ington: United States Government Printing Office, 1950) ; Mary
Alves Long, High Time To Tell It (Durham: Duke University
Press, 1950) ; Clement Eaton, A History of The Old South (New
York: The Macmillan Company, 1949) ; Joseph Howard Parks,
John Bell of Tennessee (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Uni-
versity Press, 1950) ; Adriene Koch, Jefferson and Madison: The
Great Collaboration (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1950) ; Mar-
garet L. Coit, John C. Calhoun American Portrait (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Company, 1950) ; Harold E. Dickson, John
Wesley Jarvis, American Painter, 1780-181+0 (New York: The
New York Historical Society, 1949) ; Stuart Noblin, Leonidas
Lafayette Polk, Agrarian Crusader (Chapel Hill; The Uni-
390 The North Carolina Historical Review
versity of North Carolina Press, 1949) ; Raymond Maxwell,
Life and Works of Allen Jay Maxwell (not for sale but will be
placed in public libraries, 1949) ; Barnes F. Lathrop, Migration
Into East Texas, 1835-1860 (Austin: The Texas State Historical
Association, 1949) ; Aubrey L. Brooks and Hugh Talmage Lefler,
The Papers of Walter Clark, vol. II, (Chapel Hill: The Univer-
sity of North Carolina Press, 1950) ; Julian P. Boyd, The Papers
of Thomas Jefferson, volume I, 1760-1776 (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1950) ; George Alfred Townsend, Rustics in
Rebellion: A Yankee Reporter On The Road To Richmond, 1861-
65 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1950) ;
Blake McKelvey, Rochester The Floiver City, 1855-1890 (Cam-
bridge: Harvard University Press, 1949) ; James Benson Sellers,
Slavery in Alabama (University: University of Alabama Press,
1950) ; V. O. Key, Jr., Southern Politics In State and Nation
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1949) ; South Dakota Historical
Collections and Report (compiled by the State Historical Society,
vol. XXIV, 1949) ; Nora Campbell Chaff in, Trinity College,
1839-1892: The Beginnings of Duke University (Durham: Duke
University Press, 1950) ; Marvin Wilson Schlegel, Virginia on
Guard, Civilian Defense and the State Militia in the Second
World War (Richmond: Virginia State Library, 1949) ; Francis
Howard Heller, Virginia's State Government During the Second
World War: Its Constitutional, Legislative, and Administrative
Adaptations, 19U2-U5 (prepared under the Supervision of the
World War II History Division, Virginia State Library, 1949) ;
LeGette Blythe, William Henry Belk, Merchant of the South
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1950) ;
Constance E. Thurlow and Francis L. Berkeley, The Jefferson
Papers of the University of Virginia (Charlottesville: Uni-
versity of Virginia Library, 1950) ; Fletcher Melvin Green, edi-
tor, Essays in Southern History, Presented to Joseph Gregoire
de Roulhac Hamilton (Chapel Hill: The University of North
Carolina Press, 1949) ; W. F. Craven and J. L. Cate, The Army
Air Forces In World War II, volume II, Europe — Torch to
Pointblank (Washington, D. C. : Air Historical Group, United
States Air Force, 1949) ; Frank L. Owsley, Plain Folk of the
Old South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press,
1949) ; William Greene Roelker, Benjamin Franklin and Cath-
Historical News 391
arine Ray Greene: Their Correspondence, 1855-90 (Philadelphia:
American Philosophical Society, 1949) ; Eugene P. Odum, A
North Carolina Naturalist, H. H. Brimley (Chapel Hill: The
University of North Carolina Press, 1949) ; L. M. Holland, The
Direct Primary in Georgia (Urbana ; University of Illinois Press,
1949) ; Harold S. Schultz, Nationalism and Sectionalism in South
Carolina, 1853-1860 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1950) ;
Wendell Holmes Stephenson and E. Merton Coulter, A History
of the Old South, volume VII, The Confederate States of America,
1861-1865 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press,
1950) ; Lewis E. Atherton, The Southern Country Store, 1800-
1860 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1949) ;
Disposition of Federal Records (Washington, D. C. ; National
Archives Publications no. 50-3, United States Government Print-
ing Office, 1949) ; B. A. Botkin, A Treasury of Southern Folk-
lore (New York: Crown Publishers, 1949) ; Clarence Edwin
Carter, editor, The Territorial Papers of the United States,
vol. XIV, The Territory of Louisiana-Missouri, 1806-1 81 If. (Wash-
ington: United States Government Printing Office, 1949) ; Ade-
laide L. Fries, Customs and Practices of the Moravian Church
(Winston-Salem: Commenius Press, 1949); Spencer B. King,
Selective Service in North Carolina (Chapel Hill: The University
of North Carolina Press, 1949) ; James Truslow Adams, Album
of American History, volume V, Index (New York: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1949) ; James Marshall, Elbridge A. Stuart,
Founder of Carnation Company (Los Angeles : Carnation Com-
pany, 1949) ; Manly Wade Wellman, Wade Hampton, Giant in
Gray (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1949) ; James W.
Silver, Edmund Pendleton Gaines, Frontier General (Baton
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1949) ; Charles Gray-
son Summersell, Mobile: History of A Seaport Toivn (Univer-
sity: University of Alabama Press, 1949) ; Lawrence Kocher
and Howard Dearstyne, Colonial Williamsburg, Its Buildings and
Gardens (Williamsburg: Colonial Williamsburg, 1949) ; David
Stick, Fabulous Dare: the Story of Dare County Past and Pres-
ent (Kitty Hawk, N. C. : The Dare Press, 1949) ; E. Merton Coul-
ter, A List of Early Settlers of Georgia (Athens: The University
of Georgia Press, 1949).
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THIS ISSUE
Dr. Douglas LeTell Rights is acting archivist of the Moravian
Church, Southern Province, and a Moravian Minister, Winston-
Salem, N. C.
Dr. William C. Pool is an associate professor of history in
the division of social sciences, Southwest Texas State Teachers
College, San Marcos, Texas.
Dr. Charles W. Turner is an assistant professor of history at
Washington and Lee University, Lexington, Virginia.
Dr. Elizabeth Gregory McPherson is a reference consultant
of the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress, Washing-
ton, D. C.
[ 392 ]
The North Carolina
Historical Review
Volume XXVII OCTOBER, 1950 Number 4
THE FOUNDING OF THE PETTIGREW PLANTATIONS
By Bennett H. Wall
During the post-Revolutionary War period the Reverend
Charles Pettigrew, famous Edenton, North Carolina, religious
leader, found it difficult to support his family on the income from
his parish. 1 As a result he was forced to turn to planting as a
means of support. Since he had only a limited knowledge of agri-
cultural methods he learned by trial and error. Just when he first
became a landowner is not recorded nor is it known when he
came into possession of his first farm. There is reasonable doubt
that he owned any land prior to his marriage to Mary Blount
on October 29, 1778. By this marriage he acquired slave property,
some land in Tennessee, and some land near Edenton. After his
marriage he moved to a plantation near his wife's ancestral home,
Mulberry Hill, and settled "on the north side of the road leading
down the Albemarle Sound and just across what was then
Blount's Mill." 2 In 1779 he purchased lands in Tyrrell County,
near Lake Phelps.
Three of Charles Pettigrew's parishioners, all leading citizens
of Edenton, Josiah Collins, Dr. Luther Dickinson, and Major
Nathaniel Allen, were land speculators and in order to develop
one of their ventures in the region southeast of Edenton they
organized the Lake Company. The Lake Company's lands were
along the shores of Lake Phelps, which is in the peninsula, about
sixty miles long and forty miles wide, formed by Albemarle and
Pamlico sounds in North Carolina. Four-fifths of the region was
an immense swamp. 3 The remainder was composed of narrow
1 A portion of the research on this study was made possible by a grant from the University
of Kentucky Research Fund Committee.
2 "Ebenezer Pettigrew Relates His Early Life," August 4, 1842, Pettigrew Manuscripts,
Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. Hereinafter cited
as Pettigrew MSS.
s See William Battle Cobb and William Anderson Davis, Soil Survey of Tyrrell County
(United States Government, 1924), 839-858. (A map is attached.) Hereinafter cited as
Cobb and Davis, Soil Survey.
[396]
396 The North Carolina Historical Review
knolls of firm soil, 4 commonly known as "Chestnut Oak Islands.*' 5
The principal characteristic of the soil around Lake Phelps was
its great fertility. The soil was a black loam or muck, 6 and when
under proper tillage "the drained swamp land is easy to plough,
and to manage and get in good order in all respects." 7
Lake Phelps was discovered by Benjamin Tarkington, Josiah
Phelps, and others in 1775. While hunting they became interest-
ed in learning why deer "when pursued usually ran off in a par-
ticular direction, from which the dogs soon returned as if baffled
in their pursuit." After a search of two days they located the
lake. Phelps publicized and has generally received credit for the
discovery.
It was about twenty-five years later that Collins, Dickinson,
and Allen formed the Lake Company. "They took up nearly all
the surrounding swamp land, by laying their own patents," 8 and
they purchased a total of nearly 100,000 acres. They fitted out
the slave ship, Guineaman, in Boston and sent it to Africa for
Negroes. When the slaver arrived the Negroes were set to work
digging a canal from Lake Phelps to the Scuppernong River, a
project of two years duration. Lake Phelps had an elevation of
eighteen feet above the Scuppernong River, and by the use of
water wheels, the declivity was utilized for power for saw, grist,
and other mills. 9 The Lake Company began preparation of rice
fields around the lake by draining the fields into the ditch or
"Somerset Canal." By the use of flood gates on the ditches lead-
ing to the canal, and with the successive parallel slopes, ditches,
and embankments formed by the leading ditches, "they were
afforded great facilities for flooding the lands, and drawing off
the water when desired, for rice culture." Flat boats capable of
carrying fifty or sixty tierces of rice could come up the canal to
the plantation and small vessels of seventy-five tons or less re-
ceived and discharged cargoes at the mouth of the canal. The
* Edmund Ruffin, "Jottings Down in the Swamps," in Edmund, Ruffin, editor, The
Farmer's Register (10 volumes, 1833-1842), VII, 688-703. Hereinafter cited as Ruffin,
"Jottings Down."
5 George C. Collins, "Discovering Lake Scuppernong (Phelps), North Carolina," Southern
History Association Publications (11 volumes. Washington 1897-1907), VI, 21-27. Herein-
after cited as Collins, "Discovering Lake Scuppernong."
■ Cobb and Davis, Soil Survey, 839-858.
7 Ruffin, "Jottings Down," VII, 688.
8 The information about the discovery and early exploitation of Lake Phelps was obtained
from the Ruffin and Collins sketches.
9 Charles Pettigrew to Henry Pattillo, January 9, 1789; Charles Pettigrew to the Lake
Company, March 27, 1796, Pettigrew MSS.
Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 397
canal was six miles long, twenty feet wide, and six feet deep. 10
In 1788 Charles Pettigrew moved to Lake Phelps to develop his
property adjoining that of the Lake Company and to found a
plantation regime of seventy-seven years duration.
Before he moved to his Lake Phelps property, Pettigrew moved
to Harvey's Neck in Perquimans County. His wife died shortly
thereafter leaving him an unrecorded amount of property in-
cluding several slaves. In 1788 he moved again. Ebenezer Petti-
grew wrote a description of the new plantation :
I lived at Hervey's neck until the fall of 1788 when my father
took his effects in two small vessels & went over to the mouth of
Scuppernong river, where his things were taken out the vessels
& put in the court house which was on the plantation of Benja-
min Spruill who then kept the tavern for the court house . . .
on the sunday evening after we had arrived I suppose on the
latter part of the week, my father with his sons & the old lady
who kept house for him, together with a few servants with his
effects in carts set out for a place which he had rented from
William Little John of Edenton & about five miles from the mouth
of the River to take up our abode, but when we arrived, the
house was without a window shutter (glass it never had) and
a thunder squall rising he thought best to turn back to a house
for Shelter we had passed nearest when we were coming.
The house of refuge was :
an old high roofed house without even a window shutter, in the
midst of an old field without a fence around it, with a number of
cattle feeding in it (for there was great range nearby) with their
bells ringing together with the thunder at intervals and my ax-
iety from fear of the Squall, produced in me a feeling that no time
can obliterate. 11
This plantation was subsequently expanded to become part of
one of the key Pettigrew plantations, Bonarva. Charles Pettigrew
proposed to build a home at Lake Phelps where in 1782 and in
1787 he added two small farms to the property purchased in 1779.
By 1789 he owned several hundred acres of land, had built a
home, and was ready to move to the lake. He wrote his one-time
teacher, Reverend Henry Pattillo:
10 Collins, "Discovering Lake Scuppernong," VI, 23; Ruffin, "Jottings Down," VII, 726-729.
u "Ebenezer Pettigrew Relates His Early Life," August 4, 1842, Pettigrew MSS.
398 The North Carolina Historical Review
I am just about to settle some of my land on Lake Phelps in
Tyrrell. I can have no idea of more fertile soil. Since the year
'79 I have been a proprietor there, which has confined me to this
part of the state. The circumjacent Lands are possessed by three
able Gentm in Co. namely Messrs Collins, Dickinson & Allen.
They have now completed a canal near 6 miles being a communi-
cation between it & Scuppernong River, which promises infinite
advantages. They are erecting mills on it. It is 20 feet wide, &
runs parallel with one tract of my Land within about 150 yards.
They have generously given by Deed of Gift, every privilege I
could wish, to me, my heirs & assigns forever. This renders my
Lands of much greater value, although I have not expended a
farthing, & they perhaps thirty M pounds. An overseer whom
they got from South Carolina, says that it is equal in every re-
spect, to the best plantations there. ... I think of moving over the
ensuing Summer or fall, to live at the Canal, as I Shall not
only be more convenient to my Lands in cultivation, but that side
of the Sound is found more healthy than this. 12
The move was made in 1789. Since most of his labor force was
busy draining and clearing land, he was unable to plant a large
crop of corn and rice. The work of reclamation proceeded with
difficulty and in June he wrote to his friend John Leigh com-
plaining that his health was endangered by the demands made
upon him for supervision. He wrote descriptions of the lake and
the surrounding country to his friends Leigh, Nathaniel Blount,
and Charles L. Johnson. To Leigh he wrote:
I write you from Bonarva — a name I have given my situation
on the Lake. I sit under the shade of three beautiful Holleys. The
surrounding Scene is truly romantic. On the one side, the pros-
pect toward the water is very beautiful & extensive, while the
gentle breezes play over the surface of the crystal fluid, and
render the air grateful for respiration, and when the Sun sheds
his warmest influence upon the earth — it being the meridian
hour. On three angles of the improvement, ye woods are luxuri-
antly tall, & dressed in a foliage of the deepest verdure, while
the cultivated field exhibits the utmost power of vegetative na-
ture, and arrests my eye from every other object. 13
All, however, was not right with his world. He complained
that:
. . . fertilizer renders it [the soil] equally productive of viscious
weeds, to obstruct the growth of what is planted & to extract the
12 Charles Pettigrew to Henry Pattillo, January 9, 1789, Pettigrew MSS.
13 Charles Pettigrew to Dr. John Leigh, June 16, 1790, Pettigrew Papers, North Carolina
Department of Archives and History, Raleigh. Hereinafter cited as Pettigrew Papers.
Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 399
Sweet which drops from the brow of Labor while he endeavours
to erradicate them. . . . The Lake is not without its counterpart
of inconveniences & although the soil is fertile though the Lake
affords a beautiful prospect & is an unfailing source to overflow
our rice lands, their being a declivity of several feet, perhaps not
less than six in the distance of 90 poles back from the water, yet
when warmed by the genial heat of the Sun in Summer it is
rendered so prolific of flies and insects of every species, that it
becomes intolerable to horses & horned cattle, the latter however,
have the advantage, from a more copious sweep of tail for their
defense. 14
Pettigrew's holdings continued to grow in size as well as in
improved cultivated land. In May, 1789, Pettigrew purchased an
additional 110 acres of land. 15 He paid a tax of six pounds on his
property in Tyrrell County in 1789. 16
From 1789 until June, 1791, Charles Pettigrew followed a
live-at-home farm program and exerted every effort toward pre-
paring his lands for rice, corn, and wheat crops. Corn and wheat
grew easily on any of the well drained land but the preparation
and cultivation of rice fields was a tremendous undertaking. This
work,
. . . primitive and laborious, was accomplished by the task system.
Ditches divided the field into "tasks" of a quarter of an acre. In
March, hands prepared the fields with the hoe and dug trenches
for the seeds. From that time until the harvest in September,
they were busy alternately flooding the growing rice and clear-
ing the fields of grass. In addition, there were ditches to be dug,
trunks to be mended, flood gates to be kept in repair, a routine
which kept the slaves for long hours in wet fields. . . . 17
In 1791 Pettigrew returned to Edenton. He explained his move
to his friend, the Reverend Henry Pattillo, as follows:
I am returned from my farm at the Lake, a resident in Edenton.
They [the parishioners] have contributed an annual provision
for my Life or During my stay among them. I would prefer the
farmer's life but when on the farm, I found my attentions wholly
14 Charles Pettigrew to Dr. John Leigh, June 20, 1790, Pettigrew MSS.
15 Land Patent, May 18, 1789; Receipt & Patent for Land bought by B. Tarkington,
May 13, 1789, Pettigrew MSS.
16 Tax Receipt, 1789, Pettigrew MSS.
17 Guion Griff is Johnson, Ante-Bellum North Carolina (Chapel Hill: The University of
North Carolina Press, 1937), 488-489. See also Duncan Clinch Heyward, Seed From
Madagascar (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1937), 1-80; Lewis
Cecil Gray, History of Agriculture in the Southern United States to 1860, (2 vols..
The Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1933) I, 277-290; John and Ebenezer Pettigrew to
Charles Pettigrew, April 12, 1796, Pettigrew MSS.
400 The North Carolina Historical Review
engross'd, — So that it became necessary that I quit should either
the farm or the Pulpit ; For I found it impractible to Serve both
God & Mamon. 18
He did, however, not give up his farming activities.
Pettigrew' s move to Edenton shortened the distance to Mary
Lockhart, daughter of James Lockhart, and heir to considerable
land and slaves, including the beautiful estate "Scotch Hall." 19
He was so interested in paying court to her that he confused the
date of a state Episcopal convention. 20 On his return from the
convention [?] he attempted to purchase some land worth 800
pounds for his fiancee but could not complete the negotiations. 21
Repeated accounts of his poor health were apparently unfounded,
for in addition to preaching "two Sundays out of three" 22 at St.
Paul's in Edenton, he carried on other ministerial duties, 23 paid
calls at Scotch Hall, 24 and frequently visited his lake plantation.
On one of visits to Bonarva he wrote his friend and neighbor,
Major Nathaniel Allen : "I have been hitherto so closely confined
to the overseeing Business ... I thought to have seen town before
this time, but I find it very disagreeable to leave everything to the
management of careless negroes." 25
Charles Pettigrew's friends noted as early as 1792 that he
was planning to enter what he termed the "Social State" — that
is, to marry again. But it was not until June 12, 1795, that Petti-
grew married Mary Lockhart. Immediately after the marriage
Pettigrew moved his family to Scotch Hall, the home of his wife.
Because of the distance from Scotch Hall to Bonarva plantation
he was forced to hire a part-time overseer. This overseer was
probably a neighboring farmer engaged to visit the plantation
and see after the Negroes and direct their works. In the absence
of both the overseer and the planter, two Negroes, Charles and
Pompey, directed the other slaves. 26
In the early fall of 1795 a storm destroyed one-half of the corn
in Bertie County and two-thirds of Charles Pettigrew's crop;
18 Charles Pettigrew to Henry Pattillo, May 12, 1792, Pettigrew MSS.
19 "Genealogical." See also the wills of James Lockhart, 1753, and Elizabeth Lockhart,
1791, Pettigrew MSS.
20 Charles Pettigrew to Miss Mary Lockhart, October 3, 1793, and Solomon Hailing to
Charles Pettigrew, December 16, 1793, Pettigrew MSS.
21 Charles Pettigrew to Miss Mary Lockhart, October 3, 1793, Pettigrew MSS.
22 Salary Subscription List, 1791, Pettigrew Mss.
^Sermons: Charles Pettigrew to Miss Mary Lockhart, October 3, 1793, Pettigrew MSS.
24 Sermons; Charles Pettigrew to Miss Mary Lockhart, October 3, 1793, Pettigrew MSS.
3(5 Charles Pettigrew to Major Nathaniel Allen, May 19, 1792, Pettigrew MSS.
2,1 Thomas B. Littlejohn to Charles Pettigrew, December 18, 1794; Charles Pettigrew to
Mrs. Mary Pettigrew, October, 1795, Pettigrew MSS.
Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 401
but he reported to his sons at the University of North Carolina
that "we shall, I hope have enough, as at my Lake plantation my
corn was more forward, & out of the way to much injury." 27 He
had every right to be concerned because he had sold the last of
the 1794 corn crop in August just before the storm. Later in Sep-
tember, 1795, he visited Bonarva to check his corn crop and to
purchase some land. At Bonarva :
. . . the Negroes had been cutting Rice almost all the week ... &
there is a good deal down which I must see put up in stacks be-
fore I leave them, which I expect we can have done by Saturday
evening. Indeed if I could I would have the corn got into the crib
before I Quit — But I purpose to leave the Lake on Sunday
morning & to get up to Mr. Mackeys on Sunday evening so that
you need not send over again before Monday, as I purpose to take
ride with Mr. Lee over his land. I mean the Land that Mr. Pollock
sold him some time ago. I flatter myself that I shall make a pur-
chase, if he will sell what I shall think good and reasonable.
He found that the Negroes needed supervision since they :
had done just nothing from the time I had left them last. The fod-
der hangs all dead on the stalks except about a couple of cart-
loads of Blades. And they can offer very little excuse.
He expressed the opinion that the indolence of his Negroes was
partially due to visits of some of the Lake Company's slaves. His
Negroes had visited those on the adjoining plantation frequently
enough to wear a trail to the lake. 28
Throughout the year 1795 Pettigrew constantly worried about
the title to the first land he purchased at the lake and which he
later sold to the Lake Company. 29 He considered it so serious that
he applied for the benefit of an act of assembly to rectify the
error. 30 Finally in the spring of 1796 the situation became criti-
cal. The Lake Company brought matters to a head by denying to
Pettigrew "the privilege of draining into the canal, after . . . shut-
ting up haul creek, while but little water" was "vented thro
the canal" whereby the lake was rendered so full to as to over-
flow, with its banks damaging Pettigrew' s land and flooding his
27 Charles Pettigrew to John and Ebenezer Pettigrew, September 19, 1795, Pettigrew MSS.
28 Charles Pettigrew to Mrs. Mary Pettigrew, October 1, 1795, Pettigrew MSS.
29 Charles Pettigrew to Lake Company, March 27, 1796, Pettigrew MSS.
30 Charles Pettigrew to Mrs. Mary Pettigrew, April 8, 1795. See Charles Pettigrew to the
Lake Company, March 27, 1796, Pettigrew MSS.
402 The North Carolina Historical Review
plantation. Then they ordered him to attend the public "proces-
sioning" of the disputed lands. Pettigrew admitted that he had
sold them lands without clear title and that as a result he had
lost one-half the acreage. His letter pleading his innocence of
intent to defraud 31 must have convinced his ex-parishioners for
he continued to plant his Lake plantation and to purchase lands
adjoining it. It may be assumed that an amicable settlement was
made. Later he was allowed to use the Somerset Canal to flood
and drain his rice fields.
Charles Pettigrew managed his lake property from Scotch Hall
until January, 1797. At that time he moved to a farm that he
purchased from James Dillon. "The tract consisted of sixty acres,
forty cleared, for which he paid six hundred and forty dollars."
He named this plantation Belgrade. His grandson wrote :
My grandfather first came to Scuppernong on Sunday evening
[1797] . He landed at the place now belonging to Gen. Bateman.
At that time the corn house. The house he came to was situated
in the back part of what is at present and old field grown up in
pines . . . not a vestage of the house remains. ... In the January
of 1797, my grand Father moved into a house, formerly occupied
by one of the old Settlers of the country named Alexander, sit-
uated on the Eastern ten foot ditch. 32
There was great activity at Pettigrew's Bonarva plantation
in the spring and summer of 1797. In addition to planting and
caring for the crops of rice, corn, and wheat, the energies of all
the inhabitants were directed toward the construction of a dwell-
ing house for the Belgrade plantation. 33 The frame was as-
sembled in sections at Bonarva and moved by flat to Belgrade
where the house was completed. 34 His grandson noted that this
house was more pretentious and more comfortable than any in
which his father had previously lived.
In March, 1799, Pettigrew and his family moved into this new
dwelling and there he lived until his death. 35 Prior to moving to
31 Charles Pettigrew to Mrs. Mary Pettigrew, April 8, 1795. See Charles Pettigrew to the
Lake Company, March 27, 1796, Pettigrew MSS.
32 "Genealogy," MSS. of ? [either Charles Lockhart Pettigrew or William
Shepard Pettigrew], 1838, Pettigrew MSS.
33 "Genealogy," MSS. of ? [either Charles Lockhart Pettigrew or William
Shepard Pettigrew], 1838, Pettigrew MSS.
34 "Genealogy," MSS. of ? [either Charles Lockhart Pettigrew or William
Shepard Pettigrew], 1838, Pettigrew MSS.
35 Note in John Pettigrew's Copy of the Laws and Regulations of the University of North
Carolina, Pettigrew MSS.
Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 403
Belgrade he had erected four two-room slave houses. 36 In the fol-
lowing year he paid Joseph Alexander 100 pounds for fifty acres
of land containing a dwelling house and outhouses located on
the northwest side of the Scuppernong River. 37 This rounded out
Belgrade plantation for several years.
Pettigrew's plantation demanded his close attention in 1799
and he could not leave to sell his crop, "having no overseer at
Home, I am constrained to give the more close attention, & par-
ticularly at this Season of the Year," 38 he wrote. His failure to
market his crop left him with insufficient money for operating
expenses. 39 His cash resources were further drained by expendi-
tures on a farm house at Bonarva 40 and his expenditures in im-
provements at Belgrade. In spite of the economic pressure he re-
mained optimistic. Conditions die! improve. He wrote to Dr. An-
drew Knox as follows:
I have a fine crop in the ground & some time ago, Shipped for
Lizbon 41 tierces of Rice & sold as many more on credit until
nov'r. ... I flatter myself, we will be able to shew you crops,
equal to the best you can boast on the rich lands of Pasquot'k. 41
By 1799, however, the work in the swampy region began to
take toll of the Negroes at Bonarva. Malaria and respiratory di-
seases impaired the efficiency of his labor force and changed his
outlook again.
In 1800 he received the grant and deed to his lands on the Ten-
nessee River. These lands represented a portion of the property
he inherited on the death of his wife. His lawyer, Major H. O.
Tatum, stated that these lands were located within the Indian
boundary and added that the grant could be moved. He advised
against taking such action, however, since better lands were
scarce. 42 Taxes were low on this land but there were many dif-
ficulties involved in getting the money to the tax collector.
On several occasions Pettigrew sent money for the payment of
taxes to both Tatum and Major George Weatherspoon. The
money was sent by hand and was seldom delivered. On one such
36 Memorandum for Ebenezer Pettigrew, 1798, Pettigrew MSS.
37 Deed and Bill of Sale of Lands Bought of Joseph Alexander, Pettigrew MSS.
38 Charles Pettigrew to John Pettigrew, May 18, 1799, Pettigrew MSS.
39 Charles Pettigrew to Dr. Andrew Knox, August 20, 1799, Pettigrew MSS.
40 Charles Pettigrew to John Pettigrew, May 18, 1799, Pettigrew MSS.
41 Charles Pettigrew to Dr. Andrew Knox, August 20, 1799, Pettigrew MSS.
42 Major Howell Tatum to Charles Pettigrew, September 11, 1800, Pettigrew MSS.
404 The North Carolina Historical Review
occasion Pettigrew wrote Major Tatum that any action that
he took against the offenders would meet his approval and he
included in the letter the deposition of his son, Ebenezer, to the
effect that he had sent a sum of money by a man named Smith. 43
During these experimental years Pettigrew followed the ex-
ample of the successful Lake Company proprietors and planted
rice extensively, with corn and wheat the second ranking crops.
He made an effort to increase his income by increasing his pro-
duction and spending as little as possible. He experimented with
hemp, cotton, and other staple crops as possible income pro-
ducers. The development of a timber products industry utilizing
timber from the land he was clearing was the major success he
enjoyed. This also served to provide off-season work for the
slaves. His approach to the problem of how to make his planta-
tion pay was always realistic. He was incessantly checking on
other planters, changing, building, and seeking ways to render
his plantations efficient. Shortly before his death he and his son
Ebenezer arrived at the conclusion that the difficulties in grow-
ing and marketing rice, coupled with the fluctuating price, and
the ill effects of the rice field work on the slaves outweighed the
value of the crop. Large scale rice cultivation was soon aban-
doned, despite the heavy investment in ditches, gates, and
machinery.
The problem of marketing crops and supplying the plantation
was of major consequence to the success or failure of any planta-
tion. In his efforts to market his crops Charles Pettigrew was
much harassed by his inability to get boats to stop at "Port
Scuppernong." Many times his crops were flatted to Edenton
where they were transshipped to northern ports or to foreign
countries. In getting needed supplies delivered the pattern was
reversed. Ship captains refused cargoes, dictated freight rates,
and in general irritated the peaceful planter. This phase of the
operation of the plantation was a constant trial.
Charles Pettigrew utilized the service of a number of factors
during his career as a planter. There were several prominent
Edenton merchants and factors who were long established
friends. Several of these were eager to assist the "old Parson,"
as he was called, establish himself as a planter. Among these was
43 Charles Pettigrew to Major Howell Tatum, September 12, 1803, Pettigrew MSS.
Founding op the Pettigrew Plantations 405
John Little, who stated, "as to my services in this business I
can assure you they are at yr. command, without any expectation
of remuneration." 44
Other Edenton factors with whom he dealt were John Cannon,
Samuel Dickinson, Little John and Bond, and the important verti-
cal commission house of Josiah Collins. He also established con-
nections with Kelly and Mollan, Tredwell and Thorne, Ballard
and Diskin of New York, and Samuel Patrick of Baltimore.
Most of these factors charged standard commissions of two
and one-half per cent plus small service charges. They performed
all types of services for the planter. They advised Pettigrew when
and where to ship, procured boats for him, and arranged trans-
shipment of cargoes. They filled his orders for supplies, super-
intended packaging, and secured transportation for the sup-
plies to the plantation. This relationship of factor and planter
was the key to the plantation system. It was only natural that
Pettigrew was highly indignant when one of these factors dealt
unfairly with him. In June, 1796, Thomas Trotter, agent for
Pettigrew, sold eighteen casks of rice weighing 10,191 pounds
to Samuel Dickinson. On the back of his invoice Pettigrew noted :
"The Rice which Dr. Dickinson cheated us out of by cunning get-
ting it for 31/2$ when it was 7$ at N-York (Note) 18 Tierces of
Rice I was cheated out of by Dr. S. D. — n. a #11119 nett." 45 An-
other of the Edenton factors, John Cannon, had a chief clerk,
Miller, whom Pettigrew thought too clever. On the back of a bill
of sale for rice in 1802, he noted : "$66.87 the Sales but by deduc-
tions reduced to $47.41 cts. 4$ freight for 1 pr . . . [ ?] as allowed
by Mr. Miller was too much. Therefore we want no more of
Millers calculation in favor of his friends among whom I am
afraid I am not considered one." 46 In 1802 he complained
bitterly of being tricked by an unidentified Jewish factor
who sold him 500 pounds of inferior iron at a price of two
dollars per hundred more than the best quality was bring-
ing. 47 In 1806 Charles Pettigrew began a long fight against
the middle men and harbor authorities that was to be con-
tinued by his son, Ebenezer — a battle that was to last for over
u John Little to Charles Pettigrew, March 12, 1799, Pettigrew MSS.
** Invoice of rice sale, June 26, 1795, Pettigrew Papers.
49 John Cannon to Charles Pettigrew, January 9, 1802, Pettigrew MSS.
* 7 Charles Pettigrew to , 1806, Pettigrew Papers.
406 The North Carolina Historical Review
fifty years. The planter felt that harbor masters discriminated
against small planters, thus subjecting their cargoes to un-
necessarily risk spoilage. Furthermore, cargoes seldom meas-
ured either by weight or volume as much as in Edenton or
on the plantation. 48 Such variations were the source of much
irritation to all planters and especially to Charles Pettigrew who
was careful to be exact in his measurements, whether of staves
or grain. The only recourse available to a planter, however, was
to change factors. Despite these problems he enjoyed good busi-
ness relationships with most of his factors.
In 1793 Charles Pettigrew shipped his first rice crop, thirteen
tierces, to St. Bartholomews for which he received three dollars
per tierce. 49 The only sale recorded between that year and 1799
was that previously mentioned to Dr. Dickinson. In 1799 he
marketed seventy-two tierces of rice for an undisclosed price.
The crop of 1801 was small and was sold to Watt Bell. 50 The 1802
crop averaged $22.30 per tierce and the crop of 1803 averaged
$29.84 per tierce, the highest recorded price for rice. The crop of
1805 was marketed through Little John and Bond for five cents
per pound. 51 His last rice crop was the least profitable one he
raised. Captain Samuel Bateman took the rice crop to Baltimore
but it was so damaged in shipment that the factor reported :
I am sorry to informe you that the Rice is so much damaged
from being Shiped or reshiped so offen that I have never been
able to effect the Sale of it. ... I shall have the Rice started and
indevor to sepperate the good from bad as soon as posible. 52
Pettigrew wrote his son that "the Damp wheat which had stuck
to the Tierces had moulded the Rice, which the man discovered by
boring in a gimblet." 53 On his return Bateman reported that he
had sold the rice for $3.50 per hundred pounds. 54
Other crops sold for cash were wheat and corn. Wheat and corn
did not figure prominently as cash crops before 1802. Apparently
the plantation produced these two staples for consumption and
for exchange with neighbors. Records show that some laborers in
18 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, November, 1806, Pettigrew MSS.
49 Invoice of Rice, 1793, Pettigrew MSS.
150 Watt Bell to Charles Pettigrew, June 30, 1801, Pettigrew MSS.
51 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, June 9, 1805, Pettigrew MSS.
B2 Samuel E. Patrick to Messrs. Charles Pettigrew & Son, December 2, 1806, Pettigrew MSS.
53 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, November, 1806, Pettigrew MSS.
54 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, November, 1806, Pettigrew MSS.
Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 407
the Pettigrew ditching project of 1805 took payment in kind,
principally rice, wheat, and corn. 55 In 1802 Charles Pettigrew
mentioned to Ebenezer that he had attempted to bargain with a
ship captain to take his lumber, staves, and corn to the West
Indies. 56 By 1803 the wheat and corn crops planted were more
extensive than ever before. One reason given was "should it
be War in Europe, rice and wheat will bear a good price." 57
The wheat crop of 1806, 7,026 bushels, was shipped to New York
but was damaged in a storm. In 1807 Ebenezer Pettigrew noted
in his account book that the sales of wheat, corn, and rice netted
$1,100.76. 58 Since the records are scattered for these years it is
difficult to estimate total crop production. The only other crops
marketed through factors were flaxseed, oats, clover, and peas. 59
Only small quantities of these were reported and it is evident
that many of these were traded for other products at the Petti-
grew commissary. For example, in 1805 Ebenezer Pettigrew
advertised wheat in exchange for beeswax. 60
Factors engaged vessels to haul the steady supply of forest
products turned out from the Pettigrew plantations. Lake Phelps
was surrounded by excellent stands of popular, pine, gum, and
Cyprus trees. The canals and ditches provided an avenue for
floating logs and the sawmill was busy constantly. Eventually the
riving of shingles and barrel staves by slaves and white farmers
became a large-scale operation. The year 1807 seems to have been
the peak production year for forest products. In that year Charles
Pettigrew sold 32,500 twenty-two inch shingles, 61 1,130 hogshead
headings, 2,030 barrel staves, and 1,330 "Read" oak hogshead
staves. 62 This forest products business was a burden to some of
the factors who found it difficult to dispose of shipments. 63 Pro-
portionately the freight on such products, plus the charges for
inspection and grading, were much higher than for other prod-
ucts. Ship captains did not like to haul such cargoes unless they
could fit them piece-meal in with other cargoes. They found the
55 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, October 3, 1804, Pettigrew MSS.
56 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, December 21, 1802, Pettigrew MSS.
57 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, May 22, 1803, Pettigrew MSS.
58 Ebenezer Pettigrew Account Book, 1807-15; Pettigrew MSS.
59 As an indication of the volume of some of these items, Ebenezer Pettigrew sold from
Bonarva Plantation in 1806, ten and one-half bushels of flaxseed. John Popelston's Receipt,
November 7, 1806, Pettigrew Papers.
60 Ebenezer Pettigrew Notice, June 10, 1805; Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew,
June 9, 1805, Pettigrew MSS.
61 John Popelston, to Ebenezer Pettigrew, April 30, 1807, Pettigrew MSS.
82 Invoice Captain Barnaby Etheridge, 1807, Pettigrew Papers.
63 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, November, 1806; Samuel Patrick to Messrs.
Charles Pettigrew & Son, December 2, 1806, Pettigrew MSS.
408 The North Carolina Historical Review
charges for loading and unloading and transshipping too high.
But Charles Pettigrew believed such income necessary and the
sale of timber products became an integral part of plantation
production.
Pettigrew's factors also bought and shipped to his plantation
all kinds of supplies. Just how much profit was made on such
orders is not certain for the purchase of the items for a detailed
order entailed much patience, footwork, and packaging. It is dif-
ficult to determine just what portion of the supplies sent to
Bonarva and Belgrade were for the Pettigrew family and slaves.
Most of the white labor employed by the Pettigrews and many
yeoman farmers of the region exchanged labor for such items
as salt, leather, cloth, cooking utensils, dishes, nails, spikes, and
similar articles. Thus it is not clear just who received such
an order as that from Kelly and Mollan in 1805. This order
was for "Linnen, Kersmuth, Blue Cloath, Buttons, silk vel-
vet vest shape, 66 yds. Linnen, calico, green plaid, Fine India
muslin, Blue Brd cloath, London cloath, paper pins 2 silk um-
brellas, ... 25 spools thread, 14% lb. lump sugar." 64 Regardless
of the eventual purchaser of such items, little difficulty was ex-
perienced in that phase of his factor relations.
Slave labor was not the only labor used on the Pettigrew
plantations. Charles Pettigrew operated after 1798 on a pattern
similiar to that of a manor lord but on a much smaller scale.
(It is possible that this more nearly approximates the average
in southern plantations than is generally pictured.) The Lake
Company superintendent, Thomas Trotter, seldom employed lo-
cal workmen for Josiah Collins' vertical commission house had
skilled carpenters, shipwrights, brick masons, and other artisans
for hire. These men, when needed, could work directly on the
Lake Company property which by 1800 seems to have become
in its entirety the property of Josiah Collins. Thus most of the
local artisans and laborers turned for employment to Charles
Pettigrew and he came, after the fashion of a feudal lord, to feel
responsible for their employment. Occasionally skilled artisans
such as John Colston of Edenton were brought over to build
machinehouses and install machines. But most of the work of
skilled or semi-skilled nature was done by local artisans. Josiah
M Kelly and Mollan Receipt, August 20, 1805, Pettigrew MSS.
Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 409
Phelps, Cleophus Wiley, Jeremiah Frazier, Dempsey Spruill,
and other craftsmen and farmer-craftsmen assisted Colston and
other engineer-artisans. In addition they sawed lumber, erected
out-buildings, and in general assisted on the plantation. Such in-
dividuals were necessary to the smooth operation of the two
plantations and the policy of using hired local semi-skilled
laborers was so successful that it was continued by his sons and
grandsons until the Civil War interrupted all plantation activi-
ties.
Negro slaves were the principal labor force on Charles Petti-
grew's Bonarva and Belgrade plantations. It is difficult to de-
termine exactly how many slaves Pettigrew owned at any given
interval. In 1791 he noted on the back of an envelope that he had
thirteen taxable Negroes. 05 In his will drawn in 1806 he left his
wife fourteen slaves and the remainder to Ebenezer. The best
available figure indicates that the remaining slaves numbered
twenty-five. 66
In his relations with his slaves Pettigrew was practical and at
the same time sympathetic. He paid them bonuses for superior
or extra work, rewarded them for good conduct with gifts, al-
lowed them free time to hunt, fish, relax, and work on their own
projects, and generally sought to be a good master. He was en-
tirely aware of the weaknesses of the system of slave labor and
sought to warn his sons :
To manage negroes without the exercise of too much passion, is
next to an impossibility, after our strongest endeavors to the con-
trary; I have found it so. . . . Let this consideration plead in
their favor, and at all time mitigate your resentments. They are
slaves for life. They are not stimulated to care and industry as
white people are, who labor for themselves. They do not feel
themselves interested in what they do, for arbitrary masters and
mistresses ; and their education is not such as can be expected to
inspire them with sentiments of honor and gratitude. . . , 67
Later he summed up his philosophy regarding slavery as fol-
lows : "It is a pity that agreeably to the nature of things, Slavery
& tyranny must go together — and that there is no such thing as
65 Charles Pettigrew to , March 2, 1791, Pettigrew Papers.
"Will of Charles Pettigrew, 1806, Pettigrew MSS.
67 "Last Advice of the Reverend Charles Pettigrew to His Sons" (printed), 1797, Petti-
grew MSS.
410 The North Carolina Historical Review
having an obedient & useful Slave, without the painful exercise
of undue & tyrannical authority. I sincerely wish there was not
a Slave in the world." 68
Most of his slaves responded to his direction and care. Yet he
was never able to trust completely even his slave drivers. He
cautioned Ebenezer regarding the Negro driver, Fortune:
In regard to your wheat, I am affraid it is too much exposed to
the thievishness of the negroes. It is a very ready article of trade
& fortune has his mercantile correspondents, who are ready at
all times to receive him kindly. I observed the window at the
back of the machine is not safe — nor did I see any way to con-
fine down the Hatch, at either of the ends. Pray my Son be care-
ful, & put no dependence in their honesty, for be assured their
condition scarce admits of honesty, & they will improve oppor-
tunities of getting for themselves. 69
After Ebenezer Pettigrew assumed the active management
of Bonarva Plantation, his father frequently sent him jugs of
wine, brandy, and rum by Negro slaves. That he feared the
contents of the jugs would be sampled is established by the fol-
lowing note. "We have filled your jugg & tied a rag with 3 hard
nots upon a Rag over the cork that the negroes may not take
it." 70
Several of Charles Pettigrew's slaves ran away and invariably
they were the more important Negroes. Pettigrew wrote his
wife to have the first of the run-aways mentioned "put in the
Stocks & kept securely." 71 The next run-away mentioned was
Pompey, a much trusted and valuable slave driver, who was given
great freedom of movement. Charles Pettigrew described Pom-
pey's escape in a letter to Ebenezer:
Last Monday morning Pompey ran away, while the others came
to their Breakfasts, and we have not heard of him since. I am
affraid he has gone for Edenton, & perhaps intends trying to
get to a Brother whom Cambridge boasts of having a white wife
somewhere northwards. I wish you therefore, to have secret in-
quiry made, as it is probable he may meet with sucour a few
68 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigi-ew, May 19, 1802, Pettigrew MSS.
69 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, October 25, 1804, Pettigrew MSS. Fortune
was a driver and one of the slaves most frequently mentioned.
70 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew (undated), Pettigrew MSS.
71 Charles Pettigrew to Mary Pettigrew, 1795, Pettigrew MSS.
Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 411
Days from his father, if in Town. I am sorry, I had occassion to
take him to Town lately, as he had opportunity to hear of So
many getting off so easily from there. 72
Pompey's return was described in the same terse fashion :
Mr Pomp came in on Sunday afternoon, expecting I suppose that
it was Sunday, he would escape with impunity, & So he did, until
Monday morning, when I made George [another driver] give
him a civil check for his impudence, & the loss of Just a week's
work. The great affront was, I had made him wait upon us on
Sunday to church ; . . . Cambridge had not come in from his go-
ing to feed the Hoggs in the morning — on Monday, I began to
chide him for his behavior, on that Occasion, & he could not bear
reproof without giving me so much impuance as made me threat-
en him, on which he put off. I have sent him to the Lake, & in-
tend he Shall Stay there with fortune. 73
The escape of other slaves occasioned little comment. If the
Pettigrews grew excited about such events, they unemotionally
concealed their excitement. For example, in 1806 Ebenezer noted
in his memorandum book, '"Sept. 19 Charles [a negro driver]
ran away about 12 oclock" and on "october 6 Charles came in
after being out 17 days." 74 On occasion Charles Pettigrew sought
to forestall potential escapes by drastic action such as clapping
slaves in irons or having the slave drivers whip them. The prob-
lem of runaways, however, seldom complicated the operation of
his plantations.
Perhaps Charles Pettigrew's attitude toward his slaves may
have been colored by the fear of slave insurrection that was
widespread in certain sections of the South. Rumors of slave
uprisings often disturbed the well ordered routine of a planta-
tion and caused planters sleepless nights. Negro insurrections in
Haiti and Santo Domingo "thoroughly alarmed the whites, not
only of North Carolina, but of all the seaboard slave-holding
states." 75 In 1802 the rumors of local insurrection became fact.
Two Negroes were hanged for conspiracy in Camden County
on May 15 and a week later two were hanged in Currituck
County. The rumor reached Hertford County by June 1 and then
72 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, May 19, 1802, Pettigrew Papers.
73 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, May 22, 1803, Pettigrew MSS.
74 Memorandum Book, 1805, Pettigrew Papers.
75 Rosser Howard Taylor, "Slave Conspiracies in North Carolina," North Carolina His-
torical Review, V (1928), 21-26; Johnson, Ante-Bellum North Carolina, 510-521.
412 The North Carolina Historical Review
spread to Bertie and Martin counties. 76 The ensuing contagion of
fear spread into all the surrounding counties. In May, 1802,
Charles Pettigrew wrote: "We had heard of the negro plot. I
wish it may be properly Quelled — Linity will not do it — it will
make them worse." 77 A month later he reported:
We have had a rumpus in the upper end of this county with the
negroes — whether there are any of the conspirators among us
I know not — no Discovery had been made nor anyone implicated
that we hear of. I wish that when the [y] enter upon the Tryal of
the Edenton boys, The examiners would be very particular in
regard to the negroes at the Lake whether any of them have join-
ed for it is extraordinary if every other place abounds so with
conspirators & there should be none among us.
P. S. Mr. W. Trotter rec'd a Letter yesterday from Mr. Cator
at Washington informing him of fifteen being found guilty
there & 6 or 7 shot on the way to Williamston — / Suppose for
running. 78
After this date there is no mention of slave conspiracies or in-
surrections in his correspondence nor is there any evidence that
the threat of either or both ceased to worry him.
The work of the Pettigrew slaves was difficult and their tasks
were varied. Most of the Negroes worked in gangs under the
supervision of George, Charles, or Pompey. These gangs cleared
new ground, rolled logs into heaps, planted crops, hoed and
ploughed them, and harvested, threshed, and loaded the crops
on vessels. This labor of crop production was varied by such
tasks as clearing vines and underbrush along the lake shore and
canals, repairing ditches, building dikes, staking and filling in
the lake shore to prevent flooding of the plantations, riving
staves and shingles, and sawing trees. Such labor was monoto-
nous but bearable. The worst task from the standpoint of slave
health was that of cleaning the creek and canal. Pettigrew's
Bonarva Canal and all his ditches constantly filled with refuse
from his mills as well as from erosion. After the water level
was lowered by use of sluice gates, slaves entered the canal
with shovels and hoes and loaded the accumulated debris on
flats. This constant, wearisome, and unhealthy task made both
76 Johnson, Ante-Bellum North Carolina, 510-521.
77 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, May 19, 1802, Pettigrew MSS.
78 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, June 21, 1802 (italics mine), Pettigrew MSS.
Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 413
Charles and Ebenezer Pettigrew doubt the value of their agricul-
tural system.
Besides routine labor slaves were used on scores of other tasks,
all of them important in the effective operation of the planta-
tion. Glasgow was coachman 79 and houseman ; Philis was cook ; 80
George, Pompey, and Anthony were "drivers" or foremen, and
directed the work at Bonarva when neither master nor overseer
was present; 81 Cambridge was the herdsman for the hogs and
cattle ; 82 Frank was the assistant blacksmith ; 83 Lester and Pom-
pey were errand boys or messengers. 84 Women field hands hoed
rice and corn with the men during the routine of planting and
housing crops. Cloth was issued to them which they made into
clothes during the winter months. 85 Some of the women worked
in the house spinning flax into linen thread and cotton into yarn.
Several of the Negro women were excellent nurses and on one
occasion Charles Pettigrew risked, the life of one of the female
slaves by sending her to nurse neighbors "ill of a dreadfully
putrid fever ; So that those who either visitted or attended them
generally took it, until I was obliged to Send a negro wench to
nurse them." 86 All slaves both young and old, male and female,
had the task of keeping the hordes of tiny "ricebirds" and
pigeons from the rice fields. On one occasion Charles Pettigrew
wrote Ebenezer that "The Birds are as bad at the Lake as ever.
I have almost all our force there at present, to assist in replant-
ing, keeping out the Birds & going over the Corn with the Hoe
.... Anthony being out in the field keeping the Birds off the
rice." 87 The Pettigrews, both father and son, demanded that
slaves work efficiently and both supervised in person as many
of the tasks as they could.
Yet there were opportunities for the slaves to relax and to
perform labor more directly related to their own comfort. Rec-
ords reveal that the slaves hunted for 'possum and coon, sought
bee trees, fished along the canal and on the lake shore, had their
79 John and Ebenezer Pettigrew to Charles Pettigrew, April 12, 1796; John and Ebenezer
Pettigrew to Charles Pettigrew, February 23, 1797; Pettigrew MSS.
80 John and Ebenezer Pettigrew to Charles Pettigrew, October 3, 1795, Pettigrew MSS.
81 Charles Pettigrew to Mrs. Mary Pettigrew, October 1, 1795; Charles Pettigrew to Mrs.
Rebecca Tunstall, June 22, 1803, Pettigrew MSS.
82 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, May 22, 1803, Pettigrew MSS.
83 Charles and Ebenezer Pettigrew Manuscript Book [no date], Pettigrew MSS.
84 Correspondence, passim, 1796-1807, Pettigrew MSS.
85 Charles and Ebenezer Pettigrew Manuscript Book [no date], Pettigrew MSS.
86 Charles Pettigrew to Major Howell Tatum, September 12, 1803, Pettigrew MSS.
87 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, May 22, 1803, Pettigrew MSS.
414 The North Carolina Historical Review
individual garden plots, and were permitted to make shingles and
staves in the swamp on their own time. They sold or traded to
the plantation commissary beeswax, coon skins, rice, corn, flax,
wheat, shingles, staves, and fence rails. Undoubtedly Charles
Pettigrew engaged in these transactions for purposes of morale
rather than gain, for the policy of paying top Eden ton prices
for such items was standard. The Negroes who had relatives in
Edenton were allowed to visit their kinsmen occasionally, al-
though as a policy this practice was gradually discontinued. If
there was any widespread grumbling or discontent among the
slaves, neither father nor son recorded it.
On the Pettigrew plantation adequate food and shelter was pro-
vided for slaves. Fish, meats, rice, meal, and flour produced on
the plantations were slave staples. There were plenty of grapes
and nuts in the fall. 88 Illustrative of the most important item
in slave diet is this note from Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer:
"I shall send you three Barrels now of packed Herrings — one
whole fish, & the other two cut — and for present use, some, per-
haps 300 of smoke dried ... as it might be injurious to open one
of the Barrels so soon after packing." 89 Slave cabins may not
have been comfortable but they were repaired along with the
rest of the plantations buildings. Every effort was made to
insure the health of the slaves. The distance from physicians
forced Charles Pettigrew to become a "Quack" as he termed it
and frequently he exhausted himself fighting epidemics among
his slaves. Several of his slaves died from either pneumonia
or tuberculosis and others were victims of what he called "fever."
The worst fever year was 1799. He wrote Dr. Andrew Knox at
Nixonton, near what is now Elizabeth City:
We have had on this side the most mortal fever, ever known
Since the Settlement of the place (many fatalities) .... It Seems
however to spread, for one of our negroes has it. It is the slow
nervous fever, & in the advanced stage. ... I expended almost all
my Little Stock of physic on them, & did everything I could as a
Quack. . . . Cyder & Water, I think has as good an effect to raise
the pulse as either wine or french Brandy. ... It is happy for the
poor who can cheaply command it. 90
88 Charles Pettigrew to Dr. Andrew Knox, August 20, 1799, Pettigrew MSS.
89 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew [no date], Pettigrew MSS.
80 Charles' Pettigrew to Dr. Andrew Knox, August 20, 1799, Pettigrew MSS.
Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 415
All of his Negroes recovered from that epidemic but his son,
John, who caught the fever while on a visit to his home, died.
Like many southern planters Charles Pettigrew considered
the necessity of employing an overseer one of the worst features
of the plantation system. In his "Last advice to his Sons" he
expressed his opinion of overseers:
It will be necessary that you keep an overseer: and this will be
attended with so much expense that it will require you to be very
cautious .... This will make it necessary that you keep exact
accounts of profit and loss; also that you pay a close attention
to the man into whose hands you entrust the management of your
plantation affairs. Overseers are too generally very unfaithful in
the discharge of the trust reposed in them. . . . 91
All of his references to overseers indicate that this was a con-
sidered opinion. In 1790 he wrote: "Two heavy crosses I have,
are a poor crazy constitution and a miserable clump of an over-
seer, whom I have to oversee." 92 He expressed the following
opinion of the Collins' overseer: "Allen & Dickinson have a
Quarter of negroes below them on the Lake & an overseer, which
seems to be as much of a negro in principle as e'ra one of them." 93
In 1800 he wrote his friend Nathaniel Blount that he had taken
to riding to a plantation which :
... I have on a Lake about 9 miles off once & sometimes twice
a week, which I find greatly conducive to health. This I am under
the necessity of doing, from the fullest conviction that overseers
require little less oversight than their employers fidelity, there
is not so much Difference between white & black as our natural
partiality for the former would persuade us. 94
By 1803 he was completely convinced of the inadequacy of
overseers and expressed this opinion: "We have no Overseer,
choosing rather to oversee the negroes, than an Overseer & them
to, without which Employers generally go to leeward. The ne-
groes at the Lake plantation have commonly done better by
themselves with a little direction than with such Overseers, as
we have had." 95
91 "Last Advice of the Reverend Charles Pettigrew to His Sons," 1797 (printed), Petti-
grew MSS.
92 Charles Pettigrew to Nathaniel Blount, June 16, 1790, Pettigrew MSS.
63 Charles Pettigrew to Mrs. Mary Pettigrew, October 1, 1795, Pettigrew MSS.
94 Charles Pettigrew to Nathaniel Blount, May, 1802, Pettigrew Papers.
95 Charles Pettigrew to Mrs. Rebecca Tunstall, June 22, 1803, Pettigrew MSS.
416 The North Carolina Historical Review
In his effort to become self-sufficient, Charles Pettigrew
placed all kinds of livestock on his plantations. Horses were
unable to give effective work in the hot, damp climate and
Ebenezer was cautioned not to "distress" them. 96 It was neces-
sary, however, that horses be kept for riding and for travel
by chair. Virtually all of the heavy hauling was done by ox teams.
Care had to be exercised with oxen. Charles warned Ebenezer:
... as you intend to plough the Oxen, be very cautious in respect
of the heat of the Day, as they are easily killed, & now the sun
shines intensely hot — you had better have them ploughed only
Early in the morning & late in the afternoon, as you are Sensible
how careless the negroes are. 97
Sheep were kept for wool and for food. Hogs in great numbers
ranged the woods until fall when they were penned and fattened.
Charles Pettigrew warned Ebenezer that if a change should take
place with regard to slavery, it would be better to "have fewer
hogs, that much corn may not be necessary." 98 The plantation
was well supplied with all kinds of domestic fowl as well as game
and fish. In the winter season at least one of the slaves hunted
to provide game for the table.
The Pettigrews planted a variety of vegetables and fruits.
Lake Phelps originally was known as "Scuppernong" and "grape
time" 99 at "Lake Scuppernong" was famous throughout the Eden-
ton region. Minor crops such as flax, oats, barley, rye, and peas
also played a role on the plantation. Salt, spices, and condiments
were purchased but most of the other foodstuffs were produced
on the plantation. From the mills wheat flour was obtained, rice
was plentiful, wine from the indigenous scuppernong was re-
nowned, and cider was made at the press. Certainly there was
no shortage of food or drink for either the Pettigrews or their
slaves.
On the third of November, 1803, Ebenezer Pettigrew returned
from the Edenton Academy and assumed direction of Bonarva
Plantation. 100 Charles Pettigrew retired to what he termed the
"mannor" plantation, Belgrade. From Belgrade he instructed
96 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, October 25, 1804, Pettigrew MSS.
97 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, August 7, 1804 (1801?); Charles Pettigrew
to Ebenezer Pettigrew [no date], Pettigrew MSS.
08 "Last Advice of the Reverend Charles Pettigrew to His Sons" (printed), 1797, Petti-
grew MSS.
wn Charles Pettigrew to Dr. Andrew Knox, August 20, 1799, Pettigrew MSS.
100 Manuscript of William Shepard Pettigrew, Pettigrew MSS.
Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 417
Ebenezer to the details of plantation management by the use of
notes carried by messenger. Both plantations were so well in-
tegrated that the labor force was interchangeable. Hence, while
the bulk of the machinery was located at Bonarva, the Belgrade
products were "flatted" to the machinery and processed. An im-
portant feature of the plantation system of Charles Pettigrew
was the fact that he sought to use machinery wherever possible.
By 1807 he had at his Bonarva Plantation a sawmill, grist mill,
rice-threshing machine, rice-husking machine, grain separator,
wheat-threshing machine, and hydraulic ram. These rendered his
plantations more efficient and allowed greater mobility of his
labor supply.
When Charles Pettigrew died on April 8, 1807, he left his
lands to his wife, Mary Lockhart Pettigrew, and to his son,
Ebenezer Pettigrew. To his wife he left "the full possession of
my house and mannor plantation [Belgrade] together with every
other house & convenience thereto belonging or in any wise ap-
pertaining." She was to have the continued and uninterrupted
use of this plantation throughout her life. He also left her the
stored meat and grain as well as all his stock of cattle, two-thirds
of his hogs, one-half his sheep, three horses, Fox, Peacock, and
Fancy and a horse cart, a riding chair, and a yoke of oxen.
He left her fourteen Negroes, "Namely: Thelma, Philis, Edith,
Jack, Pompey, Charles, Cambridge, Cloe, Airy, Claressa, Judith,
Gillsy, Lewis & Lucy." To Ebenezer he left "the plantation &
Houses which he is now in possession of, on the Lake, Known by
the name of Bonarva, all my land in Mall Creek, the Land &
plantation which I bought of Joseph Alexander, the mannor
plantation & the the lands, thereto belonging . . . also my lands in
the State of Tennessee," and all the remaining property not left
to his wife. In his will Charles Pettigrew made provision for
arbitrating any difficulty between his wife and his son. 101
By hard work and careful management Charles Pettigrew
founded an efficient plantation system. He was possessed of a
tremendous land hunger and he constantly added all the adjoin-
ing lands that he could purchase. He also acquired lands by both
his marriages. Thirty years after the death of Charles Pettigrew,
Edmund Ruffin, the famous agricultural reformer, visited the
101 Will of Charles Pettigrew, 1806, Pettigrew MSS.
418 The North Carolina Historical Review
two plantations, Belgrade and Bonarva, then under the direction
of Ebenezer Pettigrew. His judgement of the life work of Charles
Pettigrew is the appraisal of a careful observer. "Mr. Pettigrew,
the elder commenced his labors . . . under all the disadvantages
of his neighboring proprietor, and with the great additional ones
of very limited capital and a small and weak laboring force.
Under such circumstances, the extent and value of his drainage,
clearing and cultivated land and other improvements, are won-
derful." 102 The plantation system Charles Pettigrew established
was to survive successive economic disasters until the Civil War
destroyed the labor supply.
102 Ruffin, "Jottings Down," VII, 729.
ACADEMIC REQUIREMENTS OF SALEM COLLEGE,
1854-1909*
By Ivy May Hixson
By the middle of the nineteenth century the population sur-
rounding the Salem Female Academy no longer made widespread
use of the German language, and business transactions as well
as social intercourse with neighboring peoples began to be wholly
in English. In the year 1854 the church and town of Salem for-
mally adopted the English language, and all records were thence-
forth written in English. 1 In the summer of the same year,
Blum and Son, printers of Salem, published a twelve-page pam-
phlet, the first formal catalogue of Salem Female Academy,
though not the first publication of the institution. 2
The young lady who wished to register in the Salem Female
Academy was required to make application and to pay an en-
trance fee of five dollars, but no academic qualifications de-
termined her admission. As a member of the student group she
was known as a scholar, and scholars were admitted whenever
vacancies occured, with the vacancy held only long enough to
allow time for the trip to Salem. The first catalogue (1854) con-
tained a register of 329 scholars, representing 11 states and in-
cluding 52 day scholars, a faculty of 29, three trustees, a secre-
tary, and the principal, Robert de Schweinitz, who served from
1853 to 1865.
The academic regulations both for the resident scholar and for
the day scholar seemed to remain stable throughout the years in
which deSchweinitz and his successor, M. E. Grunert (1865-
1877), served as principals. Each scholar was placed in a study
according to the proficiency which she could demonstrate, and
in each study separately she advanced as fast as her own efforts
* It is the purpose of this paper to show the changes in the academic requirements of
Salem College within the period 1854-1909. The formal college catalogues, which began in the
year 1854, have provided factual accounts of academic practices and also regulations devised
and then revised in the interest of improving the academic standards of the college. For the
years after 1878 the issues of The Academy, a monthly publication of the student body, have
provided amplification and clarification of the factual statements of the catalogues. Additional
source material has included the historical accounts of the Moravians, of Wachovia, and of
the Salem Female Academy as recounted by Adelaide L. Fries, J. H. Clewell, L. T. Reichel,
and others.
1 L. T. Reichel, The Moravians in North Carolina (Salem, N. C, 1857), 112.
2 In the years 1806 and 1840, and even in other years, various circulars in English were
printed and distributed in answer to letters requesting information concerning the institution.
[419]
420 The North Carolina Historical Review
would allow. Such an academic policy offered individual possi-
bilities for work that might have been classified as either pre-
paratory work or college work. Only in elementary English was
the scholar held to continual training, regardless of any pro-
ficiency she might demonstrate. In addition to the regular studies
covered by the charge for tuition, each young lady generally
added language, music, or ornamental needlework. The variety
of subjects was designed, as stated in the catalogue, "to fit the
scholar, by the best training, for the sober duties and the solid
realities of life." In each of the years of the administration of
de Shweinitz and of Grunert, the faculty was constantly in-
creased as the number of scholars increased, and as early as
1859 a second "gentleman member" had been added to the teach-
ing staff.
The day scholars, though carefully distinguished in the early
catalogues, were not so distinctly marked in reality. Before the
building of Main Hall 3 they were not regularly included in the
student body. They had their own rooms in charge of special
teachers, and while joining with the resident scholars in most
of their studies, they were instructed separately in writing and
in sewing. 4 The resident scholars were likewise under the care
of special teachers, and although the principal and his wife were
regarded as the parents of the entire group of girls, resident
tutoresses supervised the studies and the morals of the resident
scholars who were divided into "room companies" numbering
twenty or twenty-two girls of approximately the same age.
In spite of war and postwar problems, the legislature of North
Carolina gave careful consideration to the rights and privileges
of the well-known and seemingly prosperous educational institu-
tion of Salem. On February 3, 1866, the Salem Female Academy
was incorporated as a college. The charter stated that "the facul-
ty of said school, that is to say, the President and Professors and
Teachers, by and with the consent of the Trustees, shall have the
power of conferring all such degrees or marks of literary dis-
tinction, or diplomas, as are usually conferred in colleges and
seminaries of learning." 5 It was not until 1878 that the catalogue
indicated that the institution had received the charter of 1866.
3 Main Hall, first occupied in 1856, contained classrooms, dormitory rooms, an infirmary,
and storage rooms.
* Adelaide L. Fries, Historical Sketch of Salem Female Academy (Salem N. C, 1902), 20.
6 Catalogue of the Salem Female Academy, 1878-1879, 20.
Academic Requirements of Salem College 421
Twenty years later the catalogue was printed as the Catalogue
of Salem Academy and College, but it was January 15, 1907,
before the General Assembly of North Carolina changed the
name of the Salem Female Academy to that of the Salem Academy
and College.
The academic practices of the school continued until 1878 to
follow the principles stated in the early catalogues. The three
principles of discipline continued to be described as system, regu-
larity, and punctuality. In 1871 the catalogue had listed, for the
first time, the textbooks used, and had indicated the general
curriculum. The textbook list was as follows:
History — Quackenbos — Primary United States
Geography — Mitchell — Primary Geography; and Atlas
Astronomy — Smith and Kiddle — Astronomy
Mathematics — Davies — Course in Mathematics
Latin — Bingham — Latin Grammar; Caesar; Vergil; Horace
French — Pujol and Van Norman Class Book; Le Conscrit de
1813; Trois Mois sous la Neige
German — Worman
Botany — Gray
Philosophy — Comstock; Steele; Watt's On the Mind
Geology — Steele
Mythology — Dwight
Criticism — Karnes Elements
In the year 1877, J. T. Zorn became the new principal, and
the first year of his seven-year period of service saw sweeping
changes, evidently designed to raise the academic standards of
the institution. In all probability such changes were planned in
a previous year but no earlier catalogue gave any evidence of
such revision. Apparently, the school had been criticised as to its
aim, or for its social aspects, for the catalogue of 1877-1878
stated that "the reputation and character of a fashionable or
finishing school are designedly avoided." The catalogue restated
its aim "as an institution of Christian usefulness, with its gov-
ernment, domestic arrangements, and routine life resembling
those of the family, and designed in fact to compensate the pupils
for their loss of home."
In order to carry out these new or re-stated aims, definite
plans were formulated to separate the preparatory work and the
422 The North Carolina Historical Review
college work, and to raise the standards of each. The college
curriculum was given in The Advanced Course, and the prepara-
tory work was arranged for lower classes and for higher classes.
The lower classes were required to study reading, writing, arith-
metic, dictation, spelling, history, and geography. For the higher
classes, there were the added courses of algebra, geometry, as-
tronomy, physiology, botany, elementary Latin and elementary
French. Candidates for the Advanced Course, instituted in 1877-
1878, were selected by the faculty and the course was designed
"to meet the rudiments, at least, of a classical or collegiate edu-
cation," with the aim of preparing students in the most thorough
manner for the higher college courses. The nine students selected
were given the course of study prescribed in the "Preliminary
Examinations for Women" held annually by Harvard University,
under the auspices of the "Woman's Education Association."
This course of study included the following: English (composi-
tion, history of the English language, literature, and critical
study of the English classics) ; elementary botany or physics;
algebra; geometry; history; and German, Latin, or Greek. A
special eight-page circular was issued by Principal Zorn to de-
scribe the new scholastic system or curriculum, and to list the
new textbooks.
The method of instruction for the revised courses of study was
carefully and pointedly described:
The method is patient and laborious, and hence likely to be thor-
ough. When practicable, no textbooks are used, the teacher lec-
turing and the scholars taking notes of their own. Intelligent
recitations are insisted on, and scholars are required to look up
information for themselves and to present it in writing. 6
In order to carry out this method, classes were limited to fifteen
scholars; and printed reports were issued indicating attainment
not only in studies but in conduct and habits. What reaction the
student body showed to the new academic requirements is not
indicated in the catalogue, but perhaps the members of the Ad-
vanced Course were somewhat compensated by the separate room
assigned to them — "a room with rug and rocking chairs, making
them the envy of those who had to be content with stained floors
and straight-back chairs." 7
6 Catalogue of the Salem Female Academy, 1878-1879, 13.
7 The Academy, vol. I, no. 5 (September, 1878), 20.
Academic Requirements of Salem College 423
At the close of the year 1877-1878, certificates of graduation
were presented on June 20 to six students who had passed the
required examinations of the Advanced Course. In succeeding
years, high standards were apparently maintained in the ex-
panding curriculum of what may be most accurately described
as a junior college program. 8 Certainly we are safe in assuming
that the standard of work prior to the clear-cut separation of
preparatory and college curricula was superior to the standards
of the existing preparatory schools, and therefore deserving of
recognition on the college level. The incorporation of the school
in 1866 as a college provided legal recognition that college stand-
ards had been achieved. And since the academic policy prior to
1866 was to advance each scholar as fast as her own efforts
would allow, it is difficult to prove the existence or non-exist-
ence of work on the college level in the early years of the Salem
Female Academy. The quality of the student body and its indi-
vidual scholars as well as the teaching abilities of the individual
faculty members were the real determinants of the academic
standards and of any valid distinction between preparatory and
college curricula.
After its first year the Advanced Course was open only to those
students who fulfilled such standards of achievement as were
prescribed by the faculty. The catalogue of 1878-1879 indicates
that admission was granted to those who could read English
prose "fluently and intelligently, with articulation and emphasis ;
who were versed in Arithmetic, including vulgar and decimal
fractions, denominate numbers and interest; and who had com-
pleted Geography, History of the United States and of England,
Algebra through simple equations, and plane geometry." The
catalogue further stated that the standards were high and that
no one would be advanced to a higher grade if for any reason she
was incapable of maintaining the standards or of doing meritor-
ius work. Until 1885 the students enrolled in the Advanced
Course were classified as juniors 9 and as seniors, while the Pre-
paratory School classified its students as the second class, third
class, fourth class, and fifth class. 10
8 The North Carolina State Department of Public Instruction evaluates graduation from
Salem College prior to 1910 as equivalent to two years of college work or sixty semester hours.
9 The juniors were also described as members of the first class.
10 The fourth class and the fifth class represented the lower classes while the second class
and the third class were the higher classes of the Preparatory School.
424 The North Carolina Historical Review
In the year 1879-1880 the Music Department, which had been
gradually evolving, was formally established, and a course of
"Systematic Musical Study in Pianoforte Playing and Vocal Cul-
ture" took its place beside the Advanced Course. The program
of work for the new course was arranged to cover two or three
years, depending upon the proficiency of the student. On June
16, 1881, diplomas were awarded to five graduates of the Music
Department: two in piano playing, and three in cultivation of
the voice. In the following year there was further expansion of
the general curriculum as the Drawing and Needlework De-
partment effected a reorganization and offered work in painting,
drawing, and decorative needlework. To the college curriculum
were added courses in bookkeeping, and in elementary political
and social economy; and Latin, French, and German began to
be included as optional subjects among the courses covered by
the general tuition charge, though this privilege was granted
only to members of the junior and senior classes.
By 1884 the Salem Female Academy seemed well established
as an institution of high academic standing. Its graduates of the
Advanced Course numbered seventeen, and to those who wished
to "extend the studies" of the Advanced Course, a Post Graduate
Course was made available in "Mathematical, Linguistic and
Natural Scientific" branches. Study parlors were set up for the
young scholars, and the catalogue described the school as thor-
oughly progressive, yet without superficiality and pretense. Re-
ligious instruction, scrupulously unsectarian, continued to be
provided; domestic arrangements were directed by the wife of
the principal, and the pattern of home life continued to be the
pattern for school life. The Salem Female Academy in 1880 ad-
vertised itself in the following way: "A notably pleasant and
safe home and high class school for girls and young women.
Government and discipline kindly but firm. Painstaking instruc-
tion. No social distractions. Six resident lady teachers constantly
in charge. Fourteen instructors. Number of studies carefully
limited. Systematic Physical culture. Exceptional advantages in
music." In the year 1884, the last year of his administration,
Zorn added to the advertisement the single line: "Great care is
taken that scholars may not be overworked."
Academic Requirements of Salem College 425
The administration of President Edward Rondthaler, from
1884 to 1888, was responsible for the expansion of the curriculum
and the provision for training in specialized fields. In 1885 the
Commercial Department was established, with courses offered in
phonography, telegraphy, and bookkeeping. Typewriting was
added in 1886, and in 1888 five girls were actively engaged in
commercial work. In the Art Department special training was
offered in brass respousse, and to the Music Department guitar
was added in 1886 and violin in 1887. In 1884 the Modern Langu-
age Department began the second year of its existence with
seventeen private scholars in French and six in German, and in
1887 the Linguistic Department came into existence, with Latin
and Greek as additional offerings.
The Advanced Course of Salem Academy and College was re-
named the Academic Course, and in 1885 its work was expanded
to include three years, the junior class, the middle class, and the
senior class. Students were allowed to enter the junior and mid-
dle classes but the senior class could not be entered unless the
previous year had been spent at the Academy. Parents were
earnestly requested not to ask deviations from the regular course,
and they were told that in nine-tenths of such cases the devia-
tion worked to the detriment of the pupil. The Post Graduate
Course was "placed at as high a standard as the educational con-
dition of the South would admit," but the details of the course
were not given in the catalogue and no time was specified for
its completion. In 1886-1887 the Academic Course was again
expanded and the new four-year program included senior, senior
middle, junior middle, and junior students. Further evidence of
the emphasis placed on academic details was found in the new
list of textbooks adopted in 1887-1888, which included Gilder-
sleeve's New Latin Primer ; Wentworth's Algebra, Geometry and
Trigonometry; Maury's Physical Geography; and Thalheimer's
General History. Not only the textbooks but also other details
of the academic and social life of the institution were developing
a twentieth-century flavor. In June, 1886, the Alumnae Associa-
tion was established, and in the course of the year 1887-1888 two
literary societies, the Euterpian and the Hesperian, were organ-
ized by the students.
426 The North Carolina Historical Review
In June, 1890, Dr. John H. Clewell 11 awarded, for the first time
in the history of the institution, the bachelor of arts degree. This
degree was conferred on seven students who had completed the
Post Graduate course in natural science, in literature, or in the
combination of these two fields of study. Since 1878 certificates
of graduation had been awarded to students who completed the
courses prescribed for the Advanced or Academic Course, but
after 1890 the catalogue stated that satisfactory post graduate
work was necessary for the bachelor of arts degree. This regula-
tion remained in the catalogue until 1901 but after 1890 only
fifteen students were listed as post graduate students, and usual-
ly only one or two were so enrolled in any one year. In 1901 the
regulation appeared to change ; and to the student who completed
successfully thirty semester hours of post graduate work, the
master of arts degree was offered. After 1907 there was no
further mention of this degree, and the catalogues list no actual
recipients of an earned M.A. degree. 12 But there are other points
of confusion in the story of degrees that could be earned. In
1901 the catalogue listed uniform requirements for the freshman
and sophomore years as follows : Latin, mathematics, literature,
and science, with lectures and chorus singing as additional ac-
tivities. In the junior and senior years the student was required
to direct her course of study toward the B.A., the B.L., or the
B.S. degree. The B.A. required advanced work in mathematics,
science, language, and literature; the B.L. required advanced
work in mathematics, language, and literature ; and the B.S. re-
quired advanced work in science, language or mathematics, and
literature.
In the following year the requirements for the B.L. and the
B.S. became identical, with courses required in mathematics,
science, and literature. The catalogue in 1903 stated that a
thesis or essay from 1,000 to 2,000 words in length was required
for the B.A., and that a thesis or essay from 3,000 to 4,000 words
in length was required for the B.L. Since no mention was made
of the B.S. it may be safely assumed that it disappeared after
11 Dr. Clewell became president in 1888 and served until 1909. The 21 years of his ad-
ministration witnessed the development of what may be described as the modern academic
and social program of the standard, accredited college. The trend of enrollment in Salem
Academy and College foreshadowed the separation of the Academy or Preparatory School
and the College. At the same time precedent was established for special students, particularly
in music, who would study without working for college credit.
12 In the year 1916 honorary M.A. degrees were awarded to two alumnae.
Academic Requirements of Salem College 427
a two-year existence until it was restored in 1918. In time those
who received certificates of graduation upon the completion of
the Academic Course came to think of such awards as equivalent
to degrees — and perhaps rightly so since they were based on
four years of college work, representing the equivalent of the
college degree program of similar institutions. No permanent
records, i.e. certified academic records, exist prior to the aca-
demic year 1903-1904, and consequently there is no record of
the recipients of B.L. or B.S. degrees as distinguished from the
B.A. degree. Fortunately, the lack of optional subjects in those
earlier years has made it relatively easy for a course of study
to be determined for the majority of individuals whose names
appear in the catalogue.
Except for the confusion resulting from the post graduate
plans and from the various proposals for degrees, the academic
changes of Dr. Clewell's administration were, on the whole, rep-
resentative of a sound expansion designed, seemingly, to meet
the desires if not the needs of a growing student body. The In-
dustrial Department was organized in 1889-1890 and offered
courses in educational sewing, 13 cooking, and later woodcarving
and home nursing. In 1892-1893 the Elocution Department came
into existence, and ten years later this department incorporated
Physical Culture and Mental Technique and Reading. In 1897-
1898 the curriculum of the music department was expanded by
the addition of mandolin and banjo playing, harmony, and the
history of music. 14 In 1902-1903 the Natural Science Department
was created.
General academic practices, described under the heading of
the school plan, give the picture of the growth and development
of the institution under President Clewell. In 1890 the schedule,
made in a novel way, preserved the record of faculty teaching
loads. Names of the instructors and also the names of the studies
were printed on strips of paper, and these in turn were pasted
on blocks of wood. "In case of a needed change the block was not
easily misplaced and hence the mortification of losing studies
and teacher's names was not so easily experienced/' 15 In the year
1890-1891 the school adopted a policy of purchasing textbooks
13 Educational sewing included plain and fancy stitches, embroidery, and dressmaking,
i* From the diploma in music was evolved the B.M. degree, which was first awarded in
June, 1926.
15 27ie Academy, vol. XII, no. 108 (September, 1890), 531.
428 The North Carolina Historical Review
from students at the end of the year — provided the books were
not greatly damaged. In this same year the alumnae began its
Scholarship Fund in order to aid students who had financial dif-
ficulties. In 1900-1901 the school advertised the use of the Ber-
litz or natural method of teaching French, and it also boasted a
French table for its boarding students. In 1902-1903 the new
"quiz plan" was adopted with the result that each month an
hour quiz was given in each subject. From time to time a series
of teachers' conferences was held, including two or three meet-
ings weekly, with the study of educational theories as the gen-
eral program topic. There is also evidence that much time was
devoted to such student problems as absences, for The Academy 1 ®
stated that "requests for excuses from studies promise to bring
the most pernicious results." Again there was the problem of
required physical culture, for in 1899-1900 the following state-
ment was given in the catalogue: "Experience has abundantly
shown that those who are most averse to physical exercise are
precisely those who need it most. It is obviously out of the
question that mere caprice should dictate in a matter so very
important and yet so little understood."
In a constant effort to maintain or improve academic stand-
ards, the faculty of Salem Academy and College was urged to
devise new procedures or to investigate and keep in touch with
the academic practices of other institutions. A number of faculty
members were taken in 1901 to the New York Chatauqua where
a careful study was made of the best methods to be used in
various departments; other faculty members were sent to sum-
mer schools or awarded scholarships to be used for leaves of
absence. In the year 1906 the month of July was devoted to a
conference of faculty members who remained on the campus in 
TVNews
OpenLibrary